Opposition Media in Authoritarian Regimes a Dissertation Submitted In

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Opposition Media in Authoritarian Regimes a Dissertation Submitted In UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles First, the Bad News: Opposition Media in Authoritarian Regimes A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science by Eoghan Wallace McGreevy-Stafford 2020 c Copyright by Eoghan Wallace McGreevy-Stafford 2020 ABSTRACT OF DISSERTATION First, the Bad News: Opposition Media in Authoritarian Regimes by Eoghan Wallace McGreevy-Stafford Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Los Angeles, 2020 Professor Barbara Geddes, Chair Why do dictatorships sometimes allow opposition groups to publish media, but at other times forbid opposition media? I propose a theory that dictators tolerate opposition media selectively in order to limit protests. I formalize the theory in a signaling model, from which I derive several testable empirical implications. I illustrate the logic of the theory with a case study of the Ben Ali dictatorship in Tunisia during its first five years (1987-1992), based in part on interviews I carried out in Tunisia. I show how the theory explains variation in Ben Ali's willingness to allow opposition media, across both time and opposition groups. To test the implications of the model quantitatively, I construct a panel dataset on ten Arab countries with authoritarian regimes during 1992-2017. The data measure which regimes allowed opposition groups to produce media in which years and are based on my research on a wide range of opposition groups (of various ideologies and legal statuses) and of media ii (including newspapers, websites, and TV channels). I find that dictators allow opposition media when their regimes are most likely to survive an uprising, in order to signal their strength to citizens and discourage them from protesting. In particular, in years when authoritarian regimes experience strong economic performance | including low unemployment, high economic growth, and plentiful revenue from oil and natural gas | they are far more likely to permit opposition media. After the \Arab Spring" uprisings of 2011 revealed that the region's authoritarian regimes were more vulnerable to mass unrest than they previously appeared, those regimes became much less likely to tolerate opposition media. By advancing a new theory and analyzing original empirical evidence, this study contributes to our understanding of why media freedom varies in authoritarian regimes. iii The dissertation of Eoghan Wallace McGreevy-Stafford is approved. Michael S. Y. Chwe James D DeNardo Tim Joseph Groeling Daniel Simon Treisman Barbara Geddes, Chair University of California, Los Angeles 2020 iv I dedicate this work to Ceren, with boundless gratitude and love. v Contents Abstract ii Dissertation Committee iv Dedication v List of Figures xii List of Tables xviii Acknowledgments xix Vita xxiii vi 1 Introduction 1 1.1 My Argument in Brief . .3 1.2 Why study this question in Arab countries? . .5 1.3 Outline of the Study . .5 2 Amplifying Pessimism: A Theory of Opposition Media Under Dictatorship 8 2.1 Argument . 10 2.2 Literature Review . 20 2.3 Model . 28 2.4 Equilibria . 31 2.5 Empirical Implications . 36 3 \A Weird Period": Opposition Media in Tunisia, 1987-1992 42 3.1 Background . 45 3.2 Variation in state tolerance for opposition media across groups and time . 46 vii 3.3 Why the difference in media policies for the secularist and Islamist opposition? 50 3.4 Why Ben Ali first prohibited and later allowed Islamist media . 51 3.5 Why Ben Ali cracked down on Islamist media . 58 3.6 Why secular opposition newspapers were shut down, but only briefly . 61 3.7 Conclusion . 63 4 \Constructive Criticism": A Cross-National Study of Opposition Media in Arab Authoritarian Regimes 65 4.1 The Arab Region Since the Cold War . 68 4.2 A Dataset of Arab Opposition Media . 76 4.3 Explanatory Variables . 94 4.4 Methodology . 106 4.5 Main Findings . 108 4.6 Alternative Specifications . 117 4.7 Conclusion . 134 viii 5 Conclusion 140 5.1 Summary of Findings . 141 5.2 Contributions of this Study . 144 5.3 Limitations of this Study and Suggestions for Future Research . 147 5.4 Conclusion . 151 Appendix 1: Proof of result in model 152 Appendix 2: Regime Narratives 154 Appendix 3: Opposition Group Narratives 171 Appendix 4: Opposition Media Narratives 202 Appendix 5: Regime Leaders 229 Appendix 6: Histograms of continuous explanatory variables 241 Appendix 7: Dropping one regime at a time: tolerated 246 ix Appendix 8: Dropping one regime at a time: banned 269 Appendix 9: Alternative coding of main opposition 292 References 294 x List of Figures 4.1 Significant opposition groups per regime-year . 87 4.2 tolerated over time: Algeria-Egypt . 95 4.3 tolerated over time: Jordan-Morocco . 96 4.4 tolerated over time: Sudan-Yemen . 97 4.5 banned over time: Algeria-Egypt . 98 4.6 banned over time: Egypt-Jordan . 99 4.7 banned over time: Kuwait-Morocco . 100 4.8 banned over time: Sudan-Yemen . 101 4.9 Residuals . 112 xi 4.10 Cook's Distances . 112 4.11 Partial regression plot: unemployment . 114 4.12 Partial regression plot: fuel revenue per capita . 114 5.1 Distribution of unemployment rate (percentage) . 241 5.2 Distribution of annual GDP per capita growth (percentage) . 242 5.3 Distribution of fuel revenue per capita (2018 USD) . 242 5.4 Distribution of oil revenue per capita (2018 USD) . 243 5.5 Distribution of natural gas revenue per capita (2018 USD) . 243 5.6 Distribution of years regime leader has been in power . 244 5.7 Distribution of fuel revenue per capita (2018 USD), given greater than 0 . 244 5.8 Distribution of oil revenue per capita (2018 USD), given greater than 0 . 245 5.9 Distribution of natural gas revenue per capita (2018 USD), given greater than 0245 xii List of Tables 4.1 Regimes included in the dataset . 86 4.2 Bans and Toleration of Opposition Media . 94 4.3 Explanatory Variables (continuous and integer) . 105 4.4 Explanatory Variables (binary) . 106 4.5 Tolerated Opposition Media (Regime FE) . 110 4.6 Tolerated Opposition Media (Regime FE), continued . 111 4.7 Effect sizes of focal variables . 115 4.8 Opposition Media Bans (Regime FE) . 118 4.9 Opposition Media Bans (Regime FE), continued . 119 xiii 4.10 Tolerated Opposition Media (Country FE) . 121 4.11 Tolerated Opposition Media (Country FE), continued . 122 4.12 Opposition Media Bans (Country FE) . 123 4.13 Opposition Media Bans (Country FE), continued . 124 4.14 Tolerated Opposition Media (Regime FE), disaggregated fuel . 125 4.15 Tolerated Opposition Media (Regime FE), disaggregated fuel, continued . 126 4.16 Opposition Media Bans (Regime FE), disaggregated fuel . 127 4.17 Opposition Media Bans (Regime FE), disaggregated fuel, continued . 128 4.18 Tolerated Opposition Media (Regime FE, OLS vs Logistic) . 130 4.19 Tolerated Opposition Media (Regime FE, OLS vs Logistic), continued . 131 4.20 Opposition Media Bans (Regime FE, OLS vs Logistic) . 132 4.21 Opposition Media Bans (Regime FE, OLS vs Logistic), continued . 133 4.22 Tolerated Opposition Media (Regime FE, alternative coding of main groups) 135 xiv 4.23 Tolerated Opposition Media (Regime FE, alternative coding of main groups), continued . 136 4.24 Opposition Media Bans (Regime FE, alternative coding of main groups) . 137 4.25 Opposition Media Bans (Regime FE, alternative coding of main groups), continued . 138 5.1 Tolerated Opposition Media (Regime FE), dropped Algeria 1992-NA . 247 5.2 Tolerated Opposition Media (Regime FE), continued, dropped Algeria 1992-NA248 5.3 Tolerated Opposition Media (Regime FE), dropped Bahrain 1971-NA . 249 5.4 Tolerated Opposition Media (Regime FE), continued, dropped Bahrain 1971-NA250 5.5 Tolerated Opposition Media (Regime FE), dropped Egypt 1952-2011 . 251 5.6 Tolerated Opposition Media (Regime FE), continued, dropped Egypt 1952-2011252 5.7 Tolerated Opposition Media (Regime FE), dropped Egypt 2011-2012 . 253 5.8 Tolerated Opposition Media (Regime FE), continued, dropped Egypt 2011-2012254 5.9 Tolerated Opposition Media (Regime FE), dropped Egypt 2013-NA . 255 5.10 Tolerated Opposition Media (Regime FE), continued, dropped Egypt 2013-NA 256 xv 5.11 Tolerated Opposition Media (Regime FE), dropped Jordan 1946-NA . 257 5.12 Tolerated Opposition Media (Regime FE), continued, dropped Jordan 1946-NA258 5.13 Tolerated Opposition Media (Regime FE), dropped Kuwait 1961-NA . 259 5.14 Tolerated Opposition Media (Regime FE), continued, dropped Kuwait 1961-NA260 5.15 Opposition Media Bans (Regime FE), dropped Mauritania 2008-NA . 261 5.16 Opposition Media Bans (Regime FE), continued, dropped Mauritania 2008-NA262 5.17 Opposition Media Bans (Regime FE), dropped Morocco 1956-NA . 263 5.18 Opposition Media Bans (Regime FE), continued, dropped Morocco 1956-NA 264 5.19 Opposition Media Bans (Regime FE), dropped Sudan 1989-NA . 265 5.20 Opposition Media Bans (Regime FE), continued, dropped Sudan 1989-NA . 266 5.21 Opposition Media Bans (Regime FE), dropped Yemen 1978-2012 . 267 5.22 Opposition Media Bans (Regime FE), continued, dropped Yemen 1978-2012 268 5.23 Opposition Media Bans (Regime FE), dropped Algeria 1992-NA . 270 5.24 Opposition Media Bans (Regime FE), continued, dropped Algeria 1992-NA . 271 xvi 5.25 Opposition Media Bans (Regime FE), dropped Bahrain 1971-NA . 272 5.26 Opposition Media Bans (Regime FE), continued, dropped Bahrain 1971-NA 273 5.27 Opposition Media Bans (Regime FE), dropped Egypt 1952-2011 . 274 5.28 Opposition Media Bans (Regime FE), continued, dropped Egypt 1952-2011 . 275 5.29 Opposition Media Bans (Regime FE), dropped Egypt 2011-2012 . 276 5.30 Opposition Media Bans (Regime FE), continued, dropped Egypt 2011-2012 . 277 5.31 Opposition Media Bans (Regime FE), dropped Egypt 2013-NA . 278 5.32 Opposition Media Bans (Regime FE), continued, dropped Egypt 2013-NA . 279 5.33 Opposition Media Bans (Regime FE), dropped Jordan 1946-NA .
Recommended publications
  • United Arab Emirates (Uae)
    Library of Congress – Federal Research Division Country Profile: United Arab Emirates, July 2007 COUNTRY PROFILE: UNITED ARAB EMIRATES (UAE) July 2007 COUNTRY اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴّﺔ اﻟﻤﺘّﺤﺪة (Formal Name: United Arab Emirates (Al Imarat al Arabiyah al Muttahidah Dubai , أﺑﻮ ﻇﺒﻲ (The seven emirates, in order of size, are: Abu Dhabi (Abu Zaby .اﻹﻣﺎرات Al ,ﻋﺠﻤﺎن Ajman , أ مّ اﻟﻘﻴﻮﻳﻦ Umm al Qaywayn , اﻟﺸﺎرﻗﺔ (Sharjah (Ash Shariqah ,دﺑﻲّ (Dubayy) .رأس اﻟﺨﻴﻤﺔ and Ras al Khaymah ,اﻟﻔﺠﻴﺮة Fajayrah Short Form: UAE. اﻣﺮاﺗﻰ .(Term for Citizen(s): Emirati(s أﺑﻮ ﻇﺒﻲ .Capital: Abu Dhabi City Major Cities: Al Ayn, capital of the Eastern Region, and Madinat Zayid, capital of the Western Region, are located in Abu Dhabi Emirate, the largest and most populous emirate. Dubai City is located in Dubai Emirate, the second largest emirate. Sharjah City and Khawr Fakkan are the major cities of the third largest emirate—Sharjah. Independence: The United Kingdom announced in 1968 and reaffirmed in 1971 that it would end its treaty relationships with the seven Trucial Coast states, which had been under British protection since 1892. Following the termination of all existing treaties with Britain, on December 2, 1971, six of the seven sheikhdoms formed the United Arab Emirates (UAE). The seventh sheikhdom, Ras al Khaymah, joined the UAE in 1972. Public holidays: Public holidays other than New Year’s Day and UAE National Day are dependent on the Islamic calendar and vary from year to year. For 2007, the holidays are: New Year’s Day (January 1); Muharram, Islamic New Year (January 20); Mouloud, Birth of Muhammad (March 31); Accession of the Ruler of Abu Dhabi—observed only in Abu Dhabi (August 6); Leilat al Meiraj, Ascension of Muhammad (August 10); first day of Ramadan (September 13); Eid al Fitr, end of Ramadan (October 13); UAE National Day (December 2); Eid al Adha, Feast of the Sacrifice (December 20); and Christmas Day (December 25).
    [Show full text]
  • A Study of the Levantine Agricultural Economy (1St-8Th C. AD)
    Society and economy in marginal zones: a study of the Levantine agricultural economy (1st-8th c. AD) Andrea Zerbini Department of Classics and Philosophy Royal Holloway University of London PhD in Classics 1 2 Abstract This thesis analyses the social and economic structures that characterised settlement in ecologically marginal regions in the Roman to early-Arab Levant (1st-8th c. AD). Findings show that, far from being self-sufficient, the economy of marginal zones relied heavily on surplus production aimed at marketing. The connection of these regions to large-scale commercial networks is also confirmed by ceramic findings. The thesis is structured in four main parts. The first outlines the main debates and research trends in the study of ancient agrarian society and economy. Part II comprises a survey of the available evidence for settlement patterns in two marginal regions of the Roman Near East: the Golan Heights, the jebel al-cArab. It also includes a small- scale test study that concentrates on the long-term development of the hinterland of Sic, a hilltop village in the jebel al-cArab, which housed one of the most important regional sanctuaries in the pre-Roman and Roman period. Parts III and IV contain the core the thesis and concentrate on the Limestone Massif of northern Syria, a region located between the cities of Antioch, Aleppo (Beroia) and Apamea. Following settlement development from the 2nd c. BC to the 12 c. AD, these sections provide a comprehensive assessment of how a village society developed out of semi-nomadic groups (largely through endogenous transformations) and was able to attain great prosperity in Late Antiquity.
    [Show full text]
  • Print This Article
    ISSN: 2051-0861 Publication details, including guidelines for submissions: https://journals.le.ac.uk/ojs1/index.php/nmes From Dictatorship to “Democracy”: Neoliberal Continuity and Its Crisis in Tunisia Author(s): Mehmet Erman Erol To cite this article: Erol, Mehmet Erman (2020) ―From Dictatorship to ―Democracy‖: Neoliberal Continuity and Its Crisis in Tunisia‖, New Middle Eastern Studies 10 (2), pp. 147- 163. Online Publication Date: 30 December 2020 Disclaimer and Copyright The NMES editors make every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information contained in the journal. However, the Editors and the University of Leicester make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness or suitability for any purpose of the content and disclaim all such representations and warranties whether express or implied to the maximum extent permitted by law. Any views expressed in this publication are the views of the authors and not the views of the Editors or the University of Leicester. Copyright New Middle Eastern Studies, 2020. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored, transmitted or disseminated, in any form, or by any means, without prior written permission from New Middle Eastern Studies, to whom all requests to reproduce copyright material should be directed, in writing. Terms and Conditions This article may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date.
    [Show full text]
  • Mise En Page 1
    Middle East & West Asia JORDAN UNITARY COUNTRY BASIC SOCIO-ECONOMIC INDICATORS INCOME GROUP: UPPER MIDDLE INCOME LOCAL CURRENCY: JORDANIAN DINAR (JOD) POPULATION AND GEOGRAPHY ECONOMIC DATA Area: 89 320 km 2 GDP: 88.9 billion (current PPP international dollars), i.e. 9 153 dollars per inhabitant (2017) Population: 9.702 million inhabitants (2017), an increase of 2.6% Real GDP growth: 2.0% (2017 vs 2016) per year (2010-2015) Unemployment rate: 15.3% (2016) Density: 109 inhabitants / km 2 Foreign direct investment, net inflows (FDI): 2 029 (BoP, current USD millions, 2017) Urban population: 90.7% of national population (2017) Gross Fixed Capital Formation (GFCF): 22.3% of GDP (2017) Urban population growth: 2.8% (2017 vs 2016) HDI: 0.735 (high), rank 95 (2017) Capital city: Amman (19.5% of national population) Poverty rate: 0.1% (2010) MAIN FEATURES OF THE MULTI-LEVEL GOVERNANCE FRAMEWORK The Kingdom of Jordan is a unitary parliamentary monarchy with a two-tier subnational government system. According to the 1952 Constitution, executive power is vested in the king and his cabinet, which is chaired by a Prime Minister (head of the government) appointed by the king. The legislative power lies in the bicameral National Assembly, made up of the Senate and the House of Representatives. Members of the Senate are appointed every four years by the king. The House of Representatives consists of 130 members who are directly elected for a four-year term. The judicial power is exercised by the courts. The concepts of decentralized system and local governance were introduced with the establishment of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan.
    [Show full text]
  • Crafting Political Society the Role of Electoral Rules and Islamist Party Factions in Tunisia’S Democratic Transition
    Crafting Political Society The Role of Electoral Rules and Islamist Party Factions in Tunisia’s Democratic Transition By Brittany Dutton Senior Honors Thesis Submitted to the Department of Political Science at the University of California, San Diego March 30th, 2020 Acknowledgments I wish to express my deepest gratitude to my advisor, Dr. Maureen Feeley, for her invaluable expertise, support, and guidance throughout this entire academic journey. I will be forever grateful for the opportunity to indulge my obsession with Tunisia and write a thesis under her incredible supervision. I would also like to sincerely thank Dr. Daniel Butler and Dr. Kaare Strøm for their extremely help feedback and suggestions during this process, with additional thanks to Dr. Strøm for answering my virtually endless questions about electoral rules, party behavior, and coalition governments. I also extend my gratitude to Dr. Michael Provence and Dr. Dilşa Deniz for graciously lending me their time to discuss the role of political Islam in the Middle East and North Africa; to Annelise Sklar for providing invaluable research assistance last summer when I was preparing for my thesis; and to Michael Seese and my fellow thesis writers who provided feedback during the early stages of writing. Finally, I would like to thank my husband, my family, and my dearest friend, Sydney, for listening to endless iterations of my thesis for the past six months. I would not have been able to complete this journey without their support. 2 Table of Contents Chapter 1: Introduction
    [Show full text]
  • Mobilization Under Authoritarian Rule
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Cadmus, EUI Research Repository Bread, Freedom, Human Dignity The Political Economy of Protest Mobilization in Egypt and Tunisia Jana Warkotsch Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the degree of Doctor of Political and Social Sciences of the European University Institute Florence, August, 2014 submission European University Institute Department of Political and Social Sciences Bread, Freedom, Human Dignity The Political Economy of Protest Mobilization in Egypt and Tunisia Jana Warkotsch Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the degree of Doctor of Political and Social Sciences of the European University Institute Examining Board Professor Donatella della Porta, (EUI Supervisor) Professor Philippe Schmitter, European University Institute Professor Jeff Goodwin, New York University Professor Emma Murphy, Durham University © Jana Warkotsch, 2014 No part of this thesis may be copied, reproduced or transmitted without prior permission of the author ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS There are many people who accompanied me on the way to completing this thesis and who deserve my heartfelt gratitude. Institutionally, the EUI and my supervisor Donatella della Porta have provided me with the best environment in which to develop my research that I could have hoped for. Many of its scholars and students have provided valuable feedback along the way and its open academic culture allowed for exploring ideas across disciplinary boundaries. In addition, my jury consisting of Philippe Schmitter, Emma Murphy and Jeff Goodwin, provided insightful and thought provoking comments. Thanks also go to the many people that I have met and interviewed along the way, who have provided their time, insights, and personal stories.
    [Show full text]
  • International Reports 1/2017
    Source: © Rafael Marchante, Reuters. Marchante, © Rafael Source: Other Topics Government Formation by Consensus? Monarchy, Democracy and Political Islam in Morocco Helmut Reifeld 90 Since the constitutional reform and 2011 elections, Morocco’s political reform course has continued to stabilise. However, is there any democratic foundation for this stability? Do the political parties form a democratic force that could lead the population through a necessary transformation process? And how “moderate” are the Islamists who were in power during the last election period? On 7 October 2016, at the end of a normal For Benkirane, this crisis came to a head with legislative period, the seats were reallocated the King’s decision to request the new parlia- in Morocco’s House of Representatives. As the ment to elect a president, even without a new leader of the moderate Islamist Justice and government in office in order to be capable of Development Party (PJD), which again won a taking action. Thus, on 13 January 2017, (with majority of the seats, King Mohammed VI fol- the abstention of the PJD), Habib El Malki was lowed the constitutional guideline to invite the elected by the USFP as the new parliamentary former Prime Minister, Abdelilah Benkirane, to president.1 This may be viewed as a highly prag- form a new government. matic solution, however, many observers also treated it as a “coup d’état” that contested the Over a period of more than five months, will of the electorate.2 Benkirane unsuccessfully attempted to honour this invitation during tough coalition negoti- This crisis came to an end on 17 March with the ations.
    [Show full text]
  • Islamist Party Mobilization: Tunisia's Ennahda and Algeria's HMS
    Islamist Party Mobilization: Tunisia’s Ennahda and Algeria’s HMS Compared, 1989-2014 Chuchu Zhang Hughes Hall College Department of Politics and International Studies University of Cambridge The dissertation is submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy September 2018 1 Declaration of Originality This dissertation is the result of my own work and includes nothing which is the outcome of work done in collaboration except as declared in the Preface and specified in the text. It is not substantially the same as any that I have submitted, or, is being concurrently submitted for a degree or diploma or other qualification at the University of Cambridge or any other University or similar institution except as declared in the Preface and specified in the text. I further state that no substantial part of my dissertation has already been submitted, or, is being concurrently submitted for any such degree, diploma or other qualification at the University of Cambridge or any other University or similar institution except as declared in the Preface and specified in the text. It does not exceed the prescribed word limit for the relevant Degree Committee. 2 Islamist Party Mobilization: Tunisia’s Ennahda and Algeria’s HMS Compared, 1989-2014 Chuchu Zhang, Department of Politics and International Studies SUMMARY The study aims to explore how Islamist parties mobilize citizens in electoral authoritarian systems. Specifically, I analyze how Islamist parties develop identity, outreach, structure, and linkages to wide sections of the population, so that when the political opportunity presents itself, people are informed of their existence, goals, and representatives, and hence, primed to vote for them.
    [Show full text]
  • UAE Star Network.Pdf
    STAR NETWORK UNITED ARAB EMIRATES Direct Billing Treatment allowed in the below facilities Medical Center Location Contact No Specialty ABU DHABI (+971 2) Abu Salman Medical Center Mussafah Shabiya Khalifa Sector 10 02-552 2549 GP & Dental 1st Floor Al Otaiba Building, First Sayed Adam & Eve Specialized Medical Center 02-676 7366 Dental Street Villa No. 6, Block 42-Z12, Mohd Bin Zayed Add Care Medical Centre 02-555 5599 Multispecialty City Advanced Center for Daycare Surgery 1st Floor Jasmine Tower, Airport Road 02-622 7700 Multispecialty Al Khaleej Al Arabi Street, Mohammed Bin Advanced Cure Diagnostic Center 02-667 5050 Multispecialty Mejren Building Advanced Cure Diagnostic Center - 32nd Street, Al Bateen Area, 4th Villa 02-410 0990 Multispecialty Branch Aesthetic Dental Centre LLC Electra Street, Al Markaziya 02-632 4455 Dental Ahalia Hospital Hamdan Street, opposite Bank of Baroda 02-626 2666 Multispecialty Emirates Kitchen Equipment Bldg, Flat 30, Ailabouni Medical Center 02-644 0125 Multispecialty Al Salam Street Al Ahali Medical Centre Muroor Road 4th Street, Khalfan Matar 02-641 7300 Dental Al Ahli Hospital Company Branch-1 Liwa Road, Mussafah 02-811 9119 Multispecialty Electra Street, Naseer Al Mansoori Bldg., Al Ameen Medical Centre 02-633 9722 Multispecialty First Floor, Flat #103 Laboratory and Al Borg Medical Laboratory for Diagnostic 1st Floor, Bin Arar Building, Najda Street 02-676 1221 Diagnostics Al Daleel Dental Clinic Al Khaili Bldg., Defense Street 02-445 5884 Dental Beda Zayed, Western Region, Industrial Al Dhafra Modern Clinic 02-884 6651 GP Area Al Falah Medical Center Elektra Street 02-621 1814 Multispecialty Al Hendawy Medical Center 4F & 10F ADCB Bldg., Al Muroor Road 02-621 3666 Multispecialty Al Hikma Medical Centre LLC Hamdan Street, Abu Dhabi 02-672 0482 Multispecialty Al Hikma Medical Centre LLC Branch 1 Mushrief Area, Al Khaleel Street 02-447 4435 Multispecialty Network List is subject to change.
    [Show full text]
  • Morocco and the European Union
    NEGOTIATING EUROPEAN INTEGRATION ON THE SOUTHERN PERIPHERY: DEMOCRACY DEFICITS AND BARGAINING POWER IN THE MAGHREB by Carl Dawson B.A., Victoria University of Wellington, New Zealand, 1991 M.P.S., Cornell University, 1996 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Graduate School of Public and International Affairs in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh 2007 © Copyright by Carl Dawson 2007 ii COMMITTEE SIGNATURE PAGE Professor Martin Staniland, Dissertation Advisor _______________________ Professor Clyde Mitchell-Weaver, Dissertation Advisor _______________________ Professor Alberta Sbragia, Committee Member Professor Phyllis Coontz, Committee Member iii NEGOTIATING EUROPEAN INTEGRATION ON THE SOUTHERN PERIPHERY: DEMOCRACY DEFICITS AND BARGAINING POWER IN THE MAGHREB Carl Dawson, PhD University of Pittsburgh, 2007 From 1992 until 1995, Morocco and the European Union (EU) were in negotiations for an Association Agreement as part of a regional initiative, the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (or “Barcelona process”). The free trade provisions of the agreement seemed unfavorable for Morocco: they largely excluded agriculture, and, therefore, many products in which Morocco could have made significant gains, they opened the Moroccan market to competition from EU non-agricultural products (Morocco had achieved equivalent access to EU markets decades earlier), and EU funding for Moroccan company upgrading fell far short of expectations. This research sought to determine how the respective political systems of Morocco and the European Union led to the EU proposing, and Morocco accepting, a sub-optimal agreement. These issues were explored through recorded and transcribed interviews with key Moroccan and EU players, and through document analysis, and the resulting data were analyzed primarily in terms of Putnam’s two-level game model of international negotiation.
    [Show full text]
  • Al Fardan Exchange
    Web Poster Al Fardan Exchange Location Contact No. (Tel) Timing (Hrs) Khalid Bin Walid Road Opp. Emirates Islamic Bank, Bur Dubai +971-4-3513535 Sat - Thu: 08:30 - 21:00, Friday: 16:30 - 20:30 Al Maktoum Street Behind Twin Towers, Deira +971-4-2280004 Sat - Thu: 08:30 - 20:30, Friday: 16:30 - 20:30 Dubai Mall Shop No. LG 075, Lower Ground Floor +971-4-4340404 Sun - Wed: 10:00 - 22:00, Thu - Sat: 10:00 - 24:00 Dubai Festival City Mall Near IKEA +971-4-2325588 Sun - Wed: 10:00 - 22:00, Thu - Sat: 10:00 - 24:00 Gold Land Building Near Gold Souq, Deira +971-4-2266442 Sat - Thu: 10:00 - 21:30, Friday: 17:00 - 21:30 AI B Jebel Ali Free Z one LOB 16, Ground Floor +971-4-8814455 Sat - Thu: 8:30 - 17:00, Friday: Closed DU Al Mankool Road Opp. Al Hana Centre, Al Diyafa - Satwa +971-4-3988852 Sat - Thu: 08:30 - 20:30, Friday: 16:30 - 20:30 Damascus R oad Next to Dubai residential Oasis, Al Qusais +971-4-2578303 Sat - Thu: 08:30 - 21:00, Friday: 16:30 - 20:30 Mall of the Emirates Next to H&M and Ski Dubai +971-4-3233004 Sun - Wed: 10:00 - 22:00, Thu - Sat: 10:00 - 24:00 Dubai Health Care City Al Razi Building, Ground Floor, District 1 +971-4-4255355 Sat - Thu: 9:00 - 17:00, Friday: Closed Al Qouz Al Qouz Mall +971-4-3237700 Sat - Thu: 10:00 - 21:00, Friday: 16:30 - 21:00 Near Clock Tower Al Fardan Building, Al Zahara Square +971-6-5635581 Sat - Thu: 08:30 - 20:30, Friday: 16:30 - 20:30 Al Fardan Center Buhairah Corniche +971-6-5561955 Sat - Thu: 10:00 - 22:00, Friday: 17:00 - 21:00 Al Arooba Street Rolla +971-6-5695999 Sat - Thu: 8:30 - 21:00, Friday: 16:30 - 21:00 SHARJAH Abu Shagara K M Trading Centre, King Abdul Aziz Street +971-6-5534833 Sat - Thu: 10:00 - 21:00, Friday: 17:00 - 21:00 National Paints Building National Paint Roundabout, Industrial Area 11 +971-6-5344466 Sat - Thu: 09:00 - 21:00, Friday : 17:00 - 21:00 Amin Khouri Building Liwa Street +971-2-6223222 Sat - Thu: 8:30 - 21:00, Friday: 16:30 - 21:00 Abu Dhabi Tourist Club Opp.
    [Show full text]
  • The Impact of Arab Spring Throughout the Middle East and North Africa
    A MODEL OF REGIME CHANGE: THE IMPACT OF ARAB SPRING THROUGHOUT THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts By OMAR KHALFAN BIZURU BA, Al Azhar University, Egypt, 1996 MA, Institute of Arab Research and Studies, Egypt, 1998 Ph.D. Nkumba University, Uganda, 2019 2021 Wright State University WRIGHT STATE UNIVERSITY GRADUATE SCHOOL April 21st, 2021 I HEREBY RECOMMEND THAT THE THESIS PREPARED UNDER MY SUPERVISION BY Omar Khalfan Bizuru ENTITLED A Model of Regime Change: The Impact of Arab Spring Throughout the Middle East and North Africa BE ACCEPTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF Master of Arts. Vaughn Shannon, Ph.D. Thesis Director Laura M. Luehrmann, Ph.D. Director, Master of Arts Program in International and Comparative Politics Committee on Final Examination: _________________________________ Vaughn Shannon, Ph.D. School of Public and International Affairs ___________________________________ Liam Anderson, Ph.D. School of Public and International Affairs ___________________________________ Awad Halabi, Ph.D. Department of History ___________________________________ Barry Milligan, Ph.D. Vice Provost for Academic Affairs Dean of the Graduate School ABSTRACT Bizuru, Omar Khalfan, M.A., International and Comparative Politics Graduate Program, School of Public and International Affairs, Wright State University, 2021. A Model of Regime Change: The Impact of the Arab Spring Throughout the Middle East and North Africa. This study examined the catalysts for social movements around the globe; specifically, why and how the Arab Spring uprisings led to regime change in Tunisia, why they transformed into civil war in some countries of the Middle East and North Africa (Syria), and why they did not lead to significant change at all in other places (Bahrain).
    [Show full text]