The Western Interference in Iran from the 19Th Century to the Present
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
English-126.Pdf
2019 / 1398 ، بهار 126 ی شماره « آورد ره » ی فصلنامه 1 Page RAHAVARD Quarterly Persian & English Journal of Iranian Studies Issue 126, Spring 1398 / 2019 GOAL: Is to empowere our young generation with the richness of our Persian heritage, keep them informed of the history of the extraordinary people to whom they belong as they gain mighty wisdom from a western system that embraces them in the aftermath of the revolution and infuse them with the knowledge and ideals that inspire them. FINANCIAL: RAHAVARD is entirely supported by, Supscription dues, advertisers and RAHAVARD: contributions from its readers, and followers A Los Angeles-based Quarterly Bilingual who largely constitute the elite of the Iranians Journalof Iranian Studies, was founded by living in diaspora. HASSAN SHAHBAZ in 1981 in Los Angeles. DIGITAL RAHAVARD (ebook): In 2012 with the Rahavard, publishes scholarly articles in the encouragement & constant reminder of HOMA field of: Persian (Iranian) Studies (Literature, SARSHAR and Dr. FIROUZ NADERI RAHAVARD History, Politics, Culture, Society and beyond). English and Persian digital (ebook) was Its readers are well educated, well informed, launched as an online version of the publication business owners, scholars, intellectuals, at: www.rahavard.com. Since then it's appeal professors, politicians & philanthropists. has increased drastically, specifically by younger It's founder HASSAN SHAHBAZ passed away in generation and Iranians living in Iran. May 2006. Forming an Advisory Committee, ENGLISH RAHAVARD: In 2016 with the his widow Sholeh Shams Shahbaz has encouragements of H.E. ARDESHIR ZAHEDI, Dr. continued publishing. FIROUZ NADERI & the assistance of Dr. JANET Today, Rahavard has grown both in volume, AFARY, Cal State Santa Barbara (by providing subscription, and influence. -
C01384460 Approved for Release: 2014/02/26
C01384460 Approved for Release: 2014/02/26 APPLIND1X A . ;hose Dil? An Abbreviated History of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Dispute,-'194; -53 In 1372, the then Shah of Persia, rlaser ad-Din, in return for much needed cash, gave to Baron Paul Julius de Reuter. .'a concession to. exploit all his country's minerals (except for gold, silver, and precious stones'), all its forests and uncultivated land, and ail canals and irrigation works, as ;sell as a monopoly to construct railways and tranilways. Although the resulting uproar,-zsrac:.a11~ from neighboring Russiaraused this sweeping concession to be cancelled, de Reuter, who was a German Jew with British citizenship, persisted and by 1889 regained two parts of his original concession--the operation of a bank and the working of Persia's mines. Under the latter grant, de Reuter's men explored-for oil without great success, and the concession expired in 1999, 'the year the Baron died.` Persian oil right Shen passed to a British speculator, William Knox D'Arcy, whose first fortune had been made in Australian gold mines: The purchase price of the concession was about 50,000 pounds, and in 1903 the enterprise began to sell shares in "The First Exploitation Company." Exploratory drilling proceeded, and by 1904, two producing wells were in. a,+A - Shortly thereafter,Ainterest in oil was sharply stimulated by the efforts of Admiral Sir John Fisher, First Lord of the Admiralty, to convert the Royal Navy.from'burning coal to oil.. As a result, the Burmah Oil Company sought to become involved in eersian oil and, joining with D "lrcy and Lord Strathcona, formed the new Concessions Syndicate, L d, which endured un'ti'l 1907 when Burmah Oil bought D'Arcy out for 200„000 pounds cash and 900,000 pounds in shares. -
Iran's Nuclear Ambitions From
IDENTITY AND LEGITIMACY: IRAN’S NUCLEAR AMBITIONS FROM NON- TRADITIONAL PERSPECTIVES Pupak Mohebali Doctor of Philosophy University of York Politics June 2017 Abstract This thesis examines the impact of Iranian elites’ conceptions of national identity on decisions affecting Iran's nuclear programme and the P5+1 nuclear negotiations. “Why has the development of an indigenous nuclear fuel cycle been portrayed as a unifying symbol of national identity in Iran, especially since 2002 following the revelation of clandestine nuclear activities”? This is the key research question that explores the Iranian political elites’ perspectives on nuclear policy actions. My main empirical data is elite interviews. Another valuable source of empirical data is a discourse analysis of Iranian leaders’ statements on various aspects of the nuclear programme. The major focus of the thesis is how the discourses of Iranian national identity have been influential in nuclear decision-making among the national elites. In this thesis, I examine Iranian national identity components, including Persian nationalism, Shia Islamic identity, Islamic Revolutionary ideology, and modernity and technological advancement. Traditional rationalist IR approaches, such as realism fail to explain how effective national identity is in the context of foreign policy decision-making. I thus discuss the connection between national identity, prestige and bargaining leverage using a social constructivist approach. According to constructivism, states’ cultures and identities are not established realities, but the outcomes of historical and social processes. The Iranian nuclear programme has a symbolic nature that mingles with socially constructed values. There is the need to look at Iran’s nuclear intentions not necessarily through the lens of a nuclear weapons programme, but rather through the regime’s overall nuclear aspirations. -
Operation Ajax
This document is made available through the declassification efforts and research of John Greenewald, Jr., creator of: The Black Vault The Black Vault is the largest online Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) document clearinghouse in the world. The research efforts here are responsible for the declassification of MILLIONS of pages released by the U.S. Government & Military. Discover the Truth at: http://www.theblackvault.com ' )perarion Ajax - lntellipedia (b) (3) _ P . L . 86-36 r---- 1 Doc ID: 6636641 (U) Operation Ajax UNCLASSIFIED From Intellipedia (U) Operation Ajax (1953) (officially TP-AJAX) was a covert operation by the United Kingdom and the United States to remove the 1 democratically elected nationalist[ ] cabinet of Iranian Prime Minister Contents Mohammed Mossadegh from power, to support the Pahlavi dynasty and consolidate the power of Mohammed Reza Pahlavi in order to preserve • 1 (U) Origins the Western control oflran's hugely lucrative oil infrastructure[2l. • 2 (U) Disputed oil contracts • 3 (U) Cold War (U) Origins • 4 (U) Planning • 5 (U) Outcome • 6 (U) Repercussions The idea of overthrowing Mossadegh was originally conceived by the • 7 See also British. They asked President Truman for assistance, but when he • 8 Footnotes refused, the British proposed the idea once again to Eisenhower who became president in 1953. The new administration agreed to • 9 References 3 • 10 External links participate. [ ] Mossadegh reasoned that Iran ought to begin profiting from its vast oil reserves. He took the steps to nationalize the oil industry which had previously been exclusively controlled by the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (later changed to The British Petroleum Intelligence History Portal I Company). -
Evaluation of the Social Reasons for Defeating Political Parties in Iran Between the Years of 1942-1954
EVALUATION OF THE SOCIAL REASONS FOR DEFEATING POLITICAL PARTIES IN IRAN BETWEEN THE YEARS OF 1942-1954 ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE AWARD OF THE DEGREE OF Mottov of $t|iIos;opIip IN SOCIOLOGY BY Naser Haghi Ghareh Darvishlou UNDER THE SUPERVISION OF Dr. Mohammad Akram DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY AND SOCIAL WORK ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY ALIGARH (IIMOIA) 2012 -S5LM9 Political parties appeared on the scene when actions of an erstwhile political system attained a point of complexity that needed the introduction of a new political setup. Usually, political parties emerge when different classes of society become aware of their own interests, and the people of a country want the right to take part in political issues. The nineteenth century was an important phase in Iranian history, wherein political, social and economic corruption were the most obvious problem that Iranians faced. Tremendous increases of such problems have been the reason for the occurrence of all revolutions and reforms in Iran. With the allied occupation of Iran and the exile of Reza Shah, social chaos increased in the 1940s. Also, as a resuU of the Second World War, and because of the lack of a steady government, the country was led to anarchy. This problem offended Iranians more when they became aware of the degree and speed of development in the western countries. When Iranian intellectuals came into direct contact with western countries, they tried to regenerate the political structure of their own country to bring about political stability. After Reza Shah, especially between 1942 and 1954, there came a unique historical opportimity for Iranian elites to form a democratic political structure, whereas during the reign of Reza Shah, political parties and other active groups had been inactive. -
From Mossadegh to Ahmadinejad: the CIA and the Iranian Experiment
From Mossadegh to Ahmadinejad: The CIA and the Iranian experiment By Thierry Meyssan Region: Middle East & North Africa Global Research, June 28, 2009 Theme: Intelligence Voltaire Network 28 June 2009 In-depth Report: IRAN: THE NEXT WAR? The news of alleged election fraud has spread through Tehran like wildfire, pitching ayatollah Rafsanjani’s supporters against ayatollah Khamenei’s in street confrontations. This chaotic situation is secretly stirred by the CIA which has been spreading confusion by flooding Iranians with contradicting SMS messages. Thierry Meyssan recounts this psychological warfare experiment. In March 2000, the Secretary of State Madeleine Albright admitted that the Eisenhower administration organized a regime change in 1953 in Iran and that this historical event explained the current hostility of Iranians towards the United States. Last week, during the speech he addressed to Muslims in Cairo, President Obama officially recognized that « in the midst of the cold war the United States played a role in the toppling of a democratically elected Iranian government » [1]. At the time, Iran was controlled by a puppet monarchy headed by the Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. He had been placed on the throne by the British who forced his father, the pro-Nazi Cossack officer Reza Pahlavi to resign. However, the Shah had to deal with a nationalist Prime Minister, Mohammad Mossadegh. Mossadegh, with the help of ayatollah Abou al-Qassem Kachani, nationalized the oil resources [2]. Furious, the British persuaded the United States that the Iranian dissent needed to be stopped before the country became communist. The CIA then put together Operation Ajax to overthrow Mossadegh with the help of the Shah, and to replace him with Nazi general Fazlollah Zahedi who until then was detained by the British. -
In 1952, Britain and Iran Were in the Middle of an Oil Dispute. the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company
In 1952, Britain and Iran were in the middle of an oil dispute. The Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (AIOC) was nationalized by the Iranian government under its fiery, bombastic premier, Mohammad Mossadeq (1880-1967).1 This was a tremendous loss for the British, the biggest stockholder in the company.2 As US Secretary of State Dean Acheson put it, “never had so few lost so much so stupidly in so short a time.”3 The oil nationalization came after the Iranian government had reopened negotiations of oil concessions with Britain. These negotiations were largely unsuccessful for Britain, due to Mossadeq’s aggressive negotiating style and his hatred of the British. In 1951, Mossadeq told US Special Envoy W. Averell Harriman, “You don’t know how crafty they [the British] are. You do not know how evil they are. You do not know how they sully everything they touch.”4 The British retaliated against oil nationalization by conducting threatening military maneuvers in the Persian Gulf and installing an embargo, which stopped the flow of Iranian oil to the rest of the world, mistakenly assuming that once Mossadeq saw the extent of Iranian dependence on the West, he would mute his support of oil nationalization. When he did not, one British lawmaker said, “really, it seemed hardly fair that dignified and correct Western statesmanship should be defeated by the antics of incomprehensible orientals.”5 The tension during this dispute was one of the many factors involved in the Iranian coup of 1953, in which the government of premier Mohammad Mossadeq was overthrown in an effort supported by the CIA (in its Operation Ajax) as well as the British international intelligence service, the MI6. -
Iran and the CIA This Page Intentionally Left Blank Iran and the CIA the Fall of Mosaddeq Revisited
Iran and the CIA This page intentionally left blank Iran and the CIA The Fall of Mosaddeq Revisited Darioush Bayandor © Darioush Bayandor 2010 Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 2010 978-0-230-57927-9 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No portion of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, Saffron House, 6-10 Kirby Street, London EC1N 8TS. Any person who does any unauthorized act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. The author has asserted his right to be identified as the author of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. First published 2010 by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN Palgrave Macmillan in the UK is an imprint of Macmillan Publishers Limited, registered in England, company number 785998, of Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS. Palgrave Macmillan in the US is a division of St Martin’s Press LLC, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010. Palgrave Macmillan is the global academic imprint of the above companies and has companies and representatives throughout the world. Palgrave® and Macmillan® are registered trademarks in the United States, the United Kingdom, Europe and other countries. ISBN 978-1-349-36788-7 ISBN 978-0-230-27730-4 (eBook) DOI 10.1057/9780230277304 This book is printed on paper suitable for recycling and made from fully managed and sustained forest sources. -
U.S. and Iranian Strategic Competition
Iran V: Sanctions Competition January 4, 2013 0 U.S. AND IRANIAN STRATEGIC COMPETITION Sanctions, Energy, Arms Control, and Regime Change Anthony H. Cordesman, Bryan Gold, Sam Khazai, and Bradley Bosserman April 19, 2013 Anthony H. Cordesman Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy [email protected] Note: This report is will be updated. Please provide comments and suggestions to [email protected] Iran V: Sanctions Competition April, 19 2013 I Executive Summary This report analyzes four key aspects of US and Iranian strategic competition - sanctions, energy, arms control, and regime change. Its primary focus is on the ways in which the sanctions applied to Iran have changed US and Iranian competition since the fall of 2011. This escalation has been spurred by the creation of a series of far stronger US unilateral sanctions and the EU‘s imposition of equally strong sanctions – both of which affect Iran‘s ability to export, its financial system and its overall economy. It has been spurred by Iran‘s ongoing missile deployments and nuclear program, as reported in sources like the November 2011 IAEA report that highlights the probable military dimensions of Iran‘s nuclear program. And, by Iranian rhetoric, by Iranian threats to ―close‖ the Gulf to oil traffic; increased support of the Quds Force and pro-Shiite governments and non-state actors; and by incidents like the Iranian-sponsored assassination plot against the Saudi Ambassador to the US, an Iranian government instigated mob attack on the British Embassy in Tehran on November 30, 2011, and the Iranian-linked attacks against Israeli diplomats. -
The Relationship Between the Supreme Leadership and Presidency and Its Impact on the Political System in Iran
Study The Relationship Between the Supreme Leadership and Presidency and Its Impact on the Political System in Iran By Dr. Motasem Sadiqallah | Researcher at the International Institute for Iranian Studies (Rasanah) Mahmoud Hamdi Abualqasim | Researcher at the International Insti- tute for Iranian Studies (Rasanah) www.rasanah-iiis.org WWW.RASANAH-IIIS.ORG Contents Executive Summary ....................................................................................... 3 I- The Status and Role of the Supreme Leadership and the Presidency in the Iranian Political System ................................................................................. 4 II- The Problems Involving the Relationship Between the Supreme Leader and the Presidency .............................................................................................. 11 III- Applying Pressure Through Power to Dismiss the President .....................15 IV- The Implications of the Conflict Between the Supreme Leader and the Presidency on the Effectiveness of the Political System ................................. 20 V- The Future of the Relationship Between the Supreme Leader and the President ........................................................................................ 26 Conclusion .................................................................................................. 29 Disclaimer The study, including its analysis and views, solely reflects the opinions of the writers who are liable for the conclusions, statistics or mistakes contained therein -
The Imperial Frontier: Tribal Dynamics and Oil in Qajar Persia, 1901-1910
The Imperial Frontier: Tribal Dynamics and Oil in Qajar Persia, 1901-1910 Melinda Cohoon A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in International Studies: Middle East University of Washington 2017 Committee: Arbella Bet-Shlimon Ellis Goldberg Program Authorized to Offer Degree: The Henry M. Jackson School of International Studies ©Copyright 2017 Melinda Cohoon University of Washington Abstract The Imperial Frontier: Tribal Dynamics and Oil in Qajar Persia, 1901-1910 Melinda Cohoon Chair of the Supervisory Committee: Assistant Professor Arbella Bet-Shlimon Department of History By using the Political Diaries of the Persian Gulf, I elucidate the complex tribal dynamics of the Bakhtiyari and the Arab tribes of the Khuzestan province during the early twentieth century. Particularly, these tribes were by and large influenced by the oil prospecting and drilling under the D’Arcy Oil Syndicate. My research questions concern: how the Bakhtiyari and Arab tribes were impacted by the British Oil Syndicate exploration into their territory, what the tribal affiliations with Britain and the Oil Syndicate were, and how these political dynamics changed for tribes after oil was discovered at Masjid-i Suleiman. The Oil Syndicate initially received a concession from the Qajar government, but relied much more so on tribal accommodations and treaties. In addressing my research questions, I have found that there was a contention between the Bakhtiyari and the British company, and a diplomatic relationship with Sheikh Khazal of Mohammerah (or today’s Khorramshahr) and Britain. By relying on Sheikh Khazal’s diplomatic skills with the Bakhtiyari tribe, the British Oil Syndicate penetrated further into the southwest Persia, up towards Bakhtiyari territory. -
CT 11 Final:Layout 1
Iran Takes on the World By Jamsheed K. Choksy he islamic republic of iran is today challenging the world. The Iranian leadership’s appetite for power is growing, for they have become thoroughly convinced that no outside power—the U.S. in- cluded—will derail their rise to regional and even global prominence. “Whether you like it or not,” the Iranian cleric and politician Ayatollah TAhmad Khatami, an influential figure and on-and-off mentor to Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, publicly boasted to the U.S., “you have to regard Iran as a great power in the political sphere. The people of Iran have realized there is nothing you can do to us now or will be capable of doing [in the future]. So rather than using all your resources in failed attempts to oppose Iran, you should work with us.”1 Khatami’s statement, like many other recent pronouncements made by the Is- lamic Republic’s leaders, underscores why Iran has not complied with years of Amer- ican demands for full transparency in its nuclear programs, for putting a halt to its sponsorship of terrorism and propagation of militant Islam or Islamism globally, and for cooperation in regional affairs. Simply put, the Islamic Republic’s ruling politicians no longer fear America; they believe the U.S. and its allies have lost the political will to preserve the current order. Tehran, therefore, no longer worries about the repercussions of pursuing an ever-more ambitious policy aimed at refash- ioning the international order and extending Iranian power and influence. Students of history know this is not the first time a rising Iran has sought to dom- inate its neighbors and the world beyond.