Center for the Study of America and the West at the FOREIGN POLICY RESEARCH INSTITUTE

The Constitutional History of U.S. Foreign Policy: 222 Years of Tension in the Twilight Zone

By Walter A. McDougall

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1. The primary source for this delightful anecdote is Kenneth R. Bowling and Helen E. Veit, eds., The Diary of William Maclay and Other Notes on Senate Debates (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1988), pp. 128-32; see also Stanley Elkins and Eric McKitrick, The Age of Federalism (Oxford University Press, 1993), pp. 55-58, and Forrest McDonald, The American Presidency: An Intellectual History (University Press of Kansas, 1994), pp. 221-23.

2. Louis Henkin, Constitutionalism, Democracy, and Foreign Affairs (Columbia University Press, 1990), pp. 17-43 (quotes, pp. 43).

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3. Washington deliberately avoided using the word “neutrality” in his Proclamation of Neutrality of April 22, 1794, out of deference to Secretary of State Jefferson’s francophilia. But coincident with the hot debate between Jeffersonians and Hamiltonians over whether the United States should tilt toward France or Britain was a fierce debate concerning whether the President or Congress had the power to declare neutrality at all. See the pseudonymous exchange between Alexander Hamilton and James Madison in The Letters of Pacificus and Helvidius with the Letters of Americanus (Scholars’ Facsimiles, 1976).

4. Washington left office in March 1797, but issued his “farewell” the previous autumn in hopes that his

Foreign Policy Research Institute 2

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Foreign Policy Research Institute 3

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5. For the text on-line see http://avalon.law.yale.edu/18th_century/washing.asp

Foreign Policy Research Institute 4

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6. Walter A. McDougall, Promised Land, Crusader State: The American Encounter With the World Since 1776 (New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1997), and “Back to Bedrock: The Eight Traditions of American Statecraft, Foreign Affairs 76, no. 2 (1997), pp. 134-46.

Foreign Policy Research Institute 5

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7. See George C. Herring, From Colony to Superpower: U.S. Foreign Relations Since 1776 (Oxford University Press, 2008), and Walter A. McDougall, Can America Do Grand Strategy?” Orbis: A Journal of World Affairs, Spring 2010, pp.165-184.

8. Quoted by Ron Suskind, “Faith, Certainty and the Presidency of George W. Bush,” New York Times Magazine, October 17, 2004.

9. See Richard H. Immerman, Empire for Liberty: A History of American Imperialism From Benjamin Franklin to Paul Wolfowitz (Princeton University Press, 2010).

Foreign Policy Research Institute 6

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10. Washington’s celebratory general orders followed by just over a month the famous Newburgh Address with which he defused a mutinous conspiracy among disgruntled officers. See: http://democraticthinker.wordpress.com/2010/01/10/newburgh-crisis-viiicessation-of-hostilities

11. See Robert Kagan, Dangerous Nation (Knopf, 2006), and “Neocon Nation: Neoconservatism c. 1776,” in World Affairs, Spring 2008.

Foreign Policy Research Institute 7

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Foreign Policy Research Institute 8

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12. McDonald, The American Presidency, p. 9.

13. The contrast with Jacobinism is elaborated by Claes G. Ryn, America the Virtuous: The Crisis of Democracy and the Quest for Empire (Transaction, 2003). Needless to say, the classic contrast between the ideologies of the American and French revolutions is Edmund Burke, Reflections on the Revolution in France (1790). My own understanding of the intellectual origins of American Constitutional thought rests on classic historical accounts including J. G. A. Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment: Florentine Political Thought and the Atlantic Republican Tradition (Princeton University Press, 1975); Bernard Bailyn, The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution (Harvard University Press, 1992); Jack N. Rakove, Original Meanings: Politics and Ideas in the Making of the Constitution (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., 1996); Gordon S. Wood, The Creation of the American Republic, 1776-1787 (The University of North Carolina Press, 1998); Forrest McDonald, Novus Ordo Seclorum: The Intellectual Origins of the Constitution (University Press of Kansas, 1985); Richard R. Beeman, Plain, Honest Men: The Making of the American Constitution (New York: Random House, 2009); and my own Freedom Just Around the Corner: A New American History 1585-1828 (New York: HarperCollins, 2004).

Foreign Policy Research Institute 9

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14. David Gray Adler and Larry N. George, The Constitution and the Conduct of American Foreign Policy (University Press of Kansas, 1996), p. x.

15. W. Stull Holt, Treaties Defeated in the Senate (Johns Hopkins University Press, 1933), p. 179.

16. Clinton L. Rossiter, The American Presidency (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Co., 1960), p. 30.

Foreign Policy Research Institute 10

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Foreign Policy Research Institute 11

°Æ§ ÆØ ≠ ©≥¥°´• ¢µ¥ ° ≥∞¨•Æ§©§ •∏°≠ ∞¨• ض ®Ø∑ ° ∞≤•≥©§•Æ¥ £Øµ¨§ ¢Ø¥® ¥°´• ©Æ©¥©°¥©∂• ÆØ∑ °Æ§ §•¶•≤ ¥Ø #ØÆß≤•≥≥ ¨°¥•≤ ∑®•Æ ©¥ ≥•≤∂•§ ¥®• Æ°¥©ØÆ°¨ ©Æ¥•≤•≥¥$ *•¶¶•≤≥ØÆ(≥ %≠ ¢°≤ßØ Ø¶ 44 §©§ ÆØ¥$ "π ∑°π ض ∞≤Ø¥•≥¥©Æß ¥®• "≤©¥©≥® °Æ§ &≤•Æ£® •£ØÆØ≠ ©£ ¢¨Ø£´°§•≥ ¥®°¥ ©Æ¥•≤¶•≤•§ ∑©¥® Æ•µ¥≤°¨ ≤©ß®¥≥ °¥ ≥•° *•¶¶•≤≥ØÆ Ø≤§•≤•§ ®©≥ ∞°≤¥π(≥ #ØÆß≤•≥≥©ØÆ°¨ ≠ °™Ø≤©¥π ¥Ø ∞°≥≥ ° ¨°∑ ∞≤Ø®©¢©¥©Æß !≠ •≤©£°Æ≥ ¶≤Ø≠ •Æß°ß©Æß ©Æ ¶Ø≤•©ßÆ ¥≤°§•$ 4®©≥ ∑≤•£´•§ ¥®• •£ØÆØ≠ π °Æ§ ≥Ø •≠ ¢°≤≤°≥≥•§ ¥®• $•≠ Ø£≤°¥©£ 2•∞µ¢¨©£°Æ≥ ¥®°¥ ¢π 4 3 ¥®•©≤ ∑•≥¥•≤Æ °Æ§ ≥ص¥®•≤Æ ¶°£¥©ØÆ≥ ¥®• ≥ØB£°¨¨•§ 7 °≤ (°∑´≥ ¨•§ ¢π *Ø®Æ #°¨®ØµÆ °Æ§ (•Æ≤π #¨°π ¢•°¥ ¥®• §≤µ≠ ≥ ¶Ø≤ ° §•£¨°≤°¥©ØÆ Ø¶ ∑°≤ °ß°©Æ≥¥ "≤©¥°©Æ$ 4®©≥ ∞Ø≥•§ ° ≥•£ØƧ £≤©¥©£°¨ ¥•≥¥ ¢•£°µ≥• ©¥ •∏∞Ø≥•§ ¥®• £ØµÆ¥≤π ¥Ø °¥¥°£´≥ ¥®°¥ ©Æ£¨µ§•§ ¥®• ¢µ≤Æ©Æß Ø¶ 7 °≥®©ÆߥØÆ $$#$ ≤©≥´•§ ¥®• ¨Ø≥≥ ض .•∑ /≤¨•°Æ≥ °Æ§ ¥®• •Æ¥©≤• 7 •≥¥ °Æ§ ¥®≤•°¥•Æ•§ ¥®• ∂•≤π µÆ©¥π ض ¥®• Æ°¥©ØÆ ¢•£°µ≥• &•§•≤°¨©≥¥ Ø∞∞ØÆ•Æ¥≥ ض ¥®• ∑°≤ ©Æ .•∑ %Æߨ°Æ§ ≥∞Ø´• ض ≥•£•≥≥©ØÆ$ &©Æ°¨¨π ¥®• ¶•§•≤°¨ ßØ∂•≤Æ≠ •Æ¥ µÆ§•≤ *°≠ •≥ - °§©≥ØÆ ≥®Ø∑•§ ©¥≥•¨¶ ∑Ø•¶µ¨¨π ©¨¨B ∞≤•∞°≤•§ ¥Ø ∑°ß• Ø≤ •∂•Æ ¶©Æ°Æ£• ¥®• ∑°≤$ "µ¥ ¥®• ∑°≤ •Æ§•§ ∑•¨¨ ©Æ°≥≠ µ£® °≥ !Ƨ≤•∑ *°£´≥ØÆ(≥ ∂©£¥Ø≤π °¥ .•∑ /≤¨•°Æ≥ ≥°∂•§ ¥®• ,ص©≥©°Æ° 0µ≤£®°≥• °Æ§ ¥®• $•≠ Ø£≤°¥≥ ¨•°≤Æ•§ ¥®°¥ ¥®• &•§•≤°¨©≥¥≥ ®°§ ¢••Æ ≤©ß®¥ ¥Ø ©Æ≥©≥¥ ØÆ ¥®• Æ••§ ¶Ø≤ ° ∞≤ض•≥≥©ØÆ°¨ ≠ ©¨©¥°≤π °Æ§ Æ°¥©ØÆ°¨ ¢°Æ´$ %Æ¥•≤ *Ø®Æ 1µ©Æ£π !§°≠ ≥ ∑®Ø §•≥•≤∂•≥ ° ∑®Ø¨• ¨•£¥µ≤• ¥Ø ®©≠ ≥•¨¶$ + 0©Øµ≥ ∞≤µ§•Æ¥ °Æ§ •¥®©£°¨ - ØÆ≤Ø•(≥ 3•£≤•¥°≤π ض 3¥°¥• ¢•¨©•∂•§ ¥®• 5Æ©¥•§ 3¥°¥•≥ ∑°≥ §•≥¥©Æ•§ ¥Ø °¢≥Ø≤¢ °¨¨ .Ø≤¥® !≠ •≤©£° ¢•£°µ≥• ÆØ∑ ÆØ ∞Ø∑•≤ £Øµ¨§ ≥¥°Æ§ ©Æ ¥®• ∑°π$ "µ¥ !≠ •≤©£°Æ≥ ∑ص¨§ ¢•£Ø≠ • ¥®•©≤ Ø∑Æ ∑Ø≤≥¥ •Æ•≠ 𠩶 ¥®•π ≥µ££µ≠ ¢•§ ¥Ø ∞°≥≥©ØÆ °Æ§ •©¥®•≤ ¶≤°£¥µ≤•§ ¥®• 5Æ©ØÆ Ø≤ •¨≥• £®°≤ß•§ ض¶ ØÆ ©§•Ø¨Øß©£°¨ £≤µ≥°§•≥$ 4®µ≥ ∑®•Æ ≥Ø≠ • #ØÆß≤•≥≥≠ •Æ µ≤ß•§ - ØÆ≤Ø• ¥Ø °≥≥©≥¥ ¥®• ,°¥©Æ !≠ •≤©£°Æ ™µÆ¥°≥ ≤•¢•¨¨©Æß °ß°©Æ≥¥ 3∞°©Æ !§°≠ ≥ £®Ø≥• ° &ص≤¥® ض *µ¨π Ø≤°¥©ØÆ ©Æ 43 ¥Ø §•¨©∂•≤ ° ¥®µÆ§•≤ص≥ ≤•¢µ´•>

D!≠ •≤©£°E ßØ•≥ ÆØ¥ °¢≤Ø°§ ©Æ ≥•°≤£® ض ≠ ØÆ≥¥•≤≥ ¥Ø §•≥¥≤Øπ$ 3®• ©≥ ¥®• ∑•¨¨B∑©≥®•≤ ¥Ø ¥®• ¶≤••§Ø≠ °Æ§ ©Æ§•∞•Æ§•Æ£• ض °¨¨$ 3®• ©≥ ¥®• £®°≠ ∞©ØÆ °Æ§ ∂©Æ§©£°¥Ø≤ Øƨπ ض ®•≤ Ø∑Æ$$$$ 3®• ∑•¨¨ ´ÆØ∑≥ ¥®°¥ ¢π ØÆ£• •Æ¨©≥¥©Æß µÆ§•≤ Ø¥®•≤ ¢°ÆÆ•≤≥ ¥®°Æ ®•≤ Ø∑Æ ∑•≤• ¥®•π •∂•Æ ¥®• ¢°ÆÆ•≤≥ ض ¶Ø≤•©ßÆ ©Æ§•∞•Æ§•Æ£• ≥®• ∑ص¨§ ©Æ∂ب∂• ®•≤≥•¨¶ ¢•πØƧ ¥®• ∞Ø∑•≤ ض •∏¥≤©£°¥©ØÆ ©Æ °¨¨ ¥®• ∑°≤≥ ض ©Æ¥•≤•≥¥ °Æ§ ©Æ¥≤©ßµ• ض $$$ °∂°≤©£• •Æ∂π °Æ§ °≠ ¢©¥©ØÆ ∑®©£® °≥≥µ≠ • ¥®• £Ø¨Ø≤≥ °Æ§ µ≥µ≤∞ ¥®• ≥¥°Æ§°≤§ ض ¶≤••§Ø≠ $ 4®• ¶µÆ§°≠ •Æ¥°¨ ≠ °∏©≠ ≥ ض ®•≤ ∞ب©£π ∑ص¨§ ©Æ≥•Æ≥©¢¨π £®°Æß• ¶≤Ø≠ ¨©¢•≤¥π ¥Ø ¶Ø≤£•$ 4®• ¶≤ØÆ¥¨•¥ µ∞ØÆ ®•≤ ¢≤Ø∑≥ ∑ص¨§ ÆØ ¨ØÆß•≤ ¢•°≠ ∑©¥® ¥®• ©Æ•¶¶°¢¨• ≥∞¨•Æ§Ø≤ ض ¶≤••§Ø≠ °Æ§ ©Æ§•∞•Æ§•Æ£•J ¢µ¥ ©Æ ©¥≥ ≥¥•°§ ∑ص¨§ ≥ØØÆ ¢• ≥µ¢≥¥©¥µ¥•§ °Æ ©≠ ∞•≤©°¨ §©°§•≠ ¶¨°≥®©Æß ©Æ ¶°¨≥• °Æ§ ¥°≤Æ©≥®•§ ¨µ≥¥≤• ¥®• ≠ µ≤´π ≤°§©°Æ£• ض §Ø≠ ©Æ©ØÆ °Æ§ ∞Ø∑•≤$ 3®• ≠ ©ß®¥ ¢•£Ø≠ • ¥®• §©£¥°¥≤•≥≥ ض ¥®• ∑Ø≤¨§> ≥®• ∑ص¨§ ¢• ÆØ ¨ØÆß•≤ ¥®• ≤µ¨•≤ ض ®•≤ Ø∑Æ ≥∞©≤©¥$

4®µ≥ §©§ *Ø®Æ 1µ©Æ£π !§°≠ ≥ ß©∂• ¶µ¨≥Ø≠ • •∏∞≤•≥≥©ØÆ ¥Ø ¥≤µ• !≠ •≤©£°Æ %∏£•∞¥©ØÆ°¨©≥≠ $ (• ∑°≥ °¨≥Ø ° ≥®≤•∑§ °Æ§ ¶¨•∏©¢¨• °ß•Æ¥ ض 5Æ©¨°¥•≤°¨©≥≠ ¥®• !≠ •≤©£°Æ 3π≥¥•≠ °Æ§ %∏∞°Æ≥©ØÆ$ 7 ®•Æ ≠ ©¨©¥©° £Ø¨ØÆ•¨ !Ƨ≤•∑ *°£´≥ØÆ ∞µ≤≥µ•§ ®Ø≥¥©¨• )Ƨ©°Æ≥ ©Æ¥Ø 3∞°Æ©≥®

17. The literature on John Quincy Adams is deservedly immense, but an excellent short summary of his views on statecraft is Greg Russell, John Quincy Adams and the Public Virtues of Diplomacy (University of Missouri Press, 1995).

Foreign Policy Research Institute 12

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Foreign Policy Research Institute 13

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Foreign Policy Research Institute 14

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"µ¥ ¥®°¥ ≥°≠ • π•°≤ ° ¢ØØ´ °∞∞•°≤•§ £°¨¨•§ #ØÆß≤•≥≥©ØÆ°¨ 'Ø∂•≤Æ≠ •Æ¥ ¥®°¥ §°≠ Æ•§ ¥®• ∞Ø∑•≤≥ ض #ØÆß≤•≥≥ °Æ§ ≤•≥¥≤°©Æ¥≥ ØÆ ¥®• 0≤•≥©§•Æ¥$ 4®• °µ¥®Ø≤ ° ∞≤ض•≥≥Ø≤ ض ∞ب©¥©£°¨ ≥£©•Æ£• °§∂Ø£°¥•§ °≠ •Æ§©Æß ¥®• #ØÆ≥¥©¥µ¥©ØÆ ¥Ø ≠ °´• ¥®• 0≤•≥©§•Æ¥ ° ≥Ø≤¥ ض ∞≤©≠ •

18. Congressional Globe, 38th Cong., 2d Sess. (1864).

19. Michael Burlingame is especially persuasive on this score, for instance in his recent biography Abraham Lincoln: A Life (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008).

Foreign Policy Research Institute 15

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Foreign Policy Research Institute 16

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20. The entire text is posted at http://www.historytools.org/sources/beveridge.html. I am embarrassed to confess that my book Promised Land, Crusader State, pp. 101-2, misdates the speech. I evidently conflated the 1898 “March of the Flag” address with Beveridge’s 1900 “In Support of an American Empire” speech. Happily, the error is irrelevant to my argument, which is the sharp contrast between the spirit, if not always the substance, of Progressive Imperialism and that of all previous U.S. foreign policy traditions.

Foreign Policy Research Institute 17

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21. James C. Bradford, ed., Admirals of the New Steel Navy (Naval Institute Press, 1990), p. 42.

22. Dispatch to London, July 20, 1895: Foreign Relations of the United States 1895 (G.P.O., 1948), pp. 545-62.

Foreign Policy Research Institute 18

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23. The passage in question is quoted by Fareed Zakaria, From Wealth to Power: The Unusual Origins of America’s World Role (Princeton University Press, 1998), p. 137. For the entire fascinating opinion, see http://supreme.justia.com/us/135/1/case.html

24. McDougall, Promised Land, Crusader State, p. 102. The conclusion drawn by Kenneth Moss, Undeclared War and the Future of U.S. Foreign Policy (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008), pp. 218- 19, lends gratifying support to my interpretation of America’s transition from Promised Land to Crusader State. The Founding Fathers, he writes, would acknowledge the place of military force in national security and foreign policy generally. However, they would be appalled that military force has become the most visible instrument of foreign policy, and that the president enjoys a virtual carte blanche to wield it in the absence of Congressional oversight. When did the great, gradual drift toward presidential prerogative begin? Almost all accounts trace it to the early Cold War, noting that Congress has not used its war powers since 1941. “Yet the real foundation for expanded presidential use of military force occurred at the beginning of the twentieth century. It corresponded to a global expansion of U.S. interests and the rise of a conviction that the United States could use military force to improve the world as well as protect and serve its interests. The gap between Theodore Roosevelt’s world policeman and George W. Bush’s desire to transform and stabilize the Middle East is not very wide, especially when the bridge is a Wilsonian idealism that believes in the universal appeal of American political ideals and values.”

Foreign Policy Research Institute 19

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25. Robert Dallek, The American Style of Foreign Policy: Cultural Politics and Foreign Affairs (Knopf, 1983), p. 30. See also Herbert Croly, The Promise of American Life (Bobbs-Merrll Company, 1965 <1909>).

26. Josiah Strong, Our Country: Its Possible Future and Present Crisis (1885), quoted in Julius W. Pratt, Expansionists of 1898 (Johns Hopkins University Press, 1936), p. 6.

27. Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., The Cycles of American History (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1986), p. 17.

Foreign Policy Research Institute 20

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28. See Louis A. Perez, Jr., The War of 1898: The United States and Cuba in History and Historiography (University of North Carolina Press, 1998).

29. W. Stull Holt, Treaties Defeated in the Senate (Johns Hopkins University Press, 1933), p. 178.

30. http://www.lawzone.com/half-nor/nelson.htm

31. The Federalist No. 51.

32. In time Alaska and Hawaii would be incorporated and obtain statehood in 1958 and 1959 respectively. Puerto Ricans were granted U.S. citizenship in 1917 (so they could be conscripted for the Great War) and local self-government in 1952 under a commonwealth status that survives to this day. In the Philippines, the Army had to impose colonial rule through a counterinsurgency campaign that killed 4,000 American soldiers and several hundred thousand Filipinos. The islands were granted a measure of self-government in 1934 and independence in 1946. Guamanians were granted U.S. citizenship in 1950, but remain an unincorporated organized territory.

Foreign Policy Research Institute 21

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33. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Roosevelt_Corollary

Foreign Policy Research Institute 22

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34. Nathan Miller, Theodore Roosevelt: A Life (William Morrow, 1992), p. 408. For the Cannon quote see: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joseph_Gurney_Cannon

35. John Milton Cooper, The Warrior and the Priest: Woodrow Wilson and Theodore Roosevelt (Harvard University Press, 1983).

36. H. W. Brands, TR: The Last Romantic (Basic Books, 1977), p. 488.

Foreign Policy Research Institute 23

§••∞¨π ¥®°¥ •Æ§≥ ™µ≥¥©¶π ≠ •°Æ≥ ¥®°¥ ®• ∞•≤≥µ°§•§ #ØÆß≤•≥≥ ¥Ø ∑°ß• ° §©≥£≤•¥©ØÆ°≤π ¥Ø¥°¨ ∑°≤ ¶Ø≤ ¥®• µ¥Ø∞©°Æ ∞≤Øß≤°≠ ض :° µÆ©∂•≤≥°¨ §Ø≠ ©Æ©ØÆ Ø¶ ≤©ß®¥ ¢π ≥µ£® ° £ØÆ£•≤¥ ض ¶≤•• ∞•Ø∞¨•≥ °≥ ≥®°¨¨ ¢≤©Æß ∞•°£• °Æ§ ≥°¶•¥π ¥Ø °¨¨ Æ°¥©ØÆ≥ °Æ§ ≠ °´• ¥®• ∑Ø≤¨§ ©¥≥•¨¶ °¥ ¨°≥¥ ¶≤••$;+ )Æ ≥Ø §Ø©Æß 7 ©¨≥ØÆ ¢•£°≠ • ¥®• ¶©≤≥¥ ∞≤•≥©§•Æ¥ ¥Ø ©≠ ∞Ø≥• £ØÆ≥£≤©∞¥©ØÆ ¶Ø≤ ° ¶Ø≤•©ßÆ ∑°≤ ∑®©¨• ≥µ≥∞•Æ§©Æß £©∂©¨ ≤©ß®¥≥ ¶°≤ ≠ Ø≤• ¥®°Æ ,©Æ£Ø¨Æ ®°§ §°≤•§$ 7 ®•≤• ¶Ø≤•©ßÆ ∞ب©£π °Æ§ ¥®• #ØÆ≥¥©¥µ¥©ØÆ °≤• £ØÆ£•≤Æ•§ ¥®• ≤•°¨ §©≥¥©Æ£¥©ØÆ ¢•¥∑••Æ ¥®• ¥∑Ø 0≤Øß≤•≥≥©∂• ß©°Æ¥≥ ©≥ ¥®©≥J 2ØØ≥•∂•¨¥(≥ ∞≤µ§•Æ£• °Æ§ ≥•Æ≥• ض ∞≤Ø∞Ø≤¥©ØÆ ¢≤•§ ≥µ££•≥≥•≥ ¥®°¥ °Æ Ø¥®•≤∑©≥• ™•°¨Øµ≥ #ØÆß≤•≥≥ ®°§ ¥Ø °£´ÆØ∑¨•§ß•$ 7 ©¨≥ØÆ(≥ ¶Ø¨¨π °Æ§ ≥•¨¶B≤©ß®¥•Øµ≥ ∫•°¨ °¨¨ ¢µ¥ Ø¢¨©ß•§ ¥®• 3•Æ°¥• ¥Ø ≤•≥©≥¥$ - Ø≤•Ø∂•≤ 42 ÆØ¥ 7 ©¨≥ØÆ ∑°≥ ¥®• ¶©≤≥¥ !≠ •≤©£°Æ ¥Ø ∑©Æ ° .Ø¢•¨ 0•°£• 0≤©∫• ¶Ø≤ ≠ •§©°¥©Æß ¥®• 2µ≥≥ØB*°∞°Æ•≥• 7 °≤$ 42 ÆØ¥ 7 ©¨≥ØÆ ≤•∞•Æ¥•§ ض ¥®• °ÆÆ•∏°¥©ØÆ Ø¶ ¥®• 0®©¨©∞∞©Æ•≥ ص≤ !£®©¨¨•≥( ®••¨ ®• £°¨¨•§ ©¥J °Æ§ 42 ÆØ¥ 7 ©¨≥ØÆ ß≤•∑ ≥Ø ≥´•∞¥©£°¨ ض Æ°¥©ØÆB¢µ©¨§©Æß ¥®°¥ ®• ¨©´•Æ•§ °ÆÆ•∏©Æß ¥®• $Ø≠ ©Æ©£°Æ 2•∞µ¢¨©£ ¥Ø ° ¢Ø° £ØÆ≥¥≤©£¥Ø≤ ≥∑°¨¨Ø∑©Æß ° ∞Ø≤£µ∞©Æ• :∑≤ØÆßB•Æ§ ¥Ø$;4 )Æ Ø¥®•≤ ∑Ø≤§≥ 7 ©¨≥ØÆ©°Æ©≥≠ ∑°≥ ¨•≥≥ ° ≤•°£¥©ØÆ °ß°©Æ≥¥ 0≤Øß≤•≥≥©∂• )≠ ∞•≤©°¨©≥≠ ¥®°Æ ° ≠ Ø≤°¨©≥¥©£ £°≤©£°¥µ≤• ض ©¥ ¥®°¥ ©Æ¶¨°¥•§ !≠ •≤©£°(≥ ∞ب©£• ∞Ø∑•≤ °Æ§ ®µ≠ °Æ©¥°≤©°Æ §µ¥π µÆ¥©¨ ¥®•π •Æ£Ø≠ ∞°≥≥•§ ¥®• ∑®Ø¨• ∑Ø≤¨§$ 7 ©¨≥ØÆ §••≠ •§ ¶Ø≤•©ßÆ ∞ب©£©•≥ ≥•≤∂©Æß ≠ •≤•¨π ¥®• Æ°¥©ØÆ°¨ ©Æ¥•≤•≥¥ ¥Ø ¢• §•ß≤°§©Æß °Æ§ ®• ¨•£¥µ≤•§ ¥®• .°∂°¨ !£°§•≠ π ¥®°¥ :4®• ©§•° ض !≠ •≤©£° ©≥ ¥Ø ≥•≤∂• ®µ≠ °Æ©¥π$; )Æ≥¥•°§ ض ≠ •°≥µ≤©Æß %∏£•∞¥©ØÆ°¨©≥≠ ¢π ∑®°¥ !≠ •≤©£° ∑°≥ 7 ©¨≥ØÆ ÆØ∑ ≠ •°≥µ≤•§ ®•≤ ≥°Æ£¥©¥π ¢π ∑®°¥ !≠ •≤©£° §©§$ 3Ø ∑®•≤• 42 ∑°ß•§ ¶©Æ©¥• ≥¥≤µßߨ•≥ ©Æ ∞µ≤≥µ©¥ ض ¥°Æß©¢¨• ßØ°¨≥ ¨©´• ° 0°Æ°≠ ° #°Æ°¨ 7 ©¨≥ØÆ ∑°ß•§ ©Æ¶©Æ©¥• ≥¥≤µßߨ•≥ ©Æ ∞µ≤≥µ©¥ ض °¢≥¥≤°£¥©ØÆ≥ ¨©´• ∞•≤∞•¥µ°¨ ∞•°£•$ ,©´• - •¨∂©¨¨•(≥ #°∞¥°©Æ !®°¢ ©Æ ∞µ≤≥µ©¥ ض ¥®• ∑®°¨• 7 ©¨≥ØÆ ÆØ¥ ØÆ¨π ¶°©¨•§ ¢µ¥ §•≥¥≤Ø𕧠®©≠ ≥•¨¶ ©Æ ¥®• ∞≤Ø£•≥≥$/ 7 ©¨≥ØÆ(≥ ≥∞•£©¶©£ °©≠ ≥ ©Æ ®©≥ :∑°≤ ¥Ø •Æ§ ∑°≤; ∑•≤• •ÆµÆ£©°¥•§ ©Æ ®©≥ &ص≤¥••Æ 0Ø©Æ¥≥ 3∞••£® ض *°Æµ°≤π 4$ 4®•π ©Æ£¨µ§•§ Ø∞•Æ §©∞¨Ø≠ °£π ¶≤••§Ø≠ ض ¥®• ≥•°≥ ¶≤•• ¥≤°§• §©≥°≤≠ °≠ •Æ¥ ≥•¨¶B§•¥•≤≠ ©Æ°¥©ØÆ ¶Ø≤ %µ≤Ø∞•°Æ≥ °¥ ¨•°≥¥ °Æ§ ° ,•°ßµ• ض .°¥©ØÆ≥ ¥Ø ∞≤Ø∂©§• £Ø¨¨•£¥©∂• ≥•£µ≤©¥π$ &≤•Æ£® 0≤•≠ ©•≤ '•Ø≤ß•≥ #¨•≠ •Æ£•°µ ≥Æ©¶¶•§ ¥®°¥ 7 ©¨≥ØÆ(≥ °ß•Æ§° ∑ص¨§ ¢• ≥∞¨•Æ§©§ ©¶ Øƨπ ≠ •Æ ∑•≤• ÆØ¥ ≠ •Æ °Æ§ ©Æ§••§ ¥®• °ß•Æ§° ¶°©¨•§ ¶Ø≤ °¨¨ ¥ØØ ®µ≠ °Æ ≤•°≥ØÆ≥$ 7 ©¨≥ØÆ ß≤•∑ ≥Ø ©Æ¥Ø∏©£°¥•§ ∑©¥® ®©≥ ≠ •≥≥©°Æ©£ ≤ب• °Æ§ °∞∞°≤•Æ¥ ∞Ø∞µ¨°≤©¥π °Æ§ ≥Ø •∏°ßß•≤°¥•§ !≠ •≤©£°(≥ ¨•∂•≤°ß• °Æ§ ®©≥ Ø∑Æ ∑°≤ ∞Ø∑•≤≥ ¥®°¥ ¢π

37. War Message to Congress, April 2, 1917, Ray Stannard Baker, ed., The Public Papers of Woodrow Wilson, volume 1 (Harper’s, 1925), pp. 6-16.

38. Lloyd Gardner, “A Progressive Foreign Policy, 1900-1921,” in W. A. Williams, ed., From Colony to Empire (John Wiley, 1972), p. 218.

39. http://www.cooperativeindividualism.org/wilson-woodrow_idea-of-america.html

40. On the tendency of Wilson and Protestant clergy to interpret America’s entry into the war as an evangelical, even millenarian crusade, see Richard Gamble, War for Righteousness: Progressive Christianity, the Great War, and the Rise of the Messianic Nation (Intercollegiate Studies Institute, 2003). The most convincing interpreter of Wilson’s statecraft, in my opinion, is Lloyd Ambrosius, Woodrow Wilson and the American Diplomatic Tradition: The Treaty Fight in Perspective (Cambridge University Press, 1987); Wilsonian Statecraft: Theory and Practice of Liberal Internationalism During World War I (Scholarly Resources, 1991); Wilsonianism: Woodrow Wilson and His Legacy in American Foreign Relations (Palgrave Macmillan, 2002).

Foreign Policy Research Institute 24

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41. Paterson, American Foreign Policy, p. 267.

Foreign Policy Research Institute 25

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42. See Justus Doenecke and John Wilz, From Isolation to War: 1931-1941 (Harlan Davidson, 2003) and Doenecke, ed., In Danger Undaunted: The Anti-interventionist Movement of 1940-1941 as Revealed in the Papers of the America First Committee (Hoover Institution, 1990).

43. Michael J. Glennon, Constitutional Diplomacy (Princeton University Press, 1990), pp. 18-20; John Yoo, Crisis and Command: The History of Executive Power from George Washington to George W. Bush (Kaplan Press, 2009), pp. 289-93.

Foreign Policy Research Institute 26

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44. David Gray Adler and Larry N. George, The Constitution and the Conduct of American Foreign Policy (University of Kansas Press, 1996), p. 26. The Supreme Court reinforced its judgment in favor of the executive branch in its 1937 decision in United States v. Belmont. After recognizing the USSR in 1933, Roosevelt approved an executive agreement with Soviet authorities that liquidated debts to American citizens incurred by the defunct tsarist regime. Augustus Belmont sued for relief on the grounds that the agreement violated New York State property law. The Court held that “in respect of our foreign relations generally, state lines disappear” and the President speaks for the nation (Yoo, Crisis and Command, p. 292).

45. Lawrence Margolis, Executive Agreements and Presidential Power (Praeger Press, 1986), p. 108.

46. Edward Corwin, The President’s Control of Foreign Relations (Princeton University Press, 1917), pp. 117-18.

Foreign Policy Research Institute 27

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47. See especially Marc Trachtenberg, The Craft of International History: A Guide to Method (Princeton University Press, 2006), and his recent posts on the H-Diplo web site.

48. Kenneth S. Davis, FDR, Into the Storm, 1937-40: A History (New York: Random House, 1993), p. 611.

49. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ex_parte_Quirin

50. Yoo, Crisis and Command, p. 318.

Foreign Policy Research Institute 28

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51. For the latest and best critical scholarship on FDR’s postwar plans see Wilson D. Miscamble, From Roosevelt to Truman: Potsdam, Hiroshima, and the Cold War (Cambridge University Press, 2007).

Foreign Policy Research Institute 29

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52. Adler and George, The Constitution and the Conduct of American Foreign Policy, p. 320.

53. Yoo, Crisis and Command, pp. 330-40. Legal scholar Edward S. Corwin in turn scorned Acheson, Schlesinger, historian Henry Steele Commager as “high-flying prerogative men” in The New Republic, Janary 29, 1951, p. 15. See also Schlesinger, The Imperial Presidency (Houghton Mifflin, 1973).

54. Glennon, Constitutional Diplomacy, p. 204. On the international and domestic legal puzzles conjured by the unique American practice of declaring presidential doctrines in foreign affairs, see Heiko Meirtöns, The Doctrines of U.S. Security Policy (Cambridge University Press, 2010).

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55. Ibid., p.210.

56. See especially the concluding chapter in John Lehman, Making War: The 200-Year-Old Battle Between the President and Congress over How America Goes to War (Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1992). The atypicality of Cold War mobilization is demonstrated by statistics that show the size of standing U.S. armed forces has ceased to be determined by whether the nation is at war or at peace. During the Civil War some 2.8 million men served in uniform on one side or the other. From the end of Reconstruction in 1876 until 1898 all the armed forces combined shrank to between 34,000 to 43,000. During the era of Progressive Imperialism, 1898-1917, standing peacetime armed forces rose to between 100,000 and 175,000. During World War I, the United States quickly mobilized 2.5 million men, but after 1918 the military shrank back to about 250,000 prior to creeping up to 450,000 by 1940. World War II put an incredible 12 million Americans in uniform, but the services shrank to just 1.4 million by 1948. The Korean War more than doubled that total to 3.2 million. But Eisenhower’s best efforts notwithstanding, deployments did not shrink much after the Korean truce. Instead, active U.S. military personnel hovered between 2 and 3 million for the duration of the Cold War. In 2008 the Pentagon counted 1,385,122 on active duty and 1,458,500 reservists, many of whom have been deployed since 9/11.

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57. In private, Eisenhower was heard to grumble, “If it’s true that when you die the things that bothered you most are engraved on your skull, I am sure I’ll have there the mud and dirt of France during invasion and the name of Senator Bricker” (Louis Galambos, ed., The Papers of Dwight D. Eisenhower: The Presidency (Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996), document 707). During the hearings on the Bricker Amendment, Senator Guy Gillett (D., Iowa) asked a State Department official to clarify the difference between a treaty and an executive agreement. He was told, “a treaty was something they had to send to the Senate to get approval by two-thirds vote. An executive agreement was something they did not have to send to the Senate.” That said it all.

58. In 1963, Kennedy told the Spanish Caudillo that “a threat to either country ... would be a matter of common concern to both.” Franco warmly concurred. But did JFK have the power to commit America to the defense of Spain? During the Spanish Civil War in the 1930s, Roosevelt and Congress had agreed the answer was “no” (see Dominic Tierney, FDR and the Spanish Civil War: Neutrality and Commitment in the Struggle That Divided America (Duke University Press, 2007), but the Kennedy administration invoked the Truman Doctrine that implied the answer was “yes” in every case (Schlesinger, Imperial Presidency, p. 202).

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59. See Edwin E. Moise, Tonkin Gulf and the Escalation of the Vietnam War (University of North Carolina Press, 1996); J. William Fulbright, The Arrogance of Power (Random House, 1966). The discussion of the real issue surrounding the Vietnam is based on Henkin.

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60. Adler and George, The Constitution and the Conduct of American Foreign Policy, p. 42.

61. Lehman, Making War; “come and gone,” by Edward Keynes in Adler and George, The Constitution and the Conduct of American Foreign Policy, p. 252.

62. Goldwater v. Carter, 444 U.S. 996 (1979).

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63. Zbigniew Brzezinski drafted key sentences in the Carter Doctrine and modeled them on the words of the Truman Doctrine Carter had hoped to supersede: Brzezinski, Power and Principle: Memoirs of the National Security Advisor, 1977-1981 (Farrar, Straus, Giroux, 1983), p. 444.

64. “The Reagan Doctrine,” TIME, April 1, 1985.

65. The Weinberg-Powell Doctrine included a list of conditions that must be met in advance of a deployment: 1. The United States should not commit forces to combat unless the vital national interests of the United States or its allies are involved. 2. U.S. troops should only be committed wholeheartedly and with the clear intention of winning. Otherwise, troops should not be committed. 3. U.S. combat troops should be committed only with clearly defined political and military

Foreign Policy Research Institute 35

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objectives and with the capacity to accomplish those objectives. 4. The relationship between the objectives and the size and composition of the forces committed should be continually reassessed and adjusted if necessary. 5. U.S. troops should not be committed to battle without a reasonable assurance of the support of U.S. public opinion and Congress. (Some lists also mention international support.) 6. The commitment of U.S. troops should be considered only as a last resort.

66. http://news.findlaw.com/wp/docs/terrorism/sjres23.es.html

Foreign Policy Research Institute 36

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67. See the pithy political insights of Harold Hongju Koh, “Why the President Almost Always Wins in Foreign Affairs” in Adler and George, The Constitution and the Conduct of American Foreign Policy, pp. 158-80; and the pithy psychological insights of Daniel Kahneman and Jonathan Renshon, “Why Hawks Win,” in Foreign Affairs,(January/February 2007.

68. Jonathan Eliot, Debates in the Several State Conventions on the Adoption of the Federal Constitution, 4 vols. (1836), cited by Adler, “The Constitution and Presidential War-making: The Enduring Debate,” Political Science Quarterly, Spring 1988, pp.1-36.

69. Letter to H. S. Randall, May 23, 1857, in G. O. Trevelyan, The Life and Letters of Lord Macauley (1875), pp. 409-10. The Cooley lectures were the basis for Henkin, Constitutionalism, Democracy, and Foreign Affairs (Columbia University Press, 1990).

70. An excellent new book by William G. Howell and Jon C. Pevehouse, While Dangers Gather: Congressional Checks on Presidential War Powers (Princeton University Press, 2007) argues that whereas the Congress speaks with many voices and must usually act indirectly to restrain executive

Foreign Policy Research Institute 37

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assertion, it can nonetheless wield meaningful influence through hearings, protests, budgetary procedures, and especially the media and public opinion.

71. http://teachingamericanhistory.org/library/index.asp?document=607

72. Myers vs. United States, 272 U.S. 52, 293, in Glennon, Constitutional Diplomacy, p. 325.

Foreign Policy Research Institute 38

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