Karen Peace Support Network's Burma's Dead
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U.S. Relations with Burma: Key Issues in 2019
Updated May 8, 2019 U.S. Relations with Burma: Key Issues in 2019 In 2018, the 115th Congress was generally critical of the Figure 1. Map of Burma (Myanmar) Trump Administration’s Burma policy, particularly its limited response to atrocities committed by the Burmese military, intensifying conflict with ethnic insurgencies, and rising concerns about political repression and civil rights. In December 2018, Congress passed the Asia Reassurance Initiative Act of 2018 (P.L. 115-409), which prohibits funding for International Military Education and Training (IMET) and Foreign Military Financing (FMF) Program in Burma for fiscal years 2019 through 2023. Major Developments in Burma At the end of 2018, an estimated one million Rohingya, most of whom fled atrocities committed by Burma’s military (Tatmadaw) in late 2017, remained in refugee camps in Bangladesh, unable and unwilling to return to Burma’s Rakhine State given the current policies of the Burmese government. Also in 2018, fighting between Burma’s military and various ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) escalated in Kachin and Shan States, and spread into Chin, Karen (Kayin), and Rakhine States, while efforts to negotiate a nationwide ceasefire stalled. The Rohingya Crises Continue More than 700,000 Sunni Rohingya fled to Bangladesh in late 2017, seeking to escape Tatmadaw forces that destroyed almost 400 Rohingya villages, killed at least 6,700 Rohingya (according to human rights groups and Doctors Without Borders), and sexually assaulted hundreds of Rohingya women and girls. Repatriation under an October 2018 agreement between the two nations is stalled as the Burmese government is unable or unwilling to Source: CRS establish conditions that would allow the voluntary, safe, dignified, and sustainable return of the Rohingya. -
Militarized Conflicts in Northern Shan State
A Return to War: Militarized Conflicts in Northern Shan State ASIA PAPER May 2018 EUROPEAN UNION A Return to War: Militarized Conflicts in Northern Shan State © Institute for Security and Development Policy V. Finnbodavägen 2, Stockholm-Nacka, Sweden www.isdp.eu “A Return to War: Militarized Conflicts in Northern Shan State” is an Asia Paper published by the published by the Institute for Security and Development Policy. The Asia Paper Series is the Occasional Paper series of the Institute’s Asia Program, and addresses topical and timely subjects. The Institute is based in Stockholm, Sweden, and cooperates closely with research centers worldwide. The Institute serves a large and diverse community of analysts, scholars, policy-watchers, business leaders, and journalists. It is at the forefront of research on issues of conflict, security, and development. Through its applied research, publications, research cooperation, public lectures, and seminars, it functions as a focal point for academic, policy, and public discussion. This publication has been produced with funding by the European Union. The content of this publication does not reflect the official opinion of the European Union. Responsibility for the information and views expressed in the paper lies entirely with the authors. No third-party textual or artistic material is included in the publication without the copyright holder’s prior consent to further dissemination by other third parties. Reproduction is authorised provided the source is acknowledged. © European Union and ISDP, 2018 Printed in Lithuania ISBN: 978-91-88551-11-5 Cover photo: Patrick Brown patrickbrownphoto.com Distributed in Europe by: Institute for Security and Development Policy Västra Finnbodavägen 2, 131 30 Stockholm-Nacka, Sweden Tel. -
Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team
Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team Seventeen Ethnic Armed Organizations held a conference in Laiza, the headquarters of KIO/KIA on 30 Oct – 2 Nov 2013. At the end of the conference, ethnic leaders established Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT) on Nov 2, 2013. The NCCT will represent to member ethnic armed organizations when negotiating with government peace negotiation team, UPWC. NCCT Leader: • Vice-Chairman : Nai Hong Sar, New Mon State Party • Deputy Leader 1 : General Secretary – Padoh Kwe Htoo Win (Karen National Union) • Deputy Leader 2 : Deputy Commander-in-Chief – Maj. Gen. Gun Maw (KIA) Member • Lt. Col. Kyaw Han, Arakan Army • Central Committee Member Ms. Mra Raza Lin, Arakan Liberation Party • General Secretary Twan Zaw, Arakan National Council • Presidium Dr. Lian Sakhong, Chin National Front • Col. Saw Lont Lon, Democratic Karen Benevolent Army • Secretary-2 Shwe Myo Thant, Karenni National Progressive Party • Gen. Dr. Timothy, Foreign Affairs, KNU/KNLA Peace Council • Col. Hkun Okker, Patron, Pa-Oh National Liberation Organization • Central Committee member Sai Ba Tun, Shan State Progress Party • Secretary-General Ta Aik Nyunt, Wa National Organization NCCT member Organizations: 1. Arakan Liberation Party 2. Arakan National Council 3. Arakan Army 4. Chin National Front 5. Democratic Karen Benevolent Army 6. Karenni National Progressive Party 7. Chairman, Karen National Union 8. KNU/KNLA Peace Council 9. Lahu Democratic Union 10. Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army 11. New Mon State Party 12. Pa-Oh National Liberation Organization 13. Palaung State Liberation Front 14. Shan State Progress Party 15. Wa National Organiztion 16. Kachin Independence Organization Note: Representatives of Restoration Council of Shan State attended the ethnic armed organizations conference held in Laiza, the headquarters of KIO. -
The Situation in Karen State After the Elections PAPER No
EBO ANALYSIS The Situation in Karen State after the Elections PAPER No. 1 2011 THE SITUATION IN KAREN STATE AFTER THE ELECTIONS EBO Analysis Paper No. 1/2011 For over sixty years the Karens have been fighting the longest civil war in recent history. The struggle, which has seen demands for an autonomous state changed to equal recognition within a federal union, has been bloody and characterized by a number of splits within the movement. While all splinter groups ostensibly split to further ethnic Karen aspirations; recent decisions by some to join the Burmese government’s Border Guard Force (BGF) is seen as an end to such aspirations. Although a number of Karen political parties were formed to contest the November elections, the likelihood of such parties seriously securing appropriate ethnic representation without regime capitulation is doubtful. While some have argued, perhaps correctly, that the only legitimate option was to contest the elections, the closeness of some Karen representatives to the current regime can only prolong the status quo. This papers examines the problems currently affecting Karen State after the 7 November elections. THE BORDER GUARD FORCE Despite original promises of being allowed to recruit a total of 9,000 troops, the actual number of the DKBA (Democratic Karen Buddhist Army) or Karen Border Guard Force has been reduced considerably. In fact, a number of the original offers made to the DKBA have been revoked. At a 7 May 2010 meeting held at Myaing Gyi Ngu, DKBA Chairman U Tha Htoo Kyaw stated that ‘According to the SE Commander, the BGF will retain the DKBA badge.’ In fact the DKBA were given uniforms with SPDC military patches and all Karen flags in DKBA areas were removed and replaced by the national flag. -
Burma Coup Watch
This publication is produced in cooperation with Burma Human Rights Network (BHRN), Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK (BROUK), the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), Progressive Voice (PV), US Campaign for Burma (USCB), and Women Peace Network (WPN). BN 2021/2031: 1 Mar 2021 BURMA COUP WATCH: URGENT ACTION REQUIRED TO PREVENT DESTABILIZING VIOLENCE A month after its 1 February 2021 coup, the military junta’s escalation of disproportionate violence and terror tactics, backed by deployment of notorious military units to repress peaceful demonstrations, underlines the urgent need for substantive international action to prevent massive, destabilizing violence. The junta’s refusal to receive UN diplomatic and CONTENTS human rights missions indicates a refusal to consider a peaceful resolution to the crisis and 2 Movement calls for action confrontation sparked by the coup. 2 Coup timeline 3 Illegal even under the 2008 In order to avert worse violence and create the Constitution space for dialogue and negotiations, the 4 Information warfare movement in Burma and their allies urge that: 5 Min Aung Hlaing’s promises o International Financial Institutions (IFIs) 6 Nationwide opposition immediately freeze existing loans, recall prior 6 CDM loans and reassess the post-coup situation; 7 CRPH o Foreign states and bodies enact targeted 7 Junta’s violent crackdown sanctions on the military (Tatmadaw), 8 Brutal LIDs deployed Tatmadaw-affiliated companies and partners, 9 Ongoing armed conflict including a global arms embargo; and 10 New laws, amendments threaten human rights o The UN Security Council immediately send a 11 International condemnation delegation to prevent further violence and 12 Economy destabilized ensure the situation is peacefully resolved. -
05 Narayanan Ganesan 4교.Indd
Asian Journal of Peacebuilding August 10, 2021: 1-28 doi: 10.18588/202108.00a148 Perspective Democratic Deficits: Structural and Agency Factors in Myanmar’s Ethnic Peace Process during Regime Transition Narayanan Ganesan Myanmar has undergone democratic transition since 2010 when the country introduced elections and a parliamentary form of government. The country has now had two successive governments, the first led by President Thein Sein and the second by Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy. Both governments have made the ethnic peace process, based on the 2015 Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement, a key policy issue. Nonetheless, only limited success has been obtained thus far, and important structural and agency factors inhibit greater progress. These factors, termed “democracy deficits” in this article, suggest that the peace process has limited scope for further success in the medium term, and that the interactions between these two factors has only worsened the situation. A postscript brings the article up to date. Keywords Myanmar, democratization, Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement, Northern Alliance, National League for Democracy Introduction Myanmar began a domestically engineered democratic transition in 2010 with the country going through two elected governments in the following decade. The first government, led by President Thein Sein, was only partly democratic since leading personalities within it were drawn from the military, and the major opposition political party boycotted the election. By contrast, the second National League for Democracy (NLD) government, led by Aung San Suu Kyi, that took power in 2016, was far more democratic with a strong mandate and an overwhelming majority in parliament. Both governments sought to end the long-running wars with ethnic armed groups and regarded this an extremely important agenda item during their terms of office. -
Women and the 21 Century Panglong Conference
Women and the 21st Century Panglong Conference Dispatch by Hanney Lwin Oo, Yangon Office Today, 31st August 2016, the historic Panglong Conference started in Myanmar, aimed at reaching comprehensive peace in the conflict-torn country. The participants of the Conference include the government, political parties, ethnic armed groups, ethnic representatives, the Myanmar military, and some civil society actors. Participating Women’s Organizations include Women and Peace Action Network, Shan State Gender Equality Network, Women's League of Burma (WLB), Nyein Foundation Women's Organizations Network (Myanmar), Gender and Development Institute-Myanmar, and Alliance on Gender Inclusion in the Peace Process (AGIPP). UN Secretary General, Ban Ki-moon will deliver a speech at today’s 21st-century Panglong Conference, which he called a “promising first step” of the new administration’s attempt to solve Myanmar’s decades- long armed conflicts. Visiting the country for the fifth time, the UN chief said yesterday that the peace process will need further strengthening. But he congratulated the participants’ “patience, determination and spirit of compromise”. “The steps you have taken toward peace and national reconciliation will need to be further strengthened, broadened and consolidated. This is the real expectation of the international community,” he said. He added that the United Nations will continue to support the peace process, as it has done since the reign of the oppressive military regime. Mr Ban said the United Nations has consistently backed Myanmar’s journey toward democracy and human rights. “It has been a great honour to work with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in particular,” he said, while standing alongside the state counsellor. -
EBO Background Paper NO. 4 / 2015 AUGUST 2015 EBO MYANMAR
EBO Background Paper NO. 4 / 2015 AUGUST 2015 EBO MYANMAR AUTHOR | Paul Keenan ALL-INCLUSIVENESS IN AN ETHNIC CONTEXT After what had been recognised as successful ostensibly an agreement not to militarily engage talks in July that brought the Nationwide Ceasefire the government’s armed forces. Agreement (NCA) closer to fruition only three While two of the three main points, signatories and points remained to be addressed before a binding witnesses to the agreement, were satisfactorily agreement could be signed. Perhaps crucially the settled at a meeting between the Union Peace- most important for all concerned parties were making Work Committee (UPWC) and Ethnic Armed which groups are to be included in the signing of Organizations-Senior Delegation (SD), from 6 to 7 the NCA. This has become a particularly difficult August 2015, at the Myanmar Peace Centre, the point to address as the Government and the main one, all-inclusiveness, or more correctly who armed ethnic group leaders have differing views gets to sign the ceasefire agreement, continues as to the validity of those groups that can be a part to be unresolved and without compromise could of the process at the initial ceasefire stage. see the peace process delayed until well after There are six groups that are a major concern May 2016, as the 8 November election and the during these talks, each groups has a different installation of a new government is finalised. background, a different goal, and different claims Consequently, there remains little time left for an as to why they deserve to participate in what is agreement to be made. -
Burma's Northern Shan State and Prospects for Peace
UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE PEACEBRIEF234 United States Institute of Peace • www.usip.org • Tel. 202.457.1700 • @usip September 2017 DAVID SCOTT MATHIESON Burma’s Northern Shan State Email: [email protected] and Prospects for Peace Summary • Increased armed conflict between the Burmese Army and several ethnic armed organizations in northern Shan State threaten the nationwide peace process. • Thousands of civilians have been displaced, human rights violations have been perpetrated by all parties, and humanitarian assistance is being increasingly blocked by Burmese security forces. • Illicit economic activity—including extensive opium and heroin production as well as transport of amphetamine stimulants to China and to other parts of Burma—has helped fuel the conflict. • The role of China as interlocutor between the government, the military, and armed actors in the north has increased markedly in recent months. • Reconciliation will require diverse advocacy approaches on the part of international actors toward the civilian government, the Tatmadaw, ethnic armed groups, and civil society. To facili- tate a genuinely inclusive peace process, all parties need to be encouraged to expand dialogue and approach talks without precondition. Even as Burma has “transitioned from decades Introduction of civil war and military rule Even as Burma has transitioned—beginning in late 2010—from decades of civil war and military to greater democracy, long- rule to greater democracy, long-standing and widespread armed conflict has resumed between several ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) and the Burmese armed forces (Tatmadaw). Early in standing and widespread 2011, a 1994 ceasefire agreement broke down as relations deterioriated in the wake of the National armed conflict has resumed.” League for Democracy government’s refusal to permit Kachin political parties to participate in the elections that ended the era of military rule in the country. -
School, Ethnicity and Nation-Building in Post-Colonial Myanmar Francesco Bigagli*
Research in Educational Policy and Management Open Access Journal 2019, 1(1): 1-16 repamjournal.org Research Paper School, ethnicity and nation-building in post-colonial Myanmar Francesco Bigagli* * PhD, Independent Researcher, ABSTRACT Italy (Former Assistant Professor, Drawing on concepts of ethnicity and ethnic nationalism, this paper Dhofar University, School of analyzes the reasons and extent to which school education has been Applied Sciences and Languages, utilized to define postcolonial Myanmar. It will examine the way in which Salalah, Oman). the nation has been defined by the suppression of the ‘Other’ as opposed to being formed in its integral nations. This will be done through an E-mail: [email protected] analysis of Myanmar’s political history and, subsequently, through an examination of specific educational policies and practices such as the Article Info introduction of a one-language policy, standardized curricula and Received: 18.11.2019 textbooks and teacher-centered pedagogies that have deliberately been Revised: 28.11.2019 used in the attempt to assimilate rather than integrate the country’s Accepted: 02.12.2019 ethnic diversity. The second part of the paper will look into the nature and dynamics of the country’s enduring identity-based conflicts by How to cite analyzing the effects of such exclusive state building policies. It will argue Bigagli, F. (2019). School, ethnicity that the ‘ethnicization’ of the education system (in favor of the Bamar and nation-building in post- majority) has both catalyzed political violence and has reinforced ethno- colonial Myanmar. Research in linguistic identities through the use of education as a tool of resistance. -
Finding an Endgame in Kachin State the KIO’S Strategies for Finding a Resolution to the Conflict
EBO Background Paper - No .3 | 2018 September 2018 AUTHOR | Paul Keenan Finding an Endgame in Kachin State The KIO’s strategies for finding a resolution to the conflict Since 9 June 2011, Kachin State has seen open (CEFU). The Committee’s purpose was to conflict between the Kachin Independence Army consolidate a political front at a time when the and the Tatmadaw (Myanmar military). The Kachin ceasefire groups faced perceived imminent attacks Independence Organisation had signed a ceasefire by the Tatmadaw. However, in November 2010 agreement with the regime in 1994 and since then shortly after the Myanmar elections, the political had lived in relative peace until the ceasefire was grouping was transformed into a military united broken by the Tatmadaw in June 2011. front. At a conference held from the 12-16 February 2011, CEFU declared its dissolution and the The increased territorial infractions by the formation of the United Nationalities Federal Tatmadaw combined with economic exploitation Council (UNFC). The UNFC, which was at that time by China in Kachin territory, especially the comprised of 12 ethnic organisations1, stated that: construction of the Myitsone Hydropower Dam, left the Kachin Independence Organisation with very The goal of the UNFC is to establish the little alternative but to return to armed resistance future Federal Union (of Myanmar) and to prevent further abuses of its people and their the Federal Union Army is formed for territory’s natural resources. Despite this, however, giving protection to the people of the the political situation since the beginning of country.2 hostilities has changed significantly. -
STATUS of HUMAN RIGHTS & SANCTIONS in MYANMAR JULY 2020 REPORT Summary. This Report Reviews the July 2020 Developments Rela
STATUS OF HUMAN RIGHTS & SANCTIONS IN MYANMAR JULY 2020 REPORT Summary. This report reviews the July 2020 developments relating to human rights in Myanmar. Relatedly, it addresses the interchange between Myanmar’s reform efforts and the responses of the international community. I. Political Developments......................................................................................................2 A. Rohingya Refugee Crisis................................................................................................2 B. Corruption.......................................................................................................................2 C. International Community / Sanctions...........................................................................3 II. Civil and Political Rights...................................................................................................3 A. Freedom of Speech, Assembly and Association............................................................3 B. Freedom of the Press and Censorship...........................................................................4 III. Economic Development.....................................................................................................4 A. Economic Development—Legal Framework, Foreign Investment............................4 B. Economic Development—Infrastructure, Major Projects..........................................5 C. Land Seizure....................................................................................................................5