Nebraska History posts materials online for your personal use. Please remember that the contents of Nebraska History are copyrighted by the Nebraska State Historical Society (except for materials credited to other institutions). The NSHS retains its copyrights even to materials it posts on the web.

For permission to re-use materials or for photo ordering information, please see: http://www.nebraskahistory.org/magazine/permission.htm

Nebraska State Historical Society members receive four issues of Nebraska History and four issues of Nebraska History News annually. For membership information, see: http://nebraskahistory.org/admin/members/index.htm

Article Title: Secretary of State William Jennings Bryan

Full Citation: Kendrick A Clements, “Secretary of State William Jennings Bryan,” Nebraska History 77 (1996): 167-176

URL of article: http://www.nebraskahistory.org/publish/publicat/history/full-text/NH1996Bryan_SecState.pdf Date: 4/23/2013

Article Summary: Bryan’s foreign policy alternated between rash interventionism and timid isolationism. He proved to be too idealistic to serve successfully as secretary of state in a time of revolution and world war.

Cataloging Information:

Names: William Jennings Bryan, Woodrow Wilson, William McKinley, William Howard Taft, Edward M House, Roger Farnham

Place Names: Philippines, Panama Canal, Dominican Republic, Haiti, Mexico, China, Japan

Keywords: William Jennings Bryan, Woodrow Wilson, tariffs, income tax, Federal Reserve, Clayton Antitrust Act, Federal Trade Commission, Edward M House, treaties, German submarine warfare, League of Nations

Photographs / Images: Bryan at his desk in the State Department, 1913; President Wilson and his cabinet, 1913; Bryan confirming ratification of the Seventeenth Amendment (direct election of US senators); paperweights that Bryan had had made out of old swords

By Kendrick A. Clements

William Jennings Bryan looked as little like a secretary of state as anyone who has ever occupied the office. His baggy, countrified clothes were always rumpled, his hair a long, untidy fringe around his bald dome. His pockets were stuffed with official dispatches, letters and memoranda scribbled on the backs of old envelopes, and with radishes, his favorite snack. He preached economy, but sometimes signed vouchers for large sums without being sure what he was authorizing and went unprepared to tes­ tify before congressional appropriations committees. American diplomats over­ seas complained that he often ignored their dispatches. Informal and gregari­ ous, the secretary preferred farmers to foreign dignitaries. Each summer he left Washington to deliver inspirational speeches before rural audiences who gathered by thousands to hear his roIl­ Bryan at his desk in the state department, 1913. NSHS-B915-49x ing baritone voice. To urban critics, his appearances on those Chautauqua order to have him "in Washington and might well have said the same thing. stages, along with magicians, comedi­ in harmony with the administration Moreover, Wilson's adherence to re­ ans and ventriloquists, were proof that rather than outside and possibly in a forms that Bryan had long championed he was unfit to be secretary of state . critical attitude."2 and Bryan's loyal support of the When he refused to serve wine at offi­ Bryan's influence on Wilson adminis­ president's domestic policy drew them cial functions, many people derided his tration policy resulted from his personal together. Had they not disagreed in 1915 "grape juice diplomacy."l relationship with the president. Al­ over the proper response to German That Woodrow Wilson chose such a though Wilson had earlier opposed submarine warfare, Bryan might well seemingly inappropriate person to be Bryan politically, and the two had have served eight years in the cabinet secretary of state was, of course, a result hardly met before 1912, their agreement rather than a little more than two. A few of time-honored tradition. Bryan was ap­ that Christian principles ought to guide days after Bryan's resignation , Wilson pointed because he was the most foreign policy gave them common told a friend that the secretary had al­ prominent figure in the Democratic ground upon which to stand while they ways been "singularly loyal."4 Party, and Wilson asked him to serve in discovered that they liked each other. Aside from two terms in Congress in "My father ... ," Bryan recalled, "saw no the 1890s, Bryan's period as secretary of Kendrick A. Clements is professor ofhistory at necessary conflict-and I have never state was the only public office ever th e University of South Carolina. He is the author of William Jennings Bryan, Missionary been able to see any- between the held by the man who exercised a domi­ Isolationist (J 982) and The Presidency of principles of our government and the nant influence over American politics in Woodrow Wilson (J 992) principles of Christian faith ."3 Wilson the early twentieth century. Born in Sa­

167 Nebraska History - Fall/Winter 1996 lem, Illinois, on March 19, 1860, Bryan two silverite senators, may have contrib­ ready being laid for a great international was the son of strongly religious parents uted to the narrow margin by which exposition to be held in 1914 to cel­ who taught him that God expected the treaty was approved. Renominated ebrate the opening of the Panama Canal Christians to serve Him by serving their for the presidency in 1900, Bryan tried and a century of peace in Europe. To fellow men. After completing college to combine the old and new by oppos­ the Commoner the moment seemed op­ and law school in 1883, Bryan married ing both the gold standard and imperial­ portune to bring to fruition his dreams and moved to Lincoln, Nebraska, where ism. Americans, prosperous and self­ both of domestic reform and of interna­ he set out to put his convictions into confident, found his message negative tional peace. practice by entering politics. During two and outdated, and he was defeated by Bryan's first and probably greatest terms in the House, as a senatorial aspir­ McKinley more soundly than in 1896. value to the Wilson administration was ant in 1894, and in 1896 as a presiden­ In the long run, even imperialists like in the domestic sphere. A longtime ad­ tial candidate, he defended farmers' val­ Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wil­ vocate of tariff reduction, he called the ues and expressed their conviction that son came to believe that taking the Phil­ president's speech asking for a substan­ their troubles were the result of urban ippines had been a mistake, but that tiallowering of duties "a great state pa­ influences over the tariff and the mon­ conversion was several years in the fu­ per" and also applauded the inclusion etary system. When he proclaimed to ture. Meanwhile, Bryan's influence in in the bill of a progressive income tax the Democratic convention in 1896, the national party diminished between authorized under the Sixteenth Amend­ "You shall not press down upon the 1900 and 1904, until Democrats realized ment to the Constitution. In the House a brow of labor this crown of thorns, you that they could not win the White House large Democratic majority assured easy shall not crucify mankind upon a cross with a conservative. After the defeat of passage of the Underwood tariff bill, but of gold," it was no accident that he used Alton Parker in 1904, it was clear that in the Senate Bryan's personal influence religious imagery.s He was defending a the country was in a reform mood, and with southern Democrats helped to way of life as well as advocating politi­ in 1908 the Democrats turned to Bryan maintain party discipline and assure the cal policies. for the third time. Now plumper and administration's success.s Nominated for the presidency in balder than in 1896 or 1900, he chal­ He played an even more crucial role 1896 by both the Democrats and the lenged William Howard Taft enthusiasti­ in the drafting of the Federal Reserve Populists, Bryan campaigned vigorously cally, but never found an effective cam­ Act, insisting that the government, not but was narrowly defeated by William paign issue, and the Ohioan, endorsed private bankers, must exercise ultimate McKinley. Declaring that the election by the popular Theodore Roosevelt, control and responsibility over the had been only "the first battle," the Ne­ rolled over him. banking system and the currency. His braskan vowed to renew the fight four Bryan's three electoral defeats never announcement that he supported the years later6 Before he could do so, how­ made him bitter or self-doubting. Issues, administration's bill "in all details" ever, the United States recovered from he believed, were more important than helped to arouse public demands for depression and plunged happily into a personal victories, and by 1912, when passage of the legislation and contrib­ "splendid little war" with Spain in 1898. he relinquished party leadership to uted significantly to its passage in De­ Together, prosperity and war trans­ Woodrow Wilson, he knew both parties cember 1913 9 formed the nation beyond anything had adopted ideas he had been among In regard to the third great element of Bryan had imagined in 1896 and made the first to support, and the Democrats, New Freedom reform legislation, control his old issues irrelevant. Opposed to the with majorities in both houses of Con­ of big business, Bryan played a quiet but war, Bryan nevertheless volunteered gress, had become "the party of reform." important part, supporting the passage loyally and served as a colonel in Some proposals he had championed, of the Clayton Antitrust Act which pro­ Nebraska's Third Regiment, a unit that such as the direct election of senators scribed certain anticompetitive corpo­ never saw battle. When the con flict and the income tax, had already been rate practices, urging the passage of an ended, he resigned his commission and enacted into law, and others would amendment to the act exempting orga­ raced to Washington to urge the Senate soon follow.7 Imperialism, which he had nized labor from antitrust actions, and to approve the treaty annexing the Phil­ denounced since 1898, was being ques­ also supporting Wilson's experiment ippines-not because he favored expan­ tioned in both parties, and his idea, first with administrative regulation of busi­ sion, but because he believed the offered in 1905, that the nations abolish ness in the creation of the Federal Trade United States should take the islands in war by agreeing to international investi­ Commission. 10 Although he was only order to liberate them and guide them gation of all disputes, was winning inter­ one of the reasons for the success of the toward self-government. His strange po­ national support. When Wilson offered administration, Bryan's role in domestic sition spread confusion among anti­ Bryan the appointment as secretary of affairs fully justified Wilson's decision to imperialists and, by influencing one or state in December 1912, plans were al­ appoint him to the cabinet.

168 Secretary of State Bryan

President Woodrow Wilson and his cabinet, 1913. From left Commerce William C. Redfield, Secretary of the Interior Franklin around table: Wilson, Secretary of the Treasury William G. 'K. Lane, Postmaster General Albert S. Burleson, Secretary of War McAdoo, Attorney General James C. McReynolds, Secretary of Lindley M. Garrison, and Secretary of State William Jennings the Navy Josephus Daniels, Secretary of Agriculture David F. Bryan. NSHS-B915-309 Houston, Secretary of Labor William B. Wilson, Secretary of

Bryan's principal foreign policy goals could shatter this benevolent arrogance. rules. Overseas, the eleven American were to create an international structure But if Bryan sought to reshape the ambassadors and thirty-two ministers of trust and order that would make war world, he was also a practical politician were largely chosen by the president; obsolete, to liquidate the vestiges of who had been a party leader for sixteen lesser diplomats and consuls were al­ American imperialism and to encourage years . Democrats all over the country most all under civil service. Although other nations to do likewise, and to es­ looked to him for the rewards of victory, Bryan was tireless in seeking jobs for his tablish international relations on a basis and he was eager to oblige. "I am glad supporters in his own and other depart­ of morality and integrity. I I These were to have the public know that I appreci­ ments, he had relatively few appoint­ ambitious hopes, and the outbreak of ate the services of those who work in ments at his command, and most of his World War I made them ludicrous, yet politics and feel an interest in seeing diplomatic appointees were about as in the atmosphere of 1913 they did not them rewarded," he said frankly and set competent as their Republican prede­ seem absurd to the members of the new out to find as many federal jobs as pos­ cessors. All had the virtue of being more administration or to outsiders. Western sible for "deserving Democrats." 12 The sympathetic to the new administration's society was permeated with confidence common notion of Bryan as a spoilsman policies than the old hands would have in material and moral progress, and determined to flood the State Depart­ been. His appointees did include a few Americans, bursting with the certainty ment with party hacks is, however, inac­ misfits and at least one whose incompe­ of adolescence, never doubted they curate. In 1913 the total staff of the de­ tence shaded toward outright crooked­ could reshape the world. As Woodrow partment in Washington numbered just ness, but on the whole, Democratic dip­ Wilson's League of Nations plan over two hundred and was mostly made lomats measured up reasonably well to showed, not even the shock of war up of clerks already under civil service the challenges of representing their

169 Nebraska History - Fall/Winter 1996

country amid war and revolution. 13 to the Senate and rejoiced when eight­ however, Wilson found that the British Often complicating Bryan's task and een were overwhelmingly approved on regarded it as a violation of the 1901 undermining state department morale August 13, 1914 (the Senate did not act Hay-Pauncefote Treaty, which promised were Wilson 's tendencies to direct for­ on treaties with Panama and the Do­ equality of treatment to all users. At a eign policy personally and to bypass the minican Republic). Twenty more na­ cabinet meeting in April 1913 the presi­ department by using special agents ap­ tions, including Britain, France, and dent said that he was sure the British po­ pointed from outside the diplomatic ser­ Russia, later signed treaties. 14After the sition was correct, but he agreed to de­ vice. The president had not studied for­ beginning of World War I, Bryan regret­ lay asking Congress for repeal of the law eign policy closely before entering of­ ted bitterly that no treaty had been until Bryan could study the matter. fice, but he had very clear ideas of what signed with Germany and urged the Since westerners hoped the canal he wanted to achieve, and he often took president to follow the investigation would provide low-cost competition for more personal interest in foreign issues principle anyway. Wilson's refusal to the transcontinental railroads, Bryan than in details of domestic administra­ submit what he considered issues of na­ found it difficult to back down from his tion. His best friend, Edward M. House, tional honor and morality to investiga­ public support of the exemption, but in fancied himself a shrewd and subtle tion contributed to the breach between April 1914 he announced his support for diplomat, and when crisis erupted in president and secretary of state and re­ Wilson's policy. The repeal bill passed Europe, Wilson often relied on House vealed the ultimate futility of Bryan's be­ in June 1914. 16 rather than Bryan. For the most part the loved treaties. None of them was ever The president usually gave Bryan a secretary accepted this situation with as­ used to settle a dispute. free hand in other matters having to do tonishing good humor, and his basic Although Wilson kept some policies with Latin America, including: the nego­ agreement with the president on prin­ in his own hands and Bryan pursued his tiation of his investigation treaties; the ciples enabled him to maintain a con­ peace program on his own, in many ar­ signing of a treaty with Colombia ex­ stant influence, but there were times eas the president and secretary collabo­ pressing regret for American involve­ when his policies were abruptly and rated. Latin American policy typified the ment in the 1903 rebellion of Panama embarrassingly reversed, or when normal relationship between the two (ratified years later in a diluted form); House was given some assignment the men. They concurred on broad goals, the negotiation of a Western Hemi­ secretary particularly wanted, such as a which were to free the region from Eu­ sphere nonaggression treaty (never peace mission to Europe in 1915. ropean domination, to promote the signed); and a scheme to reduce the At the outset, however, Bryan was peaceful settlement of conflicts, to en­ risk of European intervention in the re­ not much interested in conventional di­ large legitimate American trade and in­ gion by replacing private European plomacy. The moment was right, he be­ vestment opportunities, and to encour­ loans with loans made by the U.S. gov­ lieved, for America to seize the lead in age democracy and constitutionalism. ernment (ultimately rejected by Wil­ the international peace movement The two collaborated in drafting a press son) .17 All of these initiatives were be­ through the implementation of his novel release outlining these principles in nevolently intended, but none peace plan. In April 1913 he secured the March 1913, and Wilson reiterated them amounted to much, and all were over­ approval of the president and the cabi­ and renounced imperialism in a speech shadowed by other actions that, what­ net to pursue the plan and quickly at Mobile that autumn. Then the presi­ ever their intentions, are difficult to de­ drafted a model treaty providing that dent usually left the daily routine of rela­ fend on the basis of results. "all questions of whatever character and tions to Bryan, just as he entrusted the The besetting weakness of both nature" in dispute between signatories administration's programs to promote Wilson's and Bryan's approach to Latin would be "submitted for investigation foreign trade and investment to Secre­ America was paternalism. Confident and report to an international commis­ tary of the Treasury William G. McAdoo that the world's nations were evolving sion" and that "the contracting parties and Secretary of Commerce William C. toward constitutional democracy, and agree not to declare war or begin hostili­ Redfield. 15 aware that America had acquired vast ties until such investigation is made and The distance Bryan was willing to go new military and economic strength, report submitted." By the beginning of to assure harmonious relations with the they could not resist the temptation to July he had won approval in principle president was well exemplified by the push the evolutionary process. In of the plan from the Senate Foreign Re­ issue of tolls in the Panama Canal that Mexico, where Wilson interfered militar­ lations Committee, and over the next was to open in 1914. In 1912 Congress ily and politically, an indigenous revolu­ year he urged the idea tirelessly on ev­ exempted American coastwise shippers tionary movement with definite goals ery nation with which the United States from paying tolls in the canal, and the blunted the impact of American med­ had diplomatic relations. In July 1914 Democrats endorsed the exemption in dling, but elsewhere in the Caribbean he submitted twenty completed treaties their 1912 platform. After taking office, intervention produced more damage.

170 Secretary of State Bryan

ence" to impose political and economic order on Haiti.22 ,At the end of July, not long after Bryan left office, American Marines landed and imposed a military government that lasted almost twenty yea rs . Ironically, in his desire to promote democracy, Bryan ended up teaching lessons in military dictatorship.23 If Bryan showed remarkably few doubts about using force to teach de­ mocracy in the Caribbean nations, he was much more cautious about Ameri­ can intervention in Mexico. The Mexi­ can Revolution, beginning in 1911, was one of the great upheavals of the twenti­ eth century. Wilson exercised close per­ sonal control over American responses to the ensuing civil war, but the secre­ tary of state was never shy about offer­ As secretary of state, Bryan confirmed ratification of the Seventeenth Amendment ing advice on the subject. When demo­ to the Constitution providing for direct election of U.S. senators. NSHS-B915-376 cratic leaders of the revolution were The most striking examples of these Dominicans did not share his confi­ overthrown by a military coup, Bryan, problems were in the Dominican Re­ dence, and bitter conflicts between the like Wilson, was appalled and ap­ public and Haiti. Both countries were legislature and the president led to a plauded the president's refusal to recog­ heavily indebted to foreigners and po­ breakdown of order in 1915 and 1916. nize the dictator Victoriano Huerta. 24 In litically unstable. When this combina­ A year after Bryan left office American subsequent months, as the confusion in tion seemed likely to provoke foreign in­ troops landed and began an eight-year Mexico turned into civil war, the secre­ tervention, Theodore Roosevelt had military occupation of the nation. AI- tary counseled nonintervention, but in moved to impose an American customs though Bryan was not immediately re­ the spring of 1914 loyally supported the collectorship on the Dominican Repub­ sponsible for that event, his belief that president's decisions to lift an embargo lic in the hope that economic order the United States could and should orga­ on the sale of arms to the rebels and to would beget political stability. The hope nize the Dominicans' affairs for them led seize the port of Veracruz to cut off an proved futile, and by the time Wilson directly to intervention and occupation. 20 arms shipment to Huerta's forces. 25 He and Bryan entered office, both the 00­ Likewise, in dealing with Haiti, be­ was, however, delighted when full-scale , minican Republic and Haiti were sliding nevolent motives moved Bryan toward intervention was averted and thereafter " toward chaos. intervention. Hoping that Latin America consistently urged the president to ne­ In the Dominican Republic Bryan would be stabilized if its economic gotiate with whichever rebel leaders found a provisional president facing an problems were solved, the secretary lis­ seemed most likely to emerge on top of incipient revolt. Warning the rebels that tened sympathetically to arguments ad­ the civil conflict. By Christmas 1914 the United States felt "profound displea­ vanced by Roger Farnham, a New York Bryan hoped that a stable, democratic sure" at their "pernicious" activities, the banker with large interests in Haiti. government would be established in secretary secured a cease-fire by prom is­ Farnham insisted that American control Mexico without further American inter­ ing that the United States would super­ over the Haitian customs service would vention. Peace did not come during the vise elections to the Dominican con­ solve all problems and would avert spring of 1915 as the secretary had l gress. 18 The following year, 1914, the threatened intervention by Haiti's hoped, but at the time of his resignation , United States also supervised a presi­ French and German creditors. 21 By the in June he remained optimistic.26 There­ dential election, and Bryan believed time the outbreak of World War I in the after, although he publicly defended that all problems had been solved. "The summer of 1914 obviated the danger of Wilson's sending of the Pershing expedi­ election having been held and a Gov­ Franco-German intervention, the admin­ tion in pursuit of Pancho Villa in 1916, ernment chosen by the people having istration was committed to straightening Bryan did everything he could to influ­ been established," he instructed the out Haiti's affairs. In the spring of 1915, ence the administration to avoid war American minister, "no more revolu­ as revolution followed revolution, Bryan with Mexico.27 tions will be permitted."19 began to consider "forcible interfer­ Although Bryan may have counseled

171 Nebraska History - Fall/Winter 1996 restraint in dealing with Mexico, partly thereby to safeguard American eco­ clared war on Germany in order to take because he feared the probable cost of nomic interests while China's develop­ over German concessions in China, large scale intervention, he also had ment proceeded. Bryan and Wilson even though the British did not ask confidence that in the long run the revo­ viewed these multilateral projects as im­ them to enter the conflict. "When there lution would benefit the Mexican perialistic, however, and over the objec­ is a fire in a jeweller's shop," a Japanese people. Rebel leaders, he believed, tions of Republican experts in the state diplomat admitted frankly, "the genuinely had the people's interests at department, withdrew the United States neighbours cannot be expected to re­ heart, while American interventionists from the international loan consortium frain from helping themselves."34 represented only "a few men interested and extended unilateral diplomatic rec­ Bryan thought there was little the in ranches, and a few interested in ognition to the new Chinese Republic. United States could do about Japanese mines, who would use the blood of They hoped that in so doing they would aggression in China without taking un­ American soldiers to guarantee profits encourage others to follow the Ameri­ acceptable risks. When the Japanese on their investments ...."28 Just as the can lead and stimulate desirable ten­ sent the Chinese a set of twenty-one de­ administration saw itself as battling on dencies within China. 31 Instead, their mands that would have reduced Ch ina behalf of ordinary Americans against policy exposed American businessmen substantially to colonial status, Bryan the abuses of great corporations at to ruinous foreign competition·, while protested mildly on March 13, 1915, home, so it believe<;i that resistance to American influence on events within against Japanese actions, but added the corporate exploitation of other peoples China declined. 32 The situation wors­ damaging concession that "territorial was a basic duty of American foreign ened after the beginning of World War I, contiguity creates special relations be­ policy. because whatever moderating effect the tween Japan and these districts" of In addition to his influence on ad­ European nations had had on each Ch ina.35 Delighted, the Japanese seized ministration policy in the Caribbean, other and on Japan was then removed, upon the "territorial contiguity" phrase Bryan also played an important part in and the United States found itself facing to justify their actions. shaping its policy in Asia. His most no­ Japanese expansionism alone. By this time in the spring of 1915 table success was in persuading Wilson Bryan was espec ially worried about Bryan and Wilson were beginning to dis­ to promise independence to the Philip­ the Japanese threat in the spring of agree over several issues arising from pines. As it turned out, that was not diffi­ 1915, because he was keenly aware of the war, with Wilson steadily taking a cult, for the president, like many other how bad Japanese- American relations stronger, more assertive position than Americans, had come to believe that already were. Indeed, one of the first the secretary. Although in February Wil­ the islands were "part of the domain of problems to face him after he became son declared that "any direct advice to public conscience and of serviceable secretary of state was a crisis with Japan China or direct intervention on her be­ and en lightened statesmanship," and over California's efforts to ban land half ... would really do her more harm that holding them was dangerous be­ ownership by Asian aliens. The Japa­ than good," and he had approved the cause they were vulnerable in the event nese resented this discrimination bit­ March 13 note, he soon decided a more of war between the United States and terly, and there was a war scare in the vigorous stand was needed 36 "We shall Japan.29 Passage of the Jones Act offi­ spring of 1913. Bryan did everything in have to try in every practicable way to cially promising independence came af­ his power to defuse the issue, making a defend China," he told the secretary, ter Bryan left office, but soon after be­ trip to California to plead unsuccessfully and on May 3 Bryan loyally drafted a coming secretary he had the great satis­ with the legislature not to pass discrimi­ note protesting Japan's demands on faction of assuring the Filipinos that ev­ natory legislation, and spending endless China as violations of China's sover­ erything the administration did would hours with the Japanese ambassador eignty and infringements on American be directed, as the new governor an­ seeking a formula that might solve the treaty rights. 37 The note was sent to Ja­ nounced upon his arrival in Manila in problem. But the issue proved intrac­ pan on May 5, and on May 11 another October 1913, toward "the ultimate in­ table, largely because there was little American protest declared that the dependence of the islands."30 the federal government could do about United States would not "recognize any In regard to China, Bryan and Wilson a state law, and because Democratic agreement or undertaking" that violated shared a confidence prevalent among leaders were reluctant to interfere with American treaty rights, China's integrity, American Protestants that the Asian na­ a state's rights, especially on a racial or the Open Door policy 38 tion was becoming democratic and question 33 When World War I began , Thus at the time of Bryan's resigna­ Ch ristian. The Taft administration had therefore, relations between Japan and tion it appeared that the United States labored mightily to have the United the United States were already strained. might be headed for a confrontation States included in international devel­ The war rapidly worsened the situa­ with Japan as well as with Germany. opment schemes for China, seeking tion. Japan, an ally of Great Britain, de­ That possibility may have contributed to

172 Secretary of State Bryan

Bryan's decision to step down, but he need not have worried. Nothing came of the 1915 friction, except that when the United States entered the war in 1917 the Japanese immediately sought American recognition of their Chinese acquisitions. The administration con­ ceded as little as it could, but Wilson was forced to confront America's weak­ ness in Asia. At the end of the war he at­ tempted to revive the international loan consortium from which he had with­ drawn in 1913. Belatedly, he came to Bryan's opinion that American hopes of influence in Asia had to yield to the re­ alities of power.39 The issue that ultimately disrupted the harmony between Wilson and Bryan was the war in Europe. When it began in the summer of 1914, Wilson's wife was dying, and he willingly left the de­ tails of American neutrality to the secre­ tary. Prior to the beginning of the war Bryan had told a friend, "There will be In the summer ot 1914 Bryan had some old swords melted down and made into paper­ no war while I am Secretary of State," weights. He presented these souvenirs to diplomats with whom he worked on his "cool­ ing-off" treaties. In addition to the Biblical injunction, "They Shall Beat Their Swords Into and now he resolved to bend over back­ Plowshares," the paperweights included two ot Bryan's own epigrams: "Nothing is Final ward to avoid any American involve­ Between Friends," and "Diplomacy is the Art ot Keeping Cool." NSHS Museum Collec­ ment in the conflict.40 In order to pre­ tions-7565-431 vent the formation of economic and emotional ties to either side, he recom­ lishment of a "war zone" around the pone demands for reparations until after mended that Americans be discouraged British Isles in which submarines would the war, on May 13 Wilson sent a from loaning money to the belligerent attack Allied ships and which neutral brusque note demanding that Germany governments. At the same time he urged shippers were advised to avoid. alter or abandon practices that endan­ Wilson to make repeated offers of Bryan and Wilson agreed that the gered American lives.44 America's services as a peacemaker.41 German declaration required a protest, The issue between Wilson and Bryan Bryan's hope of starving the war ran and on February 10 they informed Ber­ was now clear. Wilson believed the head-on into the self- interest of Ameri­ lin that the United States would hold United States must protect its trade and can manufacturers and farmers who Germany to "strict accountability" for its rights as a neutral even at the risk of saw war as an opportunity to escape harm to American ships or citizens.43 If war; Bryan was willing to sacrifice some from a recession. Over the following anyone in the administration knew what trade and postpone legal issues until af­ months the desire of Americans to sell, that phrase meant, or how it was to be ter the war. Both had hoped that a and the eagerness of the British and enforced, no record of it remains. When peace mission to Europe by Colonel French, in particular, to buy, led to an American ships were attacked and House earlier in the year might avoid erosion of Bryan's loan ban and to a Americans killed and injured in a series the dilemma by bringing the conflict to vast increase in trade between the of attacks during March and April, no an end, but by May that hope had disap­ United States and the AlliesY Inevitably, one knew what to do. Not until May 7, peared. With peace prospects dark and the growth of economic ties led, as when the British passenger liner Wilson's opinion hardening, Bryan was Bryan had feared , to a sense of commit­ Lusitania was sunk with the loss of 128 convinced that the nation was likely to ment to the Allies, and it also led the American lives, did Wilson reach a clear be dragged into the war. On June 8, in a Germans to the conclusion that the decision. Overriding Bryan's contention gesture rare among secretaries of state, trade must be cut off if they were to win that Americans who traveled in the war he resigned in protest against the the war. Early in 1915 Germany moved zone were guilty of "contributory negli­ president's policy. By this time he was to do just that, announcing the estab- gence" and the secretary's plea to post­ the only one of Wilson's close advisers

173 Nebraska History - Fall/Winter 1996

who was still genuinely neutral, so his trated in the 1920s on such issues as pro­ be popular with realist analysts of resignation deprived the president of an hibition and the struggle against the American foreign policy, however, for important point of view. teaching of evolution rather than on his criticisms of an assertive foreign Although the United States was able politics or international affairs. He ap­ policy rested not on a practical ap­ to avoid war for almost two years after plauded the Washington Naval Confer­ praisal of the limits of American power Bryan's resignation, in the end he was ence of 1921-22 and supported the but on moral opposition to war and the right. In demanding that Germany cease movement to make war illegal, but such use of force. He deluded himself in be­ submarine warfare, Wilson had surren­ issues did not occupy the center of his lieving that isolationism would enable dered to Berlin the decision on whether attention. On July 26, 1925, five days af­ Americans to perfect their society and or when the United States would enter ter helping to convict John T. Scopes of would thus enhance rather than reduce the war. For the next two years Bryan illegally teaching the theory of evolution America's moral and practical authority struggled to awaken the country to the at Dayton, Tennessee, he died peace­ around the world by making the nation danger and to change Wilson's course, fully in his sleep during an afternoon a model others would want to emulate. but he failed as he had before his resig­ nap 49 Before we are unduly critical, how­ nation. Nevertheless, when the United Little fitted by background, training, ever, we must remember that in 1912 no States declared war in April 1917 he vol­ or temperament to be secretary of state, one expected America to be thrust into unteered his services loyally, although he Bryan often aroused the ridicule of crit­ an active role in world affairs. After a continued to believe the decision a mis­ ics for his personal quirks and naivete, century of peace Bryan's faith that war take. "Gladly would I have given my life but his attitude toward foreign policy could be abolished did not seem naive to save my country from war," he said, was typical of his countrymen at the to his countrymen. In any event, Demo­ "but now that my country has gone to time. Much impressed by the nation's crats, confident that an era of peace was war, gladly willI give my life to aid it. "45 new economic and military strength, he at hand, did not think it mattered who Once America entered the war Bryan assu med innocently that American was secretary of state. Appointed mainly shifted his concern to the postwar settle­ power could reshape the world, yet at for his value to the administration's do­ ment. "Some nation must lift the world the same time he feared the possible mestic policy, Bryan more than fulfilled out of the black night of war into the consequences of long-term involve­ expectations, showing a loyalty and will­ light of that day when peace can be ment. The result of these contradictory ingness to compromise that many of made enduring by being built on love impulses was an inconsistent policy Wilson's advisers had not expected. He and brotherhood," he argued, hoping combining rash interventionism with won the affection and gratitude of his that Wilson might choose him to seek timid isolationism. Like many Ameri­ colleagues for his domestic role, but in such a peace at the peace conference.46 cans, Bryan wanted his nation to serve the end he was too much an idealist to The hope was hardly realistic, especially others, but he had neither a realistic un­ lead the foreign policy of a great power when Wilson was determined to attend derstanding of the limits of national in a period of revolution and world war. the conference himself. power nor much comprehension of "You are the most real Christian I From the United States Bryan how little most other peoples wanted to know," exclaimed a fellow cabinet watched the Paris conference atten­ be Americanized. member when his resignation was an­ tively, agreeing with Wilson that the Bryan's policies based on well­ nounced; Bryan's inability to reconcile time had come for America to give up meaning paternalism were often unsuc­ his Christian values with the demands of isolationism and join the new League of cessful in the Caribbean and Asia , but international diplomacy might have Nations. "The risks we take in accepting in some instances his warnings about been an omen for the president and it are less than the risks we take if we re­ the dangers of overinvolvement could Americans in general had they had the ject it and turn back to the old ways of be well taken . He was right to counsel vision to see it. 50 blood and slaughter," he declared, urg­ restraint in Mexico, right that the United ing senators to accept the Treaty of States lacked the power to protect Notes Versailles without amendments47 Later, China from Japan, and right in arguing I For an excellent description of Bryan's appear­ when it became obvious that the Senate that the only way to protect American ance and habits as he took over the state depart­ would not approve the treaty without neutrality in World War I was to give up ment, see Paolo E. Coletta, William Jennings changes, he urged Democrats to ignore rights of trade and travel in the war Bryan: vol. 2, Progressive Politician and Moral Wilson's stubborn insistence on un­ zone. His advice in these cases outraged Statesman, 1909-1915 (Lincoln: University of Ne­ braska Press, 1969),97-100, and Katharine Crane, qualified ratification and to accept the administration's bellicose critics and Mr. CO" ofState: Forty-Seven Years in the Depart­ whatever reservations were necessary to were often unpopular even in the White ment ofState (New York: 51. Martin's Press, 1960), secure a favorable vote.48 House, but it can be seen in retrospect 158-59. Coletta's three-volume biography is the Diabetic and aging, Bryan concen­ to have been realistic. Bryan will never standard work on Bryan. Also important for under­

174 Secretary of State Bryan

standing his role in foreign policy are LeRoy 10 Co letta, Bryan 2: 139-43; Dewey W. Grantham , "Bryan to Charge Curtis, Sept. 4, 1913; Minister Ashby, William Jennings Bryan: Champion ofDe­ Jr., "Southern Congressional Leaders and the New Sullivan to Bryan, Oct. 6, 191 3, U.S. Departm ent of mocracy (Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1987); Rich­ Freedom, 1913- 1917," Journal of Southern History State, Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations of ard Challener, "William Jennings Bryan ( 191 3­ 13 (Nov. 1947):448. th e United States, 1913 (Washington, D.C.: GPO , 1915)" in An Uncertain Tradition: American Secre­ " For Bryan's foreign policy goa ls, see his 1920),425, 432. [herea fter cited as FR] taries ofState in the Twentieth Century, ed. speech to the American Asiatic Association, Jan. 19 Bryan to Minister Sullivan, Jan. 12, 1915 , FR, Norman A. Graebner (New Yo rk: McGraw-Hili, 26 , 1914, Th e Commoner 14 (Feb. 1914):7. 1915 ( 1924), 279-80. 196 1); Robert W. Cherny, A Righteous Cause. The Life of William Jennings Bryan (Boston: Little, 12 Th e New York Times, Jan . 16, 1915,6. The "de­ 20 For Bryan's be lief that the United States must Brown, 1985); Kendrick A. Clements, William serving Democrats" letter was written to th e Am eri­ persist in its efforts to promote democracy in th e Jennings Bryan: Missionary Isolationist (Knoxville: can collector of customs in th e Dominica n Repub­ Dominican Republic, see his memorandum on University of Tennessee Press, 1982); Merle Curti, lic, W. W. Vick, on August 20, 1913. Wh en a scan­ pending problems left for Robert Lansing after his "Bryan and World Peace, " Smith Co llege Studies in dal about th e American minister to the Dominican resignation in June 1915: Pao lo E. Co letta, ed ., History 16 (Apr.-July 193 1) ; and Lou is W. Koenig, Repub lic broke in 1915, the letter was widely re­ "Bryan Briefs Lansing," Pacific Historical Review 27 Bryan: A Political Biography of William Jennings printed-e.g., "Secretary Bryan and th e San (Nov. 1958):393. On th e subseq uent interv ention, Bryan (New York: G. P. Putnam's So ns, 197 1). Domingo Spoils," Th e Outlook 109 (Jan. 27, see Bru ce J. Ca lder, Th e Impact of Intervention: 1915) :163; North American Review 201 (Feb. The Dominican Republic during th e u.s. Occupa­ 2 Edward M. House Diary, Sept. 25, 1912, Th e Pa­ 1915):285. Bryan showed no reg ret about th e let­ tion of 1916-1924 (Austin: University of Texas pers of Woodrow Wilson, ed. Arthur S. Link, et al. ter. See, for example, The Commoner 16 (Aug. Press, 197 1). (P rinceton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1978), 1916): 1-2. 25:234 [hereaft er cited as PWW with subtitle, vol­ 21 See, for example, a memorandum, "S ubsta nce ume number, and publication date]. 13 For a more detailed discussion of the "deserv­ of a long distance telephone conversation be­ ing Democrats" imbroglio and Bryan's diplomatic twee n Mr. Farnham, of the National City Bank, in 3 The Memoirs of William Jennings Bryan by Him­ appointments, see Paolo E. Co lett a, "Secretary of New York City, and Mr. Bingham in the Latin selfand His Wife Mary Baird Bryan (Philadelphia/ State William Jennings Bryan and the 'Deserving America n Di vision on th e morning of Dec. 22, Chicago: John C. Winston, 1925),34. Bryan told Democrats,'" Mid-America 48 (Apr. 1966):75-98, 1914: Fi le 838.5 1/389, State Department Records, journalist William Bayard Hale exactly the same and Clements, Bryan, 60-64. A more critica l assess­ Na ti onal Archives, Washington, D.C. thing in almost th e sa me words in 19 13. See Hale, ment of his appointments is Rachel Wes t, The De­ 22 Bryan to Wilso n, Jan. 7, 1915, PWW 32 ( 1980), "Mr. Bryan," Th e World's Work 26 (Ju ne 1913): partment of State on th e Eve ofth e First World War 28; Clements, Bryan, 87-89. 162-63. (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1978). Th e

4 Wilson to Cleve land H. Dodge, June 14 , 1915, consular service , and to a lesse r degree the diplo­ " In October 1915 Bryan defended intervention PWW33, April 17-July 21, 191 5 ( 1980) , 395. For matic service, began to be staffed through com­ as "a necessity." See The Commoner 15 (Oct. th e similarity be tween Wilso n's and Bryan's basic pet itive examinations under a law signed by Wil­ 1915) :2. For th e occupati on, see David Healy, Gun­ ideas about foreign policy, see Harley Notter, Th e so n on February 5, 1915. See Crane, Mr. Carr of boat Diplomacy in the Wilson Era: The u.s. Navy in Origins of the Foreign Policy of Woodrow Wilson State, 177-78. For a breakdown of state department Haiti, 1915-191 6 (Madison: University of Wiscon­ (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 193 7), personnel serving overseas: see The Commoner 13 sin Press, 1976), and Hans Schmidt, Th e Un ited 228. Arthur S. Link, Wilson: Th e New Freedom (Nov. 191 3):9. It is worth noting th at th e one diplo­ States Occupation ofHaiti, 1915-1934 (New (Prince ton, N.J.: Prince ton University Press, 1956), matic appointee whose behavior caused a scan­ Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 197 1). dal, James M. Su lliva n in the Dominican Republic, 95-97, stresses th e warm personal relationship be­ 24 Bryan, Memoirs, 35 7. tween president and sec retary. was not Bryan's choice for the post. 25 Edward M. House Diary, Oct. 30, 1913, Apr. 14, 14 For the language of the model treaty, see 5 For a full account of Bryan's caree r up to 1896, 19 14 , House Papers , Yale Un iversi ty Library, New "P resident Wi lson's Peace Proposal: Supplemen­ see Paolo E. Coletta, William Jennings Bryan: vol. Have n, Conn.; Bryan to Wilson, Apr. 10, 1914, FR, tary Memoran9um by the Secretary of State," Box I , Political Evangelist, 1860-1908 (Lincoln: Univer­ 1914 ( 1921 ),449. sity of Nebraska Press, 1964), 1-160. 29, Folder "1913 April: Bryan Papers. Paolo E. Coletta offers a va lu able account of the Bryan trea­ 26 House Diary, Apr. 28, 1914 ; Bryan, Memoirs, 6 William Jennings Bryan, The First Bailie: A Story ti es in "William Jennings Bryan's Plans for World 355,356; Bryan to Wilson, Dec. 2, 1914, Box 43, ofthe Campaign of 1896 (Chicago: W. B. Conkey, Peace," Nebraska History 58 (1 977): 193-2 17. See Letter Books 1914-1915, Bryan Papers; Link, Wil­ 1896) . also Curti, "Bryan and World Peace," 14 3-5 1. son: The Struggle for Neutrality, 478.

7 Cherny, A Righteous Cause, 190-94. See also 15 Arthur S. Link, Wilson: The Struggle for Neutral­ 27 The Commoner 16 (Mar. 1916): 1; ibid. (Dec. David Sarasohn, The Party of Reform.' Democrats in ity (Prince ton , N.J.: Princeton University Press, 19 16):7; Bryan to Josephus Daniels, June 24, 1916, th e Progressive Era (Jackson: University of Miss is­ 1960),497-99. July 4, 1916, Josephus Daniels Papers, Manusc ripts sippi Press, 1989), passim. Division, Library of Congress. 16 Th e Commoner 14 (Apr. 1914): I. Th e British • Co letta , Bryan, 2: 122-26; Edward G. Lowry, made it understood subtly that they would find it " From Bryan's speech at the Democratic con­ Washington Close-Ups: Intimate Views of Some easier to support American policy in Mexico and ve ntion in St. Louis, 1916, in Democrati c National Public Figures (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 192 1), Bryan's peace treaty if the tolls exemption were Committee and Democrat ic Congressional Com­ 46. out of th e way. See Coletta, Bryan 2: 157; Th e Let­ mittee, Th e Democratic Text Book, 1916 (New ters and Friendships of Sir Cecil Spring Rice: A York: Democratic National Committee, 1916),262. 9 Coletta, Bryan 2: 12 6-39. See also Ca rt er Glass to Record, ed. Stephen Gwynn, 2 vols. (London: Con­ Bryan, Sep t. 25 , 1913, Box 29, Folder "1913 Sept. , 29 Wilson's annual message to Congress, Dec. 2, stable, 1929), 2:20 1-2. Bryan tortuously rational­ Oct.," William Jennings Bryan Papers, Manuscripts 1913, FR, 1913, xiii. ized his reversa l by arguing th at th e toll exempti on Division, Library of Congress (herea fter cited as wou ld amount to a subsidy for business , wh ich he 30 Francis Burton Harrison, Th e Corner-Stone of Bryan Papers); Rixey Smi th and Norman Beasley, opposed. Philippine Independence: A Narrative of Seven Carter Smith: A Biography (New York: Books for li­ Years (New York: Century, 1922),50; Roy Watson braries, 1970 [1 939]), 127. 17 Clemen ts, Bryan, 78-79 . Curry, "Woodrow Wilson and Philippine Policy,"

175 Nebraska History - Fall/Winter 1996

Mississippi Valley Historical Review 41 (Dec. .0 To Josephus Daniels, as quoted in Jonathan Bryan but brushed him off gently. See Wilson to 1954):435-52; Clements, Bryan, 68-70. Daniels, The End ofInnocence (Philadelphia: J. B. Joseph Tumulty, Jan. IS, 1918, PWW 45, November Lippincott, 1954),49. II, 1917-January 15,1918 (1984), 600 n.I , and 31 See the accounts of the cabinet meetings of March 12 and 28, 1913, in The Cabinet Diaries of 41 Bryan to Wilson, Aug. 10, 1914, Box 30, Folder Wilson to Bryan, Jan. 22, 1918, ibid. 46 , January Josephus Daniels, 1913-1921, E. David Cronon ed. " 1914 Aug."; same to same, Aug. 19, 1914, Box 30, 16-March 12, 1918 ( 1984), 67. Bryan did not give (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1963),7-8, Folder "1914 Sept."; same to same, Dec. 17, 1914, up, however. See Bryan to Josephus Daniels, Oct. 17; ac ting secretary of state to diplomatic officers Box 43, Bryan Letter Books, 1914-191 5, Bryan Pa­ 14 and 31,1918, Box 37, Daniels Papers. in Japan and China, Mar. 19, 1913, FR, 1913, 17(}' pers; Bryan to J. P. Morgan and Co., Aug. IS, 1914, 41 The Commoner 19 (Apr. 1919):3. Prior to issu­ 71; Meribeth E. Cameron, "American Recognition FR, 1914, Supp. (1928),580. ing this sta tement, Bryan had frequently suggested Policy toward the Republic of China, 1912- 1913: amendments to the proposed League covenant 42 For thorough studies of the economic ties that Pacific Historical Review 2 (June 1933):225-30. developed betwee n the United States and the Al­ that would have made the organization's main func tion the investigation and discussion of inter­ 32 See Willard Straight's speech to the American lies during the neutrality period, see John W. Asiatic Association, Jan. 26, 1914, The Commoner Coogan, The End ofNeutrality: The United States, national disputes and would have maximized na­ 14 (Feb. 1914): 6. Britain, and Maritime Rights, 1899-1915 (Ithaca, ti onal sovereignty. See, for example, ibid. (Mar. N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1981), and 1919):1; Charles W. Bryan to Bryan, Feb . 27,1919, 33 Paolo E. Coletta, "'The Most Thankless Task': Kathleen Burk, Britain, America and the Sinews of Box 32, Folder " 1919 Feb. 27, 28," Bryan Papers. In Bryan and the Ca lifornia Alien Land Legislation," War, 1914-1918 (Boston: George Allen and mid-March Bryan claimed that "By going farther Pacific Historical Review 36 (1967): 163-87; Link, Unwin, 1985). than the most extreme objector in pointing out th e Wilson: The New Freedom, 295-99. corrections th at should be made I strengthened 43 FR, 1915, Supp., 98-10 I. The "strict accountabil­ 34 Paul S. Reinsch, An American Diplomat in the force of my argument when I insisted that we ity" phrase was Robert Lansing's. See Daniel M. China (Garden City, New York: Doubleday, Page, must accept the league ...." Bryan to Charles W. Sm ith , "Robert Lansing and the Formu lation of 1922), 135. Bryan, Mar. 13, 1919, W. J. Bryan Papers, Nebraska American Neutrality Policies, 1914-19 15," Missis­ State Historical Society, Lincoln. 35 FR, 1915, 105-11. For Bryan's continuing stress sippi Valley Historical Review 43 (June 1956):75-76. on conciliation, see Bryan to Wilson, Apr. 6, 1915, 48 See draft of Bryan to Senator Gilbert 44 Bryan used the phrase earlier, but he still held Box 43, Bryan Letter Books, 1914-1915, Bryan Papers. Hitchcock, Nov. 24, 1919, Box 32, Folder "19 19 the same opinion even after the sinking of the Nov. 2(}'30: Bryan Papers; The Commoner 19 36 Wilson to Minister Paul Reinsch, Feb. 8, 1915, Lusitania. Bryan to Wilson, Apr. 2,19 15, PWW (Dec. 1919): 1-2 ; ibid. 20 (Jan. 1920):1; Cronon, PWW32, January I-April 16, 1915(1980), 196-97; 32:464; Bryan to Wilson, Apr. 19, 1915, Box 30, Daniels Diary (Jan. 8, 1920), 481-82. Wilson to Bryan, Mar. 12, 1915, ibid., 367. Folder "1915 March, April"; Bryan to Wilson, May 12,1915, Box 30, Folder " 1915 May-June 8," Bryan 49 For this period of Bryan's life, see Levine, De­ 37 Wilson to Bryan, Apr. 16, 19 15, PWW 32:531; Papers. fender ofthe Faith. Bryan flirted briefly with the see also Wilson to Bryan, Apr. 14, 1915, State De­ idea of running for president in 1920 but eventu­ partment Records, File 793.94/294 1/2, National Ar­ 45 From a speech at Albany, Georgia, Apr. 6, ally dec ided against making the attempt. See chives. Bryan argued that the Japanese had al­ 1917, quoted in Genevieve Forbes Herrick and Bryan to Charles W. Bryan, Jan . 3, 1920, W. J. ready made concessions to American protests and John Orgien Herrick, The Ufe of William Jennings Bryan Papers, Nebraska State Historical Soc iety. In would continue to do so. See Bryan to Wilson, Bryan (Chicago: Grover C. Buxton, 1925),299; an uncharacteristically bitter postelection editorial May 3, 1915, Box 43 , Bryan Letter Books, 1914­ Paolo E. Coletta, William Jennings Bryan: vol. 3, he blamed Wilson for driving out of public life ev­ 1915, Bryan Papers. Political Puritan, 1915-1925 (Lincoln: University of ery Democrat "who dared to differ from him even Nebraska Press, 1969), I-55; Levine, Defender of 38 FR, 1915, 146. in minute details." The Commoner 20 (Nov. th e Faith, 3-92 . 1920): 1. 39 Robert Lansing's memorandum for Viscount "The Commoner 16 (Aug. 1916):11. For Bryan's Ishii, July 6, 1917, PWW 43, June 25-August 20, 50 David F. Houston, Eight Years with Wilson's 1917 (1983),82; Wilson to Lansing, Nov. 7, 1917, vigorous campaign to secure appointment to the Cabinet, 1913 to 1920, with a Personal Estimate ibid. 44,August21-November 10,1917(1983), peace delegation, see Bryan to Wilson, Jan. IS, ofthe PreSident, 2 vols. (Garden City, N.Y.: 530; Wilson to Lansing, ibid. 48, May 13-July 17, 1918, and a large number of letters from various Doubleday, Page , 1926) I: 146. 1918 (1985), 382; Burton F. Beers, Vain Endeavor: political figures to Bryan, all in Box 32 , Bryan Pa­ Robert Lansing's Attempts to End the American­ pers; Bryan to Charles S. Hamlin, Jan. II, 1918, Japanese Rivalry (Durham, N. C.: Duke University Box 355, Charles S. Hamlin Papers, Library of Press, 1962), 111-12. Congress. Wilson had no intention of appointing

/"

176