Are the Bretons French?
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Thesis Rests with Its Author
University of Bath PHD Identity in a post-communist Balkan state: A study in north Albania Saltmarshe, Douglas Award date: 1999 Awarding institution: University of Bath Link to publication Alternative formats If you require this document in an alternative format, please contact: [email protected] General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal ? Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 09. Oct. 2021 IDENTITY IN A POST-COMMUNIST BALKAN STATE: A STUDY IN NORTH ALBANIA Submitted by Douglas Saltmarshe for the degree of PhD of the University of Bath 1999 COPYRIGHT Attention is drawn to the fact that copyright of this thesis rests with its author. This copy of the thesis has been supplied on condition that everyone who consults it is understood to recognise that its copyright rests with its author and that no quotation from the thesis and no information derived from it may be published without the prior consent of its author. -
Nationalism in the French Revolution of 1789
The University of Maine DigitalCommons@UMaine Honors College 5-2014 Nationalism in the French Revolution of 1789 Kiley Bickford University of Maine - Main Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/honors Part of the Cultural History Commons Recommended Citation Bickford, Kiley, "Nationalism in the French Revolution of 1789" (2014). Honors College. 147. https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/honors/147 This Honors Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@UMaine. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors College by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UMaine. For more information, please contact [email protected]. NATIONALISM IN THE FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1789 by Kiley Bickford A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement for a Degree with Honors (History) The Honors College University of Maine May 2014 Advisory Committee: Richard Blanke, Professor of History Alexander Grab, Adelaide & Alan Bird Professor of History Angela Haas, Visiting Assistant Professor of History Raymond Pelletier, Associate Professor of French, Emeritus Chris Mares, Director of the Intensive English Institute, Honors College Copyright 2014 by Kiley Bickford All rights reserved. Abstract The French Revolution of 1789 was instrumental in the emergence and growth of modern nationalism, the idea that a state should represent, and serve the interests of, a people, or "nation," that shares a common culture and history and feels as one. But national ideas, often with their source in the otherwise cosmopolitan world of the Enlightenment, were also an important cause of the Revolution itself. The rhetoric and documents of the Revolution demonstrate the importance of national ideas. -
Israel's Practical Zionism in Developing a State for the Jews
National Identity without Intellectual Bases: Israel’s Practical Zionism in Developing a State for the Jews SYAHRUL HIDAYAT*1 Department of Political Science University of Indonesia FISIP B Building 2nd Floor, UI Campus, Depok, 16424 Indonesia E-mail: [email protected] ABSTRACT Israel as a state has been existing for almost 70 years. Despite of decades of its pres- ence, the foundation and its struggle for survival and acknowledgement have been constantly challenged including from its own supposedly the backbone of its Israel national identity: intellectuals. This paper argues that the critics from some of Jew- ish intellectuals represent the fundamental problem of the effort to build a national identity. If nationalism, especially in European context as its birthplace, was usually supported by the intellectuals as the source of imagination of bounded group, the case of Israel shows different direction, at least problematic. Two prominent Jewish intel- lectuals, Martin Buber and Hannah Arendt, presented here are the examples of the challenge against Jewish domination on Israel nationalism. Although they did not wish to disconnect their identity as Jews and agreed with an authoritative political institution to protect the Jews both were against the idea of Jewish domination and annihilation of Palestinians. As their views were against the principles of pragmatism, lack of at- tention and support from the Zionist political leaders has made their intellectual ideas relatively isolated from the mass. Keyword: nationalism, national identity, intellectual, Israel ABSTRAK Israel sebagai sebuah negara telah ada selama hampir 70 tahun. Meskipun kehadiran- nya telah berlangsung selama beberapa dekade, pendirian dan perjuangannya untuk bertahan dan mendapatkan pengakuan telah terus-menerus ditantang termasuk dari mereka yang seharusnya menjadi tulang punggung identitas nasional Israel yaitu kaum intelektual. -
Gaelic Scotland in the Colonial Imagination
Gaelic Scotland in the Colonial Imagination Gaelic Scotland in the Colonial Imagination Anglophone Writing from 1600 to 1900 Silke Stroh northwestern university press evanston, illinois Northwestern University Press www .nupress.northwestern .edu Copyright © 2017 by Northwestern University Press. Published 2017. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication data are available from the Library of Congress. Except where otherwise noted, this book is licensed under a Creative Commons At- tribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License. To view a copy of this license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/. In all cases attribution should include the following information: Stroh, Silke. Gaelic Scotland in the Colonial Imagination: Anglophone Writing from 1600 to 1900. Evanston, Ill.: Northwestern University Press, 2017. For permissions beyond the scope of this license, visit www.nupress.northwestern.edu An electronic version of this book is freely available, thanks to the support of libraries working with Knowledge Unlatched. KU is a collaborative initiative designed to make high-quality books open access for the public good. More information about the initiative and links to the open-access version can be found at www.knowledgeunlatched.org Contents Acknowledgments vii Introduction 3 Chapter 1 The Modern Nation- State and Its Others: Civilizing Missions at Home and Abroad, ca. 1600 to 1800 33 Chapter 2 Anglophone Literature of Civilization and the Hybridized Gaelic Subject: Martin Martin’s Travel Writings 77 Chapter 3 The Reemergence of the Primitive Other? Noble Savagery and the Romantic Age 113 Chapter 4 From Flirtations with Romantic Otherness to a More Integrated National Synthesis: “Gentleman Savages” in Walter Scott’s Novel Waverley 141 Chapter 5 Of Celts and Teutons: Racial Biology and Anti- Gaelic Discourse, ca. -
NMR Project Proposal
www.ssoar.info National minority 'regions' in the enlarged European Union: mobilizing for third level politics? Malloy, Tove H. Arbeitspapier / working paper Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Malloy, T. H. (2005). National minority 'regions' in the enlarged European Union: mobilizing for third level politics? (ECMI Working Paper, 24). Flensburg: European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI). https://nbn-resolving.org/ urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-63119 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer Deposit-Lizenz (Keine This document is made available under Deposit Licence (No Weiterverbreitung - keine Bearbeitung) zur Verfügung gestellt. Redistribution - no modifications). We grant a non-exclusive, non- Gewährt wird ein nicht exklusives, nicht übertragbares, transferable, individual and limited right to using this document. persönliches und beschränktes Recht auf Nutzung dieses This document is solely intended for your personal, non- Dokuments. Dieses Dokument ist ausschließlich für commercial use. All of the copies of this documents must retain den persönlichen, nicht-kommerziellen Gebrauch bestimmt. all copyright information and other information regarding legal Auf sämtlichen Kopien dieses Dokuments müssen alle protection. You are not allowed to alter this document in any Urheberrechtshinweise und sonstigen Hinweise auf gesetzlichen way, to copy it for public or commercial purposes, to exhibit the Schutz beibehalten werden. Sie dürfen dieses Dokument document in public, to perform, distribute or otherwise use the nicht in irgendeiner Weise abändern, noch dürfen Sie document in public. dieses Dokument für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke By using this particular document, you accept the above-stated vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, aufführen, vertreiben oder conditions of use. anderweitig nutzen. Mit der Verwendung dieses Dokuments erkennen Sie die Nutzungsbedingungen an. -
O N E Ücague
ISSN 0257-7860 SOp Sterling N r. 54 SUMMER 1986 ScRift-Celt ’86 CuiM^Nic^ aiR CRuaöal NaN DaoiNe AftGR EleCtiONS: Pause to tt}iNk BRitisIi BoMbiNq Mi stäke 'Oje iRisb iN ScotJaNö MilitaRisatioN o f CoRNwall iRisb LaNQuaqe News O n e ü c A G u e AIBA: CCYMUNN CEIU64CH • BRE1ZH: KE/RE KEUIEK Cy/URU: UNDEB CELMIDD 'EIRE: CONR4DH CEIITWCH K ER N O W : KESUNY/flNS KELTER • /VW NNINICQ/V1MEEYS CEITWGH ALBA na Tuirceis cuideachd. Chan fhaca Murchaidh Mar sin chunnaic iad na murtaireann a" sior an Cornach uair sam bith nach robh e a" dlüthachadh riutha. CUIMHNICH AIR smogadh na phiob aige. B'iad nan saighdearan Turcach. Bha “ Tha a" mhör-chuid den lompaireachd oifigear aca mu dhä fhichead bliadhna a Thurcach thairis air na h-Arabaich a 1ha fo dh'aois. Bha e lachdainn le stais (moustache) CRUADAL NAN ar-a-mach an aghaidh nan Turcach. Tuigidh mhör dhubh Ihiadhaich. Bha dag "na laimh. na Turcaich gu math gum bheil iad ann an Chunnaic Murchadh. Goff agus na DAOINE ... cunnart ro mhör." arsa Micheil. seachdnar saighdearan aca le oillt o'n uinneig "An robh na Turcaich daonnan fiadhaich uachdarach na bha a’dol seachad san t-sräid. ri daoine eile?" dh'fhaighnichd an Gaidheal. Ruitheadh an ceannard Turcach a stcach do "Chan eil idir. Bha iad daonnan ro fliad- gach laigh. Nuair a thilleadh e dh'eigheadh Aros sona bh'againn thall fhulangach a thaobh a h-uile creideamh san e aireamh air choireigin. An sin ruitheadh Airigh mhonaidh, innis bhö lompaireachd aca." grunn de shaighdearan furcach asteach agus Sgaoil ar sonas uainn air ball Ach chan eil an t-Arm daonnan gun thilleadh iad a-mach a' slaodadh grunnan de Mar roinneas gaoth nam fhuar-bheann ceö. -
Albanian Families' History and Heritage Making at the Crossroads of New
Voicing the stories of the excluded: Albanian families’ history and heritage making at the crossroads of new and old homes Eleni Vomvyla UCL Institute of Archaeology Thesis submitted for the award of Doctor in Philosophy in Cultural Heritage 2013 Declaration of originality I, Eleni Vomvyla confirm that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Where information has been derived from other sources, I confirm that this has been indicated in the thesis. Signature 2 To the five Albanian families for opening their homes and sharing their stories with me. 3 Abstract My research explores the dialectical relationship between identity and the conceptualisation/creation of history and heritage in migration by studying a socially excluded group in Greece, that of Albanian families. Even though the Albanian community has more than twenty years of presence in the country, its stories, often invested with otherness, remain hidden in the Greek ‘mono-cultural’ landscape. In opposition to these stigmatising discourses, my study draws on movements democratising the past and calling for engagements from below by endorsing the socially constructed nature of identity and the denationalisation of memory. A nine-month fieldwork with five Albanian families took place in their domestic and neighbourhood settings in the areas of Athens and Piraeus. Based on critical ethnography, data collection was derived from participant observation, conversational interviews and participatory techniques. From an individual and family group point of view the notion of habitus led to diverse conceptions of ethnic identity, taking transnational dimensions in families’ literal and metaphorical back- and-forth movements between Greece and Albania. -
René Galand, the Emsav in a Novel of Yeun Ar Gow
René Galand, The Emsav in a novel of Yeun ar Gow Brittany’s struggle to regain its liberties (the Emsav , in Breton), is a major theme in XXth century Breton literature, as I have had occasion to show in other publications.1 The links between the Emsav and literature can be quite complex: this has been clearly demonstrated notably by Pierrette Kermoal in her study of two works of Roparz Hemon, the poem Gwarizi vras Emer [Emer’s great jealousy] and the novel Mari Vorgan .2 She shows how the Breton nationalist ideal is manifested in the form of two beautiful women whose essence is supernatural, the fairy Fant in the poem, and the mermaid Levenez in dthe novel. P. Kermoal does not mention Donalda Kerlaban, the protagonist of Hemon’s utopian novel An Aotrou Bimbochet e Breizh , but she clearly is another manifestation of the author’s ideal, an incarnation of his country’s revival. Roparz Hemon makes use of the image of a supernatural woman (or of a woman situated outside of time) like the ancient Irish poets who used her as a symbol of Irish sovereignty. 3 In fact, what the critic Youenn Olier wrote about Roparz Hemon might well be applied to many other Breton writers, à l’instar des anciens poètes irlandais qui symbolisaient ainsi la royauté de leur pays. 4 A vrai dire, on pourrait appliquer à bon nombre d’écrivains bretons ce qu’écrivait Youenn Olier à propos de Roparz Hemon :"... e oberenn lennegel a zo bet heklev an Emsav dre vras" [His literary work has largely been an echo of the Emsav ]. -
French Nationalism and Joan of Arc the Use of the Cult of Joan of Arc in France Between 1871-1926
Beteckning: HRV:D09:2 Institutionen för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap French Nationalism and Joan of Arc The use of the Cult of Joan of Arc in France between 1871-1926 Jakob Ringbom Januari 2010 D-uppsats, 15 högskolepoäng Religionsvetenskap Religionsvetenskap med inriktning mot historiska perspektiv D Handledare: Sten O Karlsson Abstract The cult of Joan of Arc has always had an effect on the people of France, throughout history. It has aspired too many different views and re-surfaced at times in crisis for France. During some turbulent years after the mid 19th century the cult seems to have gained popularity. Emotional and historical writing became a fashion and Joan was presented in different ways depending on the writer and his motifs. As nationalistic front gained in popularity they understood to use her symbol in the name of France. This following study, named French Nationalism and Joan of Arc: the Use of the Cult of Joan of Arc in France between 1871-1926, has been an attempt to study her cult from an ultra nationalistic point of view. By approaching the subject by a History of Ideas theory I have tried to answer my questions in the matter, and tried to de-code the image of Joan of Arc in the name of nationalism. By first studying the nationalistic development in France as background and the basics and philosophy of the ideas I have then begun the research of the period mentioned. First and foremost I have studied the framework of nationalism and then I have used material coherent to my study, such as Action Française, writers of the 19th-20th century and other studies. -
Farwell to Feudalism
Burke's Landed Gentry - The Kingdom in Scotland This pdf was generated from www.burkespeerage.com/articles/scotland/page14e.aspx FAREWELL TO FEUDALISM By David Sellar, Honorary Fellow, Faculty of Law, University of Edinburgh "The feudal system of land tenure, that is to say the entire system whereby land is held by a vassal on perpetual tenure from a superior is, on the appointed day, abolished". So runs the Sixth Act to be passed in the first term of the reconvened Scottish Parliament, The Abolition of Feudal Tenure etc (Scotland) Act 2000. The Act is welcome. By the end of the second millennium the feudal system had long outlived its usefulness, even as a legal construct, and had few, if any defenders. As the Scottish Law Commission commented in 1999, "The main reason for recommending the abolition of the feudal system of land tenure is that it has degenerated from a living system of land tenure with both good and bad features into some-thing which, in the case of many but not all superiors, is little more than an instrument for extracting money". The demise of feudalism brings to an end a story which began almost a thousand years ago, and which has involved all of Scotland's leading families. In England the advent of feudalism is often associated with the Norman Conquest of 1066. That Conquest certainly marked a new beginning in landownership which paved the way for the distinctive Anglo-Norman variety of feudalism. There was a sudden and virtually clean sweep of the major landowners. By the date of the Domesday Survey in 1086, only two major landowners of pre-Conquest vintage were left south of the River Tees holding their land direct of the crown: Thurkell of Arden (from whom the Arden family descend), and Colswein of Lincoln. -
Siol Nan Gaidheal Wendy Wood
Siol nan Gaidheal Wendy Wood Wendy Wood - Patriot and Nationalist Wendy Wood was born Wendy Meacham in 1893 in England. Her maternal grandmother was a highland crofter's daughter called Eilidh Ross, who apparently spoke more Gaelic than English. Eilidh Ross died in childbirth delivering Wendy's mother. Wendy's maternal grandfather was an artist by the name of Peploe. After the death of Eilidh Ross, his first wife, he remarried and had a studio in Italy. The Peploe's were probably related to the Scottish artist Samuel John Peploe who was part of a group of painters known as the Scottish Colourists. Wendy's concern for Scotland was nurtured by her parents: her mother told her stories about William Wallace; she was told never to call any place "home" except Scotland; and her father regularly told her off for omitting post-vocalic/r/in pronunciation. In 1913 Wendy and her husband went on a tour of the highlands in their car. She visited the Wallace monument and was inspired by it. She joined the Scottish League about 1916, the Home Rule Association in 1918, and then the Scottish National Movement led by Lewis Spence in 1927. The National Party of Scotland started in 1928, formed from the Scots League, The Scottish National Movement, The Home Rule Association and the University Nationalist Association. Wendy threw herself into the NPS. Wendy's first public speech took place at Inverkeithing Town Hall. She spoke for twenty minutes. Wendy spoke at public meetings all over Scotland. In 1957, she spoke at 73 public meetings, and her average was 32 per year. -
The Bretons and Normans of England 1066-1154: the Family, the Fief and the Feudal Monarchy*
© K.S.B. Keats-Rohan 1991. Published Nottingham Mediaeval Studies 36 (1992), 42-78 The Bretons and Normans of England 1066-1154: the family, the fief and the feudal monarchy* In memoriam R.H.C.Davis 1. The Problem (i) the non-Norman Conquest Of all the available studies of the Norman Conquest none has been more than tangentially concerned with the fact, acknowledged by all, that the regional origin of those who participated in or benefited from that conquest was not exclusively Norman. The non-Norman element has generally been regarded as too small to warrant more than isolated comment. No more than a handful of Angevins and Poitevins remained to hold land in England from the new English king; only slightly greater was the number of Flemish mercenaries, while the presence of Germans and Danes can be counted in ones and twos. More striking is the existence of the fief of the count of Boulogne in eastern England. But it is the size of the Breton contingent that is generally agreed to be the most significant. Stenton devoted several illuminating pages of his English Feudalism to the Bretons, suggesting for them an importance which he was uncertain how to define.1 To be sure, isolated studies of these minority groups have appeared, such as that of George Beech on the Poitevins, or those of J.H.Round and more recently Michael Jones on the Bretons.2 But, invaluable as such studies undoubtedly are, they tend to achieve no more for their subjects than the status of feudal curiosities, because they detach their subjects from the wider question of just what was the nature of the post-1066 ruling class of which they formed an integral part.