Exploring the Relation Between Gender Politics and Representative

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Exploring the Relation Between Gender Politics and Representative EXPLORING THE RELATION BETWEEN GENDER POLITICS AND REPRESENTATIVE GOVERNMENT IN THE MAGHREB: ANALYTICAL AND EMPIRICAL OBSERVATIONS By Amel Mili A dissertation proposal submitted to the Graduate School–Newark Rutgers, the State University of New Jersey in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Program in Global Affairs Written under the direction of Professor Jyl Josephson And approved by Newark, New Jersey May 2009 Exploring The Relation Between Gender Politics and Representative Government in the Maghreb: Analytical and Empirical Observations By Amel Mili Thesis director: Professor Jyl Josephson This thesis uses analytical and empirical methods to explore the relation between gender standards and democratic standards in the Maghreb, which includes Algeria, Morocco, and Tunisia. The analytical approach consists of considering theories that link gender standards and democratic standards, and analyzing whether and to what extent such theories would apply or not apply to the Maghreb. The empirical approach consists of taking measurements that reflect gender standards and democratic standards across the three countries and four different milestones of their recent history (1970, 1980, 1990, 2000), and applying statistical methods to compute correlations and regressions. Because the empirical approach yields no significant correlation between gender standards and democratic standards in the Maghreb, I analyze this statistical correlation for other sets of countries that are part of Maghrebian identity: Arab countries, Muslim countries, African countries, and Mediterranean countries. The combined results of these analyses give us some insight into possible explanations of the empirical observations. ii This modest work is humbly dedicated to My Mother , and to the Memory of My Father , Also dedicated to Noor , for her inexhaustible imagination and to Farah and Serena whose version of the Fairy Tale ends when Cinderella kisses the prince goodbye and goes for her PhD iii Acknowledgement I am profoundly indebted to Professor Jyl Josephson, Associate Professor in the Department of Political Science at Rutgers University and Director of Women's Studies Program, for graciously agreeing to supervise my work, and for her guidance and support. Professor Josephson's availability, patience, dependability and responsiveness have been a great resource for me as I was conducting my research and writing my thesis. I am also very grateful to • Professor Rose Dios, Associate Professor of Mathematics at the New Jersey Institute of Technology, Newark, • Professor Kurt Schock, Associate Professor of Sociology and Member of the Graduate Faculty in Global Affairs at Rutgers Newark, and • Professor Mary C Segers, Professor of Political Science and Department Chair, Department of Political Science, Rutgers University at Newark, • Professor Guiling Wang, Assistant Professor of Computer Science at the New Jersey Institute of Technology, Newark, for agreeing to serve on my committee, and for their gracious guidance and encouragement. Finally I wanted to acknowledge the patience and support of my family while I was busy with my doctoral research. Amel Mili Rutgers University iv Table of Contents Introduction and Motivation ............................................................................................... 1 1. Purpose of the Dissertation ......................................................................................... 1 2. Motivation................................................................................................................... 1 3. Literature Review....................................................................................................... 3 3. Conclusion ............................................................................................................... 10 Part I: Background ........................................................................................................... 13 Chapter 1........................................................................................................................... 14 Dimensions of Gender Equality........................................................................................ 14 1.1 Founding Discourses............................................................................................... 15 1.1.1 The nationalist/feminist encounter: “Reevaluating differences....................... 15 1.1.2. The Nationalist Modernist Discourse ............................................................. 16 1.1.3 The nationalist conservative discourse ......................................................... 19 1.2. Feminist Groups.................................................................................................... 21 1.2.1 Feminist groups that formed under colonial rule............................................ 22 1................................................................................................................................. 24 2.2 Feminist groups that formed at The Independance............................................ 24 1.2.3. The Rise of an Autonomous Feminist Movement ......................................... 27 1.3 Maghrebine Feminism in the Era of Globalization................................................ 32 1.3.1. The “Glocalization” of Gender Roles: Feminism and Islamism ................... 35 1.4. Conclusion ............................................................................................................ 37 Chapter 2........................................................................................................................... 39 Representative Government.............................................................................................. 39 2.1 The Democratic Debate in The Arab World......................................................... 39 2.2 The Separation of State and Religion .................................................................... 40 2.2.1 The Islamic Discourse..................................................................................... 40 2..................................................................................................................................... 41 2.2 Islamic Political Institutions .................................................................................. 41 2.3 The Secular Discourse: Separating the human and the Divine............................ 43 2.3.1........................................................................................................................... 43 The State: A Human Institution................................................................................ 43 2.3.2 Sharia Law: A Human Creation...................................................................... 44 2.3.3 The Caliphate: State as the Embodiement of the Islamic Order.................... 45 2.4 Conclusion ............................................................................................................. 52 Chapter 3........................................................................................................................... 54 Research Methodology ..................................................................................................... 54 3.1. Analytical and Empirical Research........................................................................ 54 3.2 Quantifying Relevant Parameters .......................................................................... 58 3.2.1 Quantifying Parameters Pertaining to Democratic Standards ......................... 58 3.3 Collecting Factual Data.......................................................................................... 63 3.4 Statistical Analysis.................................................................................................. 64 3.4.1 From Democratic Standards to Gender Standards........................................... 65 3.4.2 From Gender Standards to Democratic Standards........................................... 67 v 3.4.3 Validation......................................................................................................... 67 Part II: ............................................................................................................................... 69 Historical/ Cultural Background of the Maghreb ............................................................. 69 Chapter 4........................................................................................................................... 70 A Common History........................................................................................................... 70 4.2 History as Identity.................................................................................................. 70 4.2 Introduction to Maghrebian History ...................................................................... 72 4.3. Pre Islamic Period................................................................................................. 74 4.4. The Advent of Islam ............................................................................................. 76 4.4.1. The Aghlabids and Fatimids (797-1057) ....................................................... 77 4.4.2. Almohad and Almoravid Dynasties (1050-1230)......................................... 78 4.4.3. The Hafsids (1230-1574) ............................................................................... 78 4.5. The Inquisition/
Recommended publications
  • Women in the Middle East and North Africa: Issues for Congress
    Women in the Middle East and North Africa: Issues for Congress June 19, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R46423 SUMMARY R46423 Women in the Middle East and North Africa: June 19, 2020 Issues for Congress Zoe Danon The status of women in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) has garnered Section Research Manager widespread interest among many Members of Congress. Many experts have found that women in this region fare worse than those in other parts of the world on a range of Sarah R. Collins social, economic, legal and political measures. Some attribute this underperformance to Research Assistant gender roles and perspectives (including discriminatory laws and beliefs), and challenges facing the region overall (such as a preponderance of undemocratic governments, poor economic growth, civil wars, and mass displacement, which often disproportionately affect women). Some key issues facing many women in the region include the following: Unequal Legal Rights. Women in the MENA region face greater legal discrimination than women in any other region, with differential laws on issues such as marriage and divorce, freedom of movement, and inheritance, as well as limited to no legal protection from domestic violence. Constraints on Economic Participation and Opportunity. Regional conditions, in addition to gender-based discrimination, contribute to a significant difference between men and women’s participation in MENA economies. For example, women do not participate in the labor force to the same degree as women in other regions, and those who do participate face on average nearly twice the levels of unemployment than men. Underrepresentation in Political Processes.
    [Show full text]
  • Barbara Erenreich, “What Is Socialist Feminism?”
    You are a woman in a capitalist society. For good reasons, then, women are You get pissed off: about the job, about the considering whether or not “socialist bills, about your husband (or ex), about the feminism” makes sense as a political theory. kids’ school, the housework, being pretty, For socialist feminists do seem to be both not being pretty, being looked at, not being sensible and radical—at least, most of them looked at (and either way, not listened to), evidently feel a strong antipathy to some of etc. If you think about all these things and the reformist and solipsistic traps into which how they fit together and what has to be increasing numbers of women seem to be changed, and then you look around for some stumbling. words to hold all these thoughts together in To many of us more unromantic types, the abbreviated form, you almost have to come Amazon Nation, with its armies of strong- up with ‘socialist feminism.’ limbed matriarchs riding into the sunset, (Barbara Erenreich, “What is Socialist is unreal, but harmless. A more serious Feminism?”) matter is the current obsession with the Great Goddess and assorted other objects From all indications a great many women of worship, witchcraft, magic, and psychic have “come up” with socialist feminism phenomena. As a feminist concerned with as the solution to the persistent problem transforming the structure of society, I find of sexism. “Socialism” (in its astonishing this anything but harmless. variety of forms) is popular with a lot of Item One: Over fourteen hundred women people these days, because it has much to went to Boston in April, 1976 to attend a offer: concern for working people, a body of women’s spirituality conference dealing in revolutionary theory that people can point to large part with the above matters.
    [Show full text]
  • The Integration of Women's Rights Into the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership
    R6177 EMHRN Women's Report 14/05/2003 1:55 PM Page i The Integration of Women’s Rights into the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership Women’s Rights in Algeria, Egypt, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Morocco, Palestine, Syria and Tunisia by Rabéa Naciri and Isis Nusair Published by the Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Network R6177 EMHRN Women's Report 14/05/2003 1:55 PM Page ii Copenhagen, May 2003 Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Network Wilders Plads 8H 1403 Copenhagen K Denmark Tel: + 45 32 69 89 10 Fax: +45 32 69 89 01 E-mail: [email protected] Web: http://www.euromedrights.net © copyright 2003 Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Network Bibliographic information Title: Integrating Women’s Rights in the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership Personal Authors: Naciri, Rábea; Nusair, Isis Editors: Han, Sarah and Jorgensen, Marit Floe Corporate Author: Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Network Publisher: Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Network Date of Publication: 20030500 Pages: 76 ISBN: 87-91224-03-9 Original Language: French – L’intégration des droits des femmes dans le Partenariat euro- mediterranéen. Translation into English: Sharpe, Susan Translation into Arabic: Al-Haddad, Aiman H. Index terms: Women / Gender discrimination / Discrimination / Equality before the law / Violence against women /Family / Marriage/ Freedom of association / Freedom of movement / Political Participation / European Union Geographical terms: Mediterranean countries / North Africa / Middle East The report is published with the financial support of the EU Commission and the Heinrich Böll Foundation. The opinions expressed by the authors does not represent the official point of view neither of the EU Commission nor the Heinrich Böll Foundation. Cover design: Leila Drar Layout design: Genprint and 80:20 - Educating and Acting for a Better World, Ireland.
    [Show full text]
  • Print This Article
    ISSN: 2051-0861 Publication details, including guidelines for submissions: https://journals.le.ac.uk/ojs1/index.php/nmes From Dictatorship to “Democracy”: Neoliberal Continuity and Its Crisis in Tunisia Author(s): Mehmet Erman Erol To cite this article: Erol, Mehmet Erman (2020) ―From Dictatorship to ―Democracy‖: Neoliberal Continuity and Its Crisis in Tunisia‖, New Middle Eastern Studies 10 (2), pp. 147- 163. Online Publication Date: 30 December 2020 Disclaimer and Copyright The NMES editors make every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information contained in the journal. However, the Editors and the University of Leicester make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness or suitability for any purpose of the content and disclaim all such representations and warranties whether express or implied to the maximum extent permitted by law. Any views expressed in this publication are the views of the authors and not the views of the Editors or the University of Leicester. Copyright New Middle Eastern Studies, 2020. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored, transmitted or disseminated, in any form, or by any means, without prior written permission from New Middle Eastern Studies, to whom all requests to reproduce copyright material should be directed, in writing. Terms and Conditions This article may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Institutional Changes in the Maghreb: Toward a Modern Gender
    Institutional Changes in the Maghreb: Toward a Modern Gender Regime? Valentine M. Moghadam Professor of Sociology and International Affairs Northeastern University [email protected] DRAFT – December 2016 Abstract The countries of the Maghreb – Algeria, Morocco, and Tunisia – are part of the Middle East and North Africa region, which is widely assumed to be resistant to women’s equality and empowerment. And yet, the region has experienced significant changes in women’s legal status, political participation, and social positions, along with continued contention over Muslim family law and women’s equal citizenship. Do the institutional and normative changes signal a shift in the “gender regime” from patriarchal to modern? To what extent have women’s rights organizations contributed to such changes? While mapping the changes that have occurred, and offering some comparisons to Egypt, another North African country that has seen fewer legal and normative changes in the direction of women’s equality, the paper identifies the persistent constraints that prevent both the empowerment of all women and broader socio-political transformation. The paper draws on the author’s research in and on the region since the early 1990s, analysis of patterns and trends since the Arab Spring of 2011, and the relevant secondary sources. Introduction The Middle East and North Africa region (MENA) is widely assumed to be resistant to women’s equality and empowerment. Many scholars have identified conservative social norms, patriarchal cultural practices, and the dominance of Islam as barriers to women’s empowerment and gender equality (Alexander and Welzel 2011; Ciftci 2010; Donno and Russett 2004; Fish 2002; Inglehart and Norris 2003; Rizzo et al 2007).
    [Show full text]
  • Women's Rights in the Middle East and North Africa
    HARD-WON PROGRESS AND A LONG ROAD AHEAD: WOMEN’S RIGHTS IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA by Sanja Kelly As the governments of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) under- take the diffi cult process of enacting social and political change, the unequal status of women presents a particularly formidable challenge. In Iraq, deliberations over women’s legal status have been as contentious as negotiations over how to structure the government. In Jordan, measures to increase penalties for so-called honor crimes faced strong resistance by ultraconservative parliamentarians and ordinary citizens who believe that tradition and religion afford them the right to severely punish and even murder female relatives for behavior they deem immoral. These debates are not just legal and philosophical struggles among elites. They are emo- tionally charged political battles that touch upon fundamental notions of morality and social order. In order to provide a detailed look at the conditions faced by women in the Middle East and understand the complex environment surrounding efforts to improve their status, Freedom House conducted a comprehen- sive study of women’s rights in the region. The fi rst edition of this project was published in 2005. The present edition offers an updated examination of the issue, with a special focus on changes that have occurred over the last fi ve years. Although the study indicates that a substantial defi cit in women’s rights persists in every country in the MENA region, the fi ndings also include notable progress, particularly in terms of economic opportu- nities, educational attainment, and political participation.
    [Show full text]
  • Crafting Political Society the Role of Electoral Rules and Islamist Party Factions in Tunisia’S Democratic Transition
    Crafting Political Society The Role of Electoral Rules and Islamist Party Factions in Tunisia’s Democratic Transition By Brittany Dutton Senior Honors Thesis Submitted to the Department of Political Science at the University of California, San Diego March 30th, 2020 Acknowledgments I wish to express my deepest gratitude to my advisor, Dr. Maureen Feeley, for her invaluable expertise, support, and guidance throughout this entire academic journey. I will be forever grateful for the opportunity to indulge my obsession with Tunisia and write a thesis under her incredible supervision. I would also like to sincerely thank Dr. Daniel Butler and Dr. Kaare Strøm for their extremely help feedback and suggestions during this process, with additional thanks to Dr. Strøm for answering my virtually endless questions about electoral rules, party behavior, and coalition governments. I also extend my gratitude to Dr. Michael Provence and Dr. Dilşa Deniz for graciously lending me their time to discuss the role of political Islam in the Middle East and North Africa; to Annelise Sklar for providing invaluable research assistance last summer when I was preparing for my thesis; and to Michael Seese and my fellow thesis writers who provided feedback during the early stages of writing. Finally, I would like to thank my husband, my family, and my dearest friend, Sydney, for listening to endless iterations of my thesis for the past six months. I would not have been able to complete this journey without their support. 2 Table of Contents Chapter 1: Introduction
    [Show full text]
  • Mobilization Under Authoritarian Rule
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Cadmus, EUI Research Repository Bread, Freedom, Human Dignity The Political Economy of Protest Mobilization in Egypt and Tunisia Jana Warkotsch Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the degree of Doctor of Political and Social Sciences of the European University Institute Florence, August, 2014 submission European University Institute Department of Political and Social Sciences Bread, Freedom, Human Dignity The Political Economy of Protest Mobilization in Egypt and Tunisia Jana Warkotsch Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the degree of Doctor of Political and Social Sciences of the European University Institute Examining Board Professor Donatella della Porta, (EUI Supervisor) Professor Philippe Schmitter, European University Institute Professor Jeff Goodwin, New York University Professor Emma Murphy, Durham University © Jana Warkotsch, 2014 No part of this thesis may be copied, reproduced or transmitted without prior permission of the author ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS There are many people who accompanied me on the way to completing this thesis and who deserve my heartfelt gratitude. Institutionally, the EUI and my supervisor Donatella della Porta have provided me with the best environment in which to develop my research that I could have hoped for. Many of its scholars and students have provided valuable feedback along the way and its open academic culture allowed for exploring ideas across disciplinary boundaries. In addition, my jury consisting of Philippe Schmitter, Emma Murphy and Jeff Goodwin, provided insightful and thought provoking comments. Thanks also go to the many people that I have met and interviewed along the way, who have provided their time, insights, and personal stories.
    [Show full text]
  • Islamist Party Mobilization: Tunisia's Ennahda and Algeria's HMS
    Islamist Party Mobilization: Tunisia’s Ennahda and Algeria’s HMS Compared, 1989-2014 Chuchu Zhang Hughes Hall College Department of Politics and International Studies University of Cambridge The dissertation is submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy September 2018 1 Declaration of Originality This dissertation is the result of my own work and includes nothing which is the outcome of work done in collaboration except as declared in the Preface and specified in the text. It is not substantially the same as any that I have submitted, or, is being concurrently submitted for a degree or diploma or other qualification at the University of Cambridge or any other University or similar institution except as declared in the Preface and specified in the text. I further state that no substantial part of my dissertation has already been submitted, or, is being concurrently submitted for any such degree, diploma or other qualification at the University of Cambridge or any other University or similar institution except as declared in the Preface and specified in the text. It does not exceed the prescribed word limit for the relevant Degree Committee. 2 Islamist Party Mobilization: Tunisia’s Ennahda and Algeria’s HMS Compared, 1989-2014 Chuchu Zhang, Department of Politics and International Studies SUMMARY The study aims to explore how Islamist parties mobilize citizens in electoral authoritarian systems. Specifically, I analyze how Islamist parties develop identity, outreach, structure, and linkages to wide sections of the population, so that when the political opportunity presents itself, people are informed of their existence, goals, and representatives, and hence, primed to vote for them.
    [Show full text]
  • Women's Economic Empowerment in Selected MENA Countries
    Women’s Economic Empowerment in Selected MENA Countries THE IMPACT OF LEGAL FRAMEWORKS IN ALGERIA, EGYPT, JORDAN, LIBYA, MOROCCO AND TUNISIA KEY FINDINGS GLOBAL RELATIONS Middle East and Africa THE OECD AND THE MENA REGION: partnering to advance women’s economic empowerment Achieving women’s equality is a global challenge that no country in the world has yet met. Yet the stakes are high: it is estimated that raising women’s labour force participation rates to that of men could add USD 12 trillion, or 26% to global GDP by 2025. And when women are active economic participants, societies and families benefit. To tackle this daunting challenge, the OECD has made women’s economic and social empowerment a core priority of its work. In 2010, the Organisation launched the OECD Gender Initiative, which has led to the creation of numerous standards and guidance to help members and partners enact policy reforms to close the gender gap in their countries. We have also worked closely with international instances such as the G20 and the G7 to help define targets for reducing gender gaps in labour force participation and creating a more gender-responsive economic environment. The OECD is actively working with the UN to support the achievement of the SDGs on gender, recently launching – in partnership with the ILO and UN Women – the Equal Pay International Coalition (EPIC) to achieve equal pay for men and women by 2030. The MENA region has also demonstrated its growing commitment to building more inclusive societies. The six countries covered in this report have all reformed their constitutions to enshrine the principle of gender equality and adhered to international conventions that safeguard women’s rights.
    [Show full text]
  • On the Liberation of All Women: Socialist Feminism and Materialist Ecofeminism Gina Gaebl St
    Acta Cogitata: An Undergraduate Journal in Philosophy Volume 5 Article 2 2018 On the Liberation of All Women: Socialist Feminism and Materialist Ecofeminism Gina Gaebl St. Mary's College of Maryland Follow this and additional works at: http://commons.emich.edu/ac Part of the Philosophy Commons Recommended Citation Gaebl, Gina (2018) "On the Liberation of All Women: Socialist Feminism and Materialist Ecofeminism," Acta Cogitata: An Undergraduate Journal in Philosophy: Vol. 5 , Article 2. Available at: http://commons.emich.edu/ac/vol5/iss1/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Department of History and Philosophy at DigitalCommons@EMU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Acta Cogitata: An Undergraduate Journal in Philosophy by an authorized editor of DigitalCommons@EMU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. On the Liberation of All Women: Socialist Feminism and Materialist Ecofeminism Gina Gaebl, St. Mary’s College of Maryland Abstract Feminists of the Western world claim to be striving for the liberation of all women, yet face a number of challenges in the pursuit of truly acting upon this objective. One of these challenges is the way in which western structures, such as capitalism, thrive off of the exploitation of women in developing countries. Other related challenges include the unintentional belittling of the cultures and feminist movements of developing countries through cultural imperialism and culture-blaming. In this paper, I argue that the only version of feminism that truly works for the liberation of all women is socialist feminism. Furthermore, this must be a version of socialist feminism that allows for feminists to approach the dismantling of capitalism in whatever way is most feasible and effective for them to do as such.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter One Introduction
    Chapter One Introduction The 1960s marked the appearance of movements for the liberation of women in virtually every capitalist country, a phenomenon that had not been seen for half a century. Beginning in North America, this sec- ond wave of militant feminism spread quickly. Great Britain and the nations of Europe reacted first to the North American stimulus, and a new feminist con- sciousness emerged as well in such places as Japan, India, Iran, and Latin America. Although reminis- cent of earlier feminism, the women’s movement of the 1960s and 1970s necessarily constituted a specific response to new social conditions. Not the least of its peculiarities was the existence of a significant trend within it known as socialist feminism or Marxist femi- nism, which sought to merge the two traditions so self-consciously linked together. Socialist feminism, argued its proponents, represents ‘a unique politics that addresses the interconnection of patriarchy and capitalism, with the goal of dealing with sexism, class conflict, and racism’.1 The emergence of a socialist-feminist trend in the late 1960s was an extremely important develop- ment. Socialist feminism stood in solidarity with anti- imperialist and progressive struggles both at home and abroad. Simultaneously, it placed itself in opposition 1. Red Apple Collective 1978, p. 39. While socialism and Marxism are of course not synonymous, I use the terms socialist feminism and Marxist feminism interchangeably, following ordinary practice within the contemporary women’s movement in the United States. Socialist feminism is not, moreover, the exclusive province of women: the New American Movement called itself a socialist-feminist organisation.
    [Show full text]