sign in sign up
<<
Home , Atlas Maior, Lake Parime

ANTIQUE AND THE STUDY OK CARIBBEAN PREHISTORY

Stephen D. Glazier

In this presentation I will explore possible uses of sixteenth and seventeenth century maps for the study of Caribbean prehistory and protohistory. Several considerations entered into my choice of maps, the foremost of which was accessibility. Maps covered in this present­ ation are readily available through private collections, the trade, museums, libraries and in facsimile. Accuracy was a secondary consideration. The succession of New World maps is not a general progression from the speculative to the scientific, and at times, as Bernardo Vega demonstrated in his mono­ graph on the caciques of Hispaniola, early maps may be more accurate than later editions. Professor Vega found that the map of Morales (1508) was far superior to later maps and that it was far more accurate than the published accounts of Las Casas and Oveido (Vega 1980: 22). Tooley (1978: xv), the foremost authority on antique maps, claims that seventeenth century maps are much more "decorative" than sixteenth century maps. Whenever mapmakers of the sixteenth century encountered gaps in their knowledge of an area, they simply left that area blank or added a strapwork cartouche. Seventeenth century map- makers, on the other hand, felt obliged to fill in all gaps by provid­ ing misinformation of depicting native ways of life and flora and fauna. Sea monsters and cannibals were commonly used. All mapmakers claimed to base their works on the "latest" inform­ ation; however, it is my contention that maps are essentially conserv­ ative documents. A number of factors militated against the rapid assimilation of new data. The sheer cost of changes could be enormous. As Coolie Verner (1975) has pointed out, copperplate printing was prohibitively expensive and to cut costs publishers frequently acquired one another's plates. The American publisher Mathew Carey, for example;, republished Bellin's 1764 map of Haiti in his until 1835. Secrecy was also a factor in the conservative character of maps. A great deal of intrigue surrounded the making of maps and no one wanted accurate maps to fall into the hands of his enemies or business competitors. Trading firms such as the retain­ ed their own cartographers - in this case the house of Blaeu about which much will be said later. For this reason publishers frequently could not include recent discoveries in their maps intented for public consumption. 's Maior ("Grand Atlas") contained many maps engraved over thirty years earlier by his father. Even though many of the maps to be discussed in this presentation were engraved in the mid-1600s they reflect an earlier state of know­ ledge. Generally it could be said that sixteenth century maps reflect sixteenth century knowledge but that seventeenth and eighteenth century maps often reflected the knowledge of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries respectively. 556

Of the many possible uses of sixteenth and seventeenth century maps in Caribbean research, I will focus on four potentially fruitful areas of inquiry: 1) Antique maps may aid in the location of archae­ ological sites. The major concern here would be the discovery of mission sites and aboriginal settlements; 2) antique maps contain considerable linguistic data, for example, toponyms, and patterns of ethnicity may be retrievable (cf. Laurence 1975); 3) Antique maps have cartouches which portray native flora and fauna (George 1978) , and for many Europeans these were their sole "experience" of the New World; 4) antique maps may reveal something of tribal migrations in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (Duval 1677). The earliest known maps of the New World is usually attributed to Juan de la Cosa. Some claim that this map was made as early as 1500, but its date of execution and authorship continue to be argued (Schwartz and Ehrenberg 1980: 19). Scholars contend that the map includes details about the New World which could not have been known prior to the voyages of Vespucci, and that the map is not by Juan de la Cosa - the pilot on Columbus' voyage of 1493 - but by another man of that name (Roukema 1959). The map was discovered in a Paris bric-à-brac shop in 1832, authenticated by , and in 1853 was put up for auction. The Queen of Spain bid high, at $208, and the map has since become a major attraction at the Museo Naval in Madrid. La Cosa's map is of interest because it is the first map to name Cuba and to show it as an island. Columbus believed - or professed to believe - that his discovery was somehow connected to the Asian main­ land. Actually, La Cosa's representation was more in keeping with European ideas. Fifteenth century maps contain a number of large islands in the Atlantic shaped very much like Cuba. It was believed that when Roderick, the last Visigothic king of Spain, lost his king­ dom to the invaiding Moors, seven bishops escaped to the sea and established themselves on an island. This island, described as the "land opposite", appeared on maps as Antilia, Antilha, or Antilla. The first map to depict the New World as a landmass totally distinct from Asia was that of Sebastian Munster ("New World," Basil 1540). This map was widely distributed and was among the first to portray American natives as Cannibals. Mention must also be made of G.M. Contarini's 1506 map of the world-again, showing America as an extension of Asia; Waldseemuller's 1507 map, the first map to name America; and the map appearing in Peter Martyr's Decades (1511). The Italian cartographer Gastaldi produced a map of in 1546 which served as the prototype for numerous editions of Ortelius and the South American map in Wytfleet's atlas of 1597, which was the first atlas devoted exclusively to the Americas. I. The first plate, "Hispaniola, Cuba, Aliaumque Insularum", is by the Flemish cartographer Wortel (1527-1598) - more commonly known by his latinized surname Ortelius. Ortelius was the first publisher to issue a collection of maps of uniform size and content, and his Theatrum, appearing on May 22, 1570, revolutionized the map trade. Earlier in the sixteenth century some Italian mapmakers had issued bound collections of maps, but their maps were not of the same size and no two collections were exactly the same. Collections, in all cases, had been compiled to suit a particular client's needs. 557

Forty editions of Ortelius' Theatrum were printed between 1570 and 1612 with texts in Latin, Dutch, French, Spanish, German, English and Italian. It was one of the; most popular and influential works of the sixteenth century. Because there were so many editions, Ortelius' maps are readily available today. The upper half of plate one is devoted to the western coast of Mexico while the bottom half is devoted to the Caribbean area from the Yucatan peninsula to Martinique. The map's center, however, is the Greater Antilles. Western Mexico is accurately portrayed for the period, but many errors can be found in the Caribbean section. The Bahamas are in a straight line, Barbados is too far North, Bermuda is too far South, and the "Scylla Magna", actually located along the northern coast of Africa, is radically misplaced. This map does not reflect the state of knowledge in 1592 when this particular edition was published. Familiar place names abound: Haiti, Jamaica, Puerto Rico, Dominica, Guadeloupe, Antigua, Anguilla, Saba, St. Eustacius, Florida, Santo Domingo, Havana, and the Cayman Islands. The cartouche in the upper left hand corner depicts flora and fauna including parrots, sea shells, and exotic plants. The island of Bimini is prominently displayed due to its connect­ ion with the Fountain of Youth. Sometime before 1511 the Spanish heard tales of a magical fountain in a land to the North called Bimini, and this tale may have led to the discovery and eventual exploration of Florida. II. Plate number two, "Insula America in Océano Septentrional", is by the Dutch cartographer G. Blaeu (1571-1638). This particular copy is from a 1662 edition of his "Grand Atlas", but it is identical to copies printed much earlier. In the seventeenth century there was a great increase in the number of maps devoted to the Americas, but as mentioned previously, publishers did not update their works. Of the twenty one maps that comprised Blaeu's volume on the Americas (the "Grand Atlas" was in twelve volumes and consisted of 600 hand- colored maps), fourteen were taken directly from De Laet (1625). Copies of this map are plentiful. Because Blaeu's atlases were so expensive, they were well cared for. Koeman notes that it was one of the most expensive books of the period costing about 450 guilders at a time when printers in the book trade were making about 2 guilders a day. Today when collectors spend $25,000 for an atlas, they are spending about the equivalent of what these atlases would have sold for when originally published (Koeman 1970: 47). This map covers the entire Gulf coast and there is much less distortion than was noted in the map by Ortelius. Bermuda is much closer to its actual location, the Bahamas are depicted more accurat­ ely, and the Florida peninsula is no longer devoid of place names; for example, Cape Canaveral is listed. The cartouche includes flora and fauna: a sea turtle, iguanas - which seems to have captured the European imagination because they are similar to the dragons of European lore (Quinn 1976: 654) - bats, which play a significant role in Taino mythology, and serpents. In the Caribbean, toponyms are European; on the mainland, aboriginal names are noted. 558

III. Plate number three, Blaeu's map of , was published about 1650 and is identical to De Laet (1625). De Laet's rendition, in turn, was derived from Raleigh (1595) as were similar maps issued by Blaeu's rival J. Jansson (1596-1664) and J. Ogilby (1671). As nearly as I can determine, the only difference between Blaeu's map and those of his rivals is that Blaeu put waves on Lake Parime and his rivals did not. Little can be learned of the interior from this map. The direct­ ions of some rivers are inferred and some non-existent aboriginal populations are listed. Nevertheless the map is rich in toponyms, including many native terms for rivers and settlements. Unless one were privy to private charts held by the various stock companies or the crown, this map represents what was known of the Guianas for the entire seventeenth century and part of the eighteenth century as well. With the exception of Manoa, the legendary city of gold, few cities or mission sites appear. Diego Ordas, a Spaniard, claimed to have discovered the city of Manoa and its king, El , situated on a lake of salt water 200 leagues in length which was called by the Indians "Parime". By the second half of the sixteenth century numerous explorers had tried to find and his city of gold (Ramos 1973; Hemming 1978), and among the most notable of these expeditions were those organized by Antonio de Berrio in 1590 and in 1595. In 1596, Laurence Keymis brought news of a sea of salt water named Parime "lying far within on the route to Manoa;" thus confirm­ ing earlier reports. Raleigh was the first to show Parime on his map "the Powerful and Gold-Bearing Kingdom of Guiana" (Ramsay 1972). Mapmakers seem to have taken the existence of the lake for granted and while most accepted Raleigh's location for the lake, some cartographers did alter its shape. Guilliame Sanson (1667), for example, showed the lake as a perfect rectangle. Only one seventeenth century mapmaker expressed doubts about the existence of the lake, V. Coronelli. On Coronelli's 1693 map of South America, he included a shaded area without definite boundaries and indicated that this is where most cartographers put Parime. This practice was continued by some eighteenth century French cartographers, notably Delsle and Châtelain {cf. Goodman 1976). Lake Parime, and its sister mythical lake Cassipi, continued to appear on maps of the Guianas until the late 1700s (e.g. Mathew Carey's 1796 map), and as more was learned of the geography of the coastal areas, the lake became progressively smaller and was moved South to the interior. Nineteenth century scholars continued to debate the existence of the lakel. IV. Plate number four, " cum parte Australi Nova Andalusia," is Blaeu's classic representation of Venezuela. This particular map was published in 1645 and is a direct copy of De Laet (1625). As with the above map, the directions of some rivers and the extent of several mountain ranges have been inferred. Many aboriginal groups and missions are noted, and since De Laet made use of ecclesiastical and government records, many of which have been lost or destroyed, this map is of scholarly interest. It is one of the best sources of inform­ ation on the area. 559

The text on the back of this map also provides considerable details; for example, it states that the province of Venezuela was named Little Venice because when it was discovered it was found to have "a habitation of Indians whose houses were built in the water on high piles" (my translation from the Latin). It also notes that the "Pocabuyes" and the "Accoholados" inhabit an area around Lake Maracaybo, but according to the map these two tribes are located quite a bit to the west of the lake. There are a number of other inconsistencies. Aboriginal place names are spelled one way in the text and another way on the map. This; is not surprising. Many individuals were responsible for the production of an atlas, and engravers and typesetters often worked apart. In the case of the Blaeus, they performed their tasks in separate buildings. V. Plate number five, "Coste de Guayane..," issued in 1677 by the French cartographer Pierre Duval (1619-83), is notable for its clarity and its accuracy. Aboriginal groups such as the Galibis and the Palicours are located and the territories they occupied in the seventeenth century seem to have been very close to their present locations. Lake Parime was southeast of its position on Blaeu's Guiana map, and as in other maps of this area, the coastline is well defined with many useful place names, but little can be learned of the interior. Of the maps considered thus far, this map may be the most useful for discerning patterns of tribal migration. VI. Plate number six, "accuratissima Brasilia Tabula," is by J. Jansson, successor to the publishing house established by G. Mercador and H. Hondius. This copy, issued in 1653, provides a fair representation of the coast of , but it does not differ markedly from a map published by H. Hondius in 1630. Jansson attempted to fill gaps in the interior with insets of major ports ("Baya de todos os Sanctos" and "Villa d'Olinda de Pernambuco"), sea monsters, natives on a war raid, a native asleep in a hammoc, and cannibals. The oldest known illustration of American natives had been of cannibalism (cf. Schuller 1930), and by this time the depiction of cannibals on maps had become almost a cliché. While there is debate as to the existence of cannibals in the New World and elsewhere (Arens 1979), there is little doubt that such portrayals reveal something of European attitudes toward the New World. Vignettes, such as the ones in Jansson (1653), provide clues as to what impressed Europeans about America: hammocs, long-houses, bats, exotic animals, new food stuffs, tobacco, and so on (Hamilton 1976; George 1978), and psychoanalytic theorists have had a field-day with tales of cannibalism (Sagan 1974) and with the widely accepted myth of Amazon societies in the New World. It may be, as Quinn (1976) has postulated, that Europeans saw the New World largely in terms of the old. Castles, for example, frequently depicted on early sixteenth century maps, were not actually seen in America before the conquest of Mexico about twenty five years after discovery; and iguanas, as mentionned previously, may have impressed Europeans because they resembled mythical dragons. In the above and other cases, it is apparent that maps reflected European expectations of the New World as well as what was actually observed there. 560

Maps, of course, were not the only sources of information (and/ or misinformation) on the New World. In 1590 the first of an import­ ant series of publications was issued by Theodore de Bry. The first volume of this series dealt with Raleigh's Virginia colony and appear­ ed in English, French, German and Latin. Later volumes dealing with South America and the Caribbean were issued in German and Latin only (Garratt Í979: 3). William Sturtevant notes that the importance of de Bry for the study of ethnohistory should not be underestimated. He states: "De Bry collected a great deal of material (some of it since lost) from both published and unpublished sources. Very often he or his engravers were better artists than those who produced the models. The results give a homogenized impression: the figures are all 'neo­ classical,' the composition artificial and European. But more care­ ful examination shows that in his own way he was faithful to his sources, for the transfer of clothing, houses and other artifacts from one culture to another occurs infrequently. Thus where de Bry's models are lost or unknown his pictures should be taken seriously as primary ethnohistorical documents"(Sturtevant, 1976: 419-420). De Bry's pictures, such as plate number seven "Paria Indians" (taken from a 1621 German edition of the "Grand Voyages"), should be taken seriously. Reproductions are readily available (Alexander 1966; Johnson 1974), and from these it is possible to determine something of the layouts of villages, population densities, subsistence patterns, and local flora and fauna. Researchers must exercise care, however, in their use of de Bry. It must be remembered that his primary object­ ivé was to sell books and that some of his depictions are exaggerated. Florida alligators, for example, are shown as being at least 40 feet long. Before concluding, possible uses of seventeenth century maps in historic archaeology should be noted; especially for studies of plant­ ation societies (Handler and Lange 1978; Armstrong, this volume). Numbers of the now defunct Map Collector's Circle series are invaluable research tools. Number ten "Early Printed Maps of Trinidad and Tobago" includes a census, a list of proprietors, and statistics on agricultural production. Most seventeenth century Bermuda maps included lists of proprietors (Palmer 1965) , and similar information appeared on maps of Jamaica, St. Kitts, Barbados, Antigua, and Grenada. Separate numbers of Map Collector's Circle were devoted to each of the above islands. In this presentation I have explored possible uses of sixteenth and seventeenth century maps for the study of Caribbean prehistory and protohistory. It was suggested that antique maps may aid in the discovery of archaeological sites and that their toponyms reveal patterns of ethnicity in the area. Of the maps covered, those of the Guianas (plates number three, four and five) were shown to be the richest in native toponyms and may be the most useful for the study of tribal migrations in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. 561

NOTES

This project was funded, in part, by a grant from the University of Connecticut Research Foundation. Yale University also facilitated my work by appointing me a Research Fellow at that institution. I wish to thank Garvin Boudle, Barbara McCorkle, and Pat McGlamery for their kind assistance.

1. In 1800, Alexander von Humboldt explored the region and learned that the names "Parime" and "Paragua" signified variously water, great water, a lake, or the sea, and were commonly given by Indians to the bodies of water along which they happened to live. Hillhouse, an English explorer, suggested that the story might have had its origin in the shining appearance of micaceous rocks along the Rio Ucucuamo (Goodman, 1976:28-9). Several years ago a team of British geologists sought funding to resolve the matter "once and for all" (personal communication, Kit Kapp).

REFERENCES Alexander, Gerald, ed. 1966 How They Say the New World, by Ernst and Johana Lehner, New York: Tutor.

Arens, William 1979 The Man Eating Myth. New York: Oxford. Garratt, John G. 1979 The Maps in De Bry. The Map Collector 9:3-11.

George, Wilma 1978 Animals and Maps. Berkeley: University of California. Goodman, Edward J. 1976 The Search for the Mythical Lake Parima. Terra Incognita 7: 23-30.

Hamilton, Earl J. 1976 What the New World Gave the Economy of the Old. In: First Images of America. Fredi Chiappelli, ed. Berkeley: University of California. Pp. 853-884.

Handler, Jerome and Frederick Lange 1978 Plantation Slavery in Barbados: An Archaeological and His­ torical Investigation. Cambridge, MA: Harvard.

Hemming, John 1978 The Search for El Dorado. New York: Dutton.

Johnson, Adrian 1974 America Explored. New York: Viking. 562

Koeman, C. 1970 Joan Blaeu and His Grand Atlas. : Ltd.

Laurence, K.M. 1975 Continuity and Change in Trinidadian Toponyms.iVieuhre West- Indische Gids 50: 123-142.

Palmer, Margret 1965 The Printed Maps of Bermuda. The Map Collector's Circle, number 19. London.

Parry, J.H. 1974 The Discovery of the Sea. New York: Dial

Quinn, David Beers 1976 New Geographical Horizons: Literature. In:First Images of America. Fredi Chiappelli, ed. Berkeley: University of California. Pp. 635-57.

Ramos Perez, Demetrius 1973 El Mito de Dorado, Su Genesis y Proceso. Caracas: Academia Nacional de la Historica.

Ramsay, Richard H. 1972 No Longer on the Map discovering Places that Never Were. New York: Viking.

Roukema, E. 1979 Some Remarks on the La Cosa Map. Imago Mundi 14:r38-54. Sagan, Eli 1974 Cannibalism. New York: Harper and Row.

Schuller, Rudolf. 1930 The Oldest Known Illustration of South American Indians. Indian Notes 7: 484-97

Schwartz, Seymour and Ralph Ehrenberg 1980 The Mapping of America. New York: Henri N. Abrams Inc. Sturtevant, William 1976 First Visual Images of Native America. In: First Images of America. Freddi Chiappelli, ed. Berkeley: University of California. Pp. 417-53.

Tooley, R.V. 1978 Map and Map-Makers. New York; Crown. Vega, Bernardo 1980 Las Cacicazgos de la Hispaniola. Santo Domingo: Museo del Hombre Dominicano. 563

Verner, Coolie 1975 Copperplate Printing. In: Five Centuries of Map Printing. David Woodward, ed. Chicago: University of Chicago. Pp. 51-76. 564

kW

n

•H Cu 565

1 I «S *# w. S il

G > V r ,) i-r-,- IY.WIW^-Y-,^»-,-V ^^i^n^^rib^-Y^^^^^ * -'~"-I -

Al K K I ü | f; % -f-v-.'j-jmf •' , J .' .' ••miA,>,i..Lj^numwmu,uuuii!MlU'LJii ."•l'u- . . . i . Figure 3. Guiana Sive Amazonum Regio. - 1650. 567

LO

KO

•H til

ai •O C < > sO

!-l 4-m1 <

CD D N d)

Q) 3 tn •H CM Figure 5. Coste de Guayane autrement France Equinoctiale en La Terre-Ferme d'Amérique. - 167 569 570