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Book Rev Iews 569 book rev iews 569 Chiefs Today: Traditional Pacific viding state services; and chiefs who Leadership and the Postcolonial State, act against the state as representatives edited by Geoffrey M White and of local identities and aspirations. The Lamont Lindstrom. East-West Center case studies in chapters 2 to 14 illus- Series on Contemporary Issues in Asia trate the various discourses that have and the Pacific. Stanford, ca: Stanford contributed to the persistence, trans- University Press, 1997. i s b n cloth, formation, and (re)emergence of 0–8047–2849–6; xiv + 343 pages, chiefs in the Pacific. The editors do map, notes, bibliography, index. not attempt to systematize these dis- Cloth, u s$49.50; paper u s$18.95. courses, but I do not believe that it would inflict gross conceptual violence Leadership in the Pacific Islands: on the idiosyncrasies of the various Tradition and the Future, edited by cases to characterize them as dis- Don Shuster, Peter Larmour, and courses on state, democracy, and Karin von Strokirch. Pacific Policy nationhood, discourses on Christian- Paper 30. Canberra: National Centre ity, discourses on tradition, and dis- for Development Studies, Research courses on business and development. School of Pacific and Asian Studies, Cluny Macpherson discusses the Australian National University and persistence of chiefly authority in Mangilão: Micronesian Area Research Western Sâmoa (chapter 2). He shows Center, University of Guam, 1998. how chiefs and missionaries entered i s b n 0–7315–2372–5; xi + 149 pages, a “natural alliance” to their mutual appendix, notes, bibliography. Paper gain, a collaboration that continues a$20, u s$15. up to the present. Through various transformations of constitutional Chiefs Today, a collection of essays arrangements, the chiefs have contin- edited by Geoffrey White and Lamont ued to wield considerable political Lindstrom is a welcome contribution power, formalized and legitimated by to the literature on leadership and the state. The Tongan case, described political systems in the Pacific. The by Kerry James (chapter 3), is special volume focuses on the position of in that it is the only surviving king- chiefs in the present-day Pacific Islands dom in the Pacific. The centralization and their relationships with the state. of power in the royal family, the The term chief has become the com- restricted number of appointed nobles, mon gloss for a great variety of tradi- and the state ministers have effected a tional leadership types throughout the transformation of traditional chief- Pacific region. Lindstrom and White tainship. Even though this hierarchi- define chiefs as political leaders draw- cal system enjoys great legitimacy in ing their authority and influence from Tonga, James points to problems a discourse on local tradition. They deriving from its rigidity. In chapter distinguish three main types: chiefs 4 Robert Franco compares the “pop- who represent the state, serving as its ulist and hierarchical vitality” of the statesmen (for example in Tonga); Western Samoan chiefly system with chiefs who function as the state’s inter- the continuity and stagnation of the mediaries and brokers at the local Tongan monarchy and nobility. level, exercising state control and pro- Toon van Meijl elaborates the 570 the contemporary pacific • fall 2001 urban-rural opposition within the which would have established chiefs Mâori population of New Zealand as a relevant group of actors on the (chapter 5). The rural-based tribal national scene. Even though the pro- chiefs engaged in strategies to enhance posal was finally accepted by the Con- the empowerment of Mâori tribal stitutional Convention, it was patently organizations through a process of rejected by the citizens of the Feder- political devolution. Urban groups ated States in the constitutional refer- reacted by forming pantribal organi- endum of 1991. Petersen explains this zations, which achieved political outcome by referring to the Microne- recognition as regional authorities. sian preference for a duality in the Stephanie Lawson uses the case of Fiji power system, namely between the (chapter 6) to argue forcefully that national Congress and the traditional tradition can be used as a political polities represented by the chiefs. tool to serve certain interests, in par- Laurence M Carucci shows that west- ticular those of an indigenous elite. ern intervention has consistently and She emphasizes that the present politi- increasingly empowered chiefs in the cal position of chiefs is largely a colo- Marshall Islands. Even though nial construction, but is legitimated post–World War Two American pol- on the basis of a discourse on tradi- icy officially discouraged chiefly rule, tion that opposes western values of the American presence was only the political equality and liberty, inclusion latest phase of the consolidation of the and participation. Alan Howard and power of chiefs through their control Jan Rensel move the scene to Rotuma, over the distribution of moneys com- an isolated Polynesian island in the ing from outside (damage payments, Republic of Fiji (chapter 7). Even leases, etc). though the authority basis of chiefs is Chapters 11 to 13 address eastern more fragile than in other, more strat- Melanesian cases, where the late-colo- ified Polynesian societies, the discourse nial and post-colonial states have been on chiefs plays an important role in fertile grounds for the development of local politics. chiefly claims and statuses. Lamont Chapters 8 to 10 deal with the Lindstrom discusses the situation in Micronesian region. Eve Pinsker Vanuatu, where chiefs have flourished describes the variation in the four since independence in 1980. In rela- states constituting the Federated States tion to the state, chiefs serve two main of Micronesia, namely Kosrae, Pohn- functions: they convey traditional pei, Chuuk, and Yap. At the F S M legitimacy to the state and assist it national level there is a discourse with forms of “crowd control.” In about traditional leadership defined return chiefs have received very little largely in opposition to elective or co n s t i t u t i o n a l po w e r, th o u g h th e y ha v e bureaucratic leadership, but tradi- the potential to oppose the state and tional leaders do not function as a its leaders. Geoffrey White describes group at the national level. Glenn a rather similar situation in the Solo- Petersen investigates the history of mon Islands. Here too, attempts to moves to create a Chamber of Chiefs empower chiefs have resulted in very in the Federated States of Micronesia, little change in their institutional posi- book rev iews 571 tion. White argues that the lack of referring to conceptual distinctions legal status should not obscure the derived from Lukes (three dimensions reality of a political discourse that of power), Mann (infrastructural empowers local chiefs, a discourse versus despotic power) and Foucault that is grounded in cultural continu- (sovereign versus disciplinary power). ities, and, therefore, should not be Somewhat disappointingly, the con- considered an “invented tradition.” clusion of this exercise is rather gen- The chapter written by the late eral: “Once we have seen the various Roger Keesing provides a sequel to forms power may take, it is hard to his much earlier article “Chiefs in conclude that states are generally or Chiefless Society” (Oc e a n i a 38 [19 6 9 ]: always more powerful than chiefs, 276–280), which deals with the either in relation to each other or in Kwaio in the Solomon Islands. He relation to third parties” (284). shows how paramount chiefs have Even though Lindstrom and White emerged in the colonial context. Even strongly oppose an evolutionary nar- though a conception of hereditary rative concerning chiefs, they end their leadership existed among the Kwaio, introduction on a more conclusive there is little evidence that “real” note, stating, “From today, the Pacific chiefs existed in this inland society in state’s future will dictate that of the precolonial times, unlike the situation Pacific chief” (18). In my view this in some coastal areas in the Solomon statement rightly summarizes a ten- Islands. Kathleen Adams provides the dency that can be observed in the case only case from outside the Pacific studies included in the volume. Con- region, namely the Toraja people from temporary chiefs achieve their status upland Sulawesi in Indonesia. These and power in articulation with mod- people speak an Austronesian lan- ern states and are dependent on this guage and have a strongly developed larger political context to an extent hierarchical and chiefly system. In the that does not appear to be true for the context of the modern Indonesian reverse relationship. The case studies state, which espouses a more egalitar- further testify to widely varying tra- ian rhetoric, the Toraja chiefs are jectories of chiefly authority. In some faced with increasing challenges to cases a strong chieftainship has been their authority. They fight back not able to use the opportunities provided only by invoking adat (tradition) but by modern statehood to consolidate also by referring to democracy, anti- itself. In others the colonial and post- communism, and the state ideology colonial state has provided a rich of Pancasila. breeding ground for the (re)emergence Chapter 15, by Peter Larmour, is of chiefly statuses. called “Conclusions: Chiefs and States The introduction and conclusion of Today.” It provides some useful con- the volume refrain from making gen- ceptual clarifications, for example by eralizations relating to Pacific regions, comparing chiefdoms and states, as and there are of course good reasons well as state officials and chiefs. Lar- for this in view of recent deconstruc- mour analyzes the forms of social tions of the Melanesia-Micronesia- power employed by chiefs and states, Polynesia division. Nevertheless the 572 the contemporary pacific • fall 2001 reader cannot help being impressed by western Pacific raise questions that the striking regional differences in the still need to be answered.
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