U.S.-China Relations: the Search for a New Equilibrium Ryan Hass
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An Overview of Russian Foreign Policy
02-4498-6 ch1.qxd 3/25/02 2:58 PM Page 7 1 AN OVERVIEW OF RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY Forging a New Foreign Policy Concept for Russia Russia’s entry into the new millennium was accompanied by qualitative changes in both domestic and foreign policy. After the stormy events of the early 1990s, the gradual process of consolidating society around a strengthened democratic gov- ernment took hold as people began to recognize this as a requirement if the ongoing political and socioeconomic transformation of the country was to be successful. The for- mation of a new Duma after the December 1999 parliamen- tary elections, and Vladimir Putin’s election as president of Russia in 2000, laid the groundwork for an extended period of political stability, which has allowed us to undertake the devel- opment of a long-term strategic development plan for the nation. Russia’s foreign policy course is an integral part of this strategic plan. President Putin himself has emphasized that “foreign policy is both an indicator and a determining factor for the condition of internal state affairs. Here we should have no illusions. The competence, skill, and effectiveness with 02-4498-6 ch1.qxd 3/25/02 2:58 PM Page 8 which we use our diplomatic resources determines not only the prestige of our country in the eyes of the world, but also the political and eco- nomic situation inside Russia itself.”1 Until recently, the view prevalent in our academic and mainstream press was that post-Soviet Russia had not yet fully charted its national course for development. -
'New Era' Should Have Ended US Debate on Beijing's Ambitions
Testimony before the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission Hearing on “A ‘China Model?’ Beijing’s Promotion of Alternative Global Norms and Standards” March 13, 2020 “How Xi Jinping’s ‘New Era’ Should Have Ended U.S. Debate on Beijing’s Ambitions” Daniel Tobin Faculty Member, China Studies, National Intelligence University and Senior Associate (Non-resident), Freeman Chair in China Studies, Center for Strategic and International Studies Senator Talent, Senator Goodwin, Honorable Commissioners, thank you for inviting me to testify on China’s promotion of alternative global norms and standards. I am grateful for the opportunity to submit the following statement for the record. Since I teach at National Intelligence University (NIU) which is part of the Department of Defense (DoD), I need to begin by making clear that all statements of fact and opinion below are wholly my own and do not represent the views of NIU, DoD, any of its components, or of the U.S. government. You have asked me to discuss whether China seeks an alternative global order, what that order would look like and aim to achieve, how Beijing sees its future role as differing from the role the United States enjoys today, and also to address the parts played respectively by the Party’s ideology and by its invocation of “Chinese culture” when talking about its ambitions to lead the reform of global governance.1 I want to approach these questions by dissecting the meaning of the “new era for socialism with Chinese characteristics” Xi Jinping proclaimed at the Communist Party of China’s 19th National Congress (afterwards “19th Party Congress”) in October 2017. -
Tuesday, November 15, 2016 Global Trumpism Why Trump's Victory Was
11/21/2016 Global Trumpism Home > Global Trumpism Tuesday, November 15, 2016 Global Trumpism Why Trump’s Victory Was 30 Years in the Making and Why It Won’t Stop Here Mark Blyth Mark Blyth is Eastman Professor of Political Economy at Brown University. Trump’s victory was predictable [1], and was predicted [2], but not by looking at polls. Polling has taken a beating recently having failed to predict the victory of David Cameron’s Conservative Party in the British general elections [3], then Brexit [4], and now the election of Donald Trump [5]. One can argue about what’s wrong with the methods involved, but more fundamentally what polls do is to treat these phenomena as isolated events when they are in fact the product of a common set of causes 30 years in the making. There are two issues at play here. The first is known as Galton’s problem, after Sir Francis Galton, the inventor of much of modern statistics. Galton’s problem is that when we treat cases as independent—the British election, Brexit, the U.S. election—they may not actually be independent. There may be links between the cases—think of Brexit’s Nigel Farage showing up at Trump's rallies [6]—and there could be subtler contagion [7] or mimicry [8] effects in play as information from one case “infects” the other, changing the dynamics of the system as a whole. Could there then be a higher set of drivers in the global economy [9] pushing the world in a direction where Trump is really just one part of a more global pattern of events? Consider that there are many Trumpets blowing around the developed world, on both the right and the left. -
August 10, 2016 the Honorable Li Keqiang Premier Beijing People's
August 10, 2016 The Honorable Li Keqiang Premier Beijing People’s Republic of China Respected Premier Li: Our organizations, representing a broad array of industries and companies of all sizes, are writing to express our hope that China fully embraces the goals of the upcoming G20 Leaders Meeting to promote an “innovative, invigorated, interconnected, and inclusive world economy,” by taking steps to address concerns regarding the direction of China’s information communications technology (ICT) policies. These include the draft Cybersecurity Law (“The Law”) and pending China Insurance Regulatory Commission (CIRC) Provisions on Insurance System Informatization (“The Provisions”). We appreciate that China has published drafts of The Law and The Provisions for public comment. This level of transparency is very important in drafting technical regulations of this significance. However, the current drafts, if implemented, would weaken security and separate China from the global digital economy. Specific concerns with The Law and The Provisions include: Broad data residency requirements, which have no additional security benefits, but would impede economic growth, and create barriers to entry for both foreign and Chinese companies; Trade-inhibiting security reviews and requirements for ICT products and services, which may weaken security and constitute technical barriers to trade as defined by the World Trade Organization; and Data retention and sharing, and law enforcement assistance requirements, which would weaken technical security measures -
The Lost Generation in American Foreign Policy How American Influence Has Declined, and What Can Be Done About It
September 2020 Perspective EXPERT INSIGHTS ON A TIMELY POLICY ISSUE JAMES DOBBINS, GABRIELLE TARINI, ALI WYNE The Lost Generation in American Foreign Policy How American Influence Has Declined, and What Can Be Done About It n the aftermath of World War II, the United States accepted the mantle of global leadership and worked to build a new global order based on the principles of nonaggression and open, nondiscriminatory trade. An early pillar of this new Iorder was the Marshall Plan for European reconstruction, which British histo- rian Norman Davies has called “an act of the most enlightened self-interest in his- tory.”1 America’s leaders didn’t regard this as charity. They recognized that a more peaceful and more prosperous world would be in America’s self-interest. American willingness to shoulder the burdens of world leadership survived a costly stalemate in the Korean War and a still more costly defeat in Vietnam. It even survived the end of the Cold War, the original impetus for America’s global activ- ism. But as a new century progressed, this support weakened, America’s influence slowly diminished, and eventually even the desire to exert global leadership waned. Over the past two decades, the United States experienced a dramatic drop-off in international achievement. A generation of Americans have come of age in an era in which foreign policy setbacks have been more frequent than advances. C O R P O R A T I O N Awareness of America’s declining influence became immunodeficiency virus (HIV) epidemic and by Obama commonplace among observers during the Barack Obama with Ebola, has also been widely noted. -
Xi Jinping's Address to the Central Conference On
Xi Jinping’s Address to the Central Conference on Work Relating to Foreign Affairs: Assessing and Advancing Major- Power Diplomacy with Chinese Characteristics Michael D. Swaine* Xi Jinping’s speech before the Central Conference on Work Relating to Foreign Affairs—held November 28–29, 2014, in Beijing—marks the most comprehensive expression yet of the current Chinese leadership’s more activist and security-oriented approach to PRC diplomacy. Through this speech and others, Xi has taken many long-standing Chinese assessments of the international and regional order, as well as the increased influence on and exposure of China to that order, and redefined and expanded the function of Chinese diplomacy. Xi, along with many authoritative and non-authoritative Chinese observers, presents diplomacy as an instrument for the effective application of Chinese power in support of an ambitious, long-term, and more strategic foreign policy agenda. Ultimately, this suggests that Beijing will increasingly attempt to alter some of the foreign policy processes and power relationships that have defined the political, military, and economic environment in the Asia- Pacific region. How the United States chooses to respond to this challenge will determine the Asian strategic landscape for decades to come. On November 28 and 29, 2014, the Central Chinese Communist Party (CCP) leadership convened its fourth Central Conference on Work Relating to Foreign Affairs (中央外事工作会)—the first since August 2006.1 The meeting, presided over by Premier Li Keqiang, included the entire Politburo Standing Committee, an unprecedented number of central and local Chinese civilian and military officials, nearly every Chinese ambassador and consul-general with ambassadorial rank posted overseas, and commissioners of the Foreign Ministry to the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region and the Macao Special Administrative Region. -
China's 2017 Communist Party Leadership Structure & Transition
China’s 2017 Communist Party Leadership Structure & Transition US-CHINA BUSINESS COUNCIL JUNE 2017 China’s 2017 Communist Party Leadership Structure & Transition June 2017 Executive Summary ● The 19th Chinese Communist Party (CCP) congress, in fall 2017, is expected to mark the beginning of President Xi Jinping’s second, five-year term as China’s top leader and fill other senior political posts. In the past, some second-term party congresses have signaled leadership succession plans for the next congress. ● The party congress not only chooses top party personnel, but also establishes policy priorities for the subsequent five years. These priorities are condensed into a political report delivered by the party’s incumbent top leader on behalf of the Central Committee. ● Leadership turnover could be significant. If previous party congress norms hold, many key national and provincial party leaders could be replaced for reaching the targeted retirement age of 68. This means five of the seven current Politburo Standing Committee members could retire, leaving only President Xi and Premier Li Keqiang to continue. Additionally, at least 11 of the 25 members of the Politburo are likely to retire, based solely on retirement age. Average turnover in the larger Central Committee has been 60 percent, based on age and other factors. ● Changes to the majority of senior positions within the party and the State Council, China’s cabinet, will be announced on an ongoing basis through the National People’s Congress in March 2018. As part of the transition, many key government officials whose work affects trade and commerce in China will retire or be promoted to new positions. -
US-China Relations
U.S.-China Relations: An Overview of Policy Issues Susan V. Lawrence Specialist in Asian Affairs August 1, 2013 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R41108 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress U.S.-China Relations: An Overview of Policy Issues Summary The United States relationship with China touches on an exceptionally broad range of issues, from security, trade, and broader economic issues, to the environment and human rights. Congress faces important questions about what sort of relationship the United States should have with China and how the United States should respond to China’s “rise.” After more than 30 years of fast-paced economic growth, China’s economy is now the second-largest in the world after that of the United States. With economic success, China has developed significant global strategic clout. It is also engaged in an ambitious military modernization drive, including development of extended-range power projection capabilities. At home, it continues to suppress all perceived challenges to the Communist Party’s monopoly on power. In previous eras, the rise of new powers has often produced conflict. China’s new leader Xi Jinping has pressed hard for a U.S. commitment to a “new model of major country relationship” with the United States that seeks to avoid such an outcome. The Obama Administration has repeatedly assured Beijing that the United States “welcomes a strong, prosperous and successful China that plays a greater role in world affairs,” and that the United States does not seek to prevent China’s re-emergence as a great power. -
Rapprochement Between America and China During the Nixon
Bilge Strateji,Bilge Cilt Strateji, 9, Sayı Cilt16, Bahar9, Sayı 2017, 16, Bahar ss.131-147 2017 Rapprochement between America and China during the Nixon Era: A Product of Timing or the Leadership? Nixon Dönemi Amerika ve Çin Arasındaki Uzlaşma: Zamanın bir Ürünü mü yoksa Liderlik mi? Teslim: 31 Mayıs 2016 Onay: 23 Mart 2017 Ali Onur ÖZÇELİK* Abstract This article explores the rapprochement between America and China in the 1970s. By ending two-decade old antagonism and realizing the most impor- tant strategic shift of the Cold War era, both states have changed the course of the world politics since the middle of the Cold War. In elaborating one of the historical events in American foreign policy, the article seeks to find an answer for one big question: Was Nixon a unique leader to initiate the U.S. opening to China or was it purely a product of timing? The findings suggest that although timing provided important motivation for rapprochement, this had not been possible if Nixon did not show his determination. Keywords: : Rapprochement between America and China, Leadership, Re- alpolitik, American Foreign Policy. Öz Bu makale, Amerika ve Çin arasında 1970’lerdeki uzlaşmayı incelemekte- dir. Yirmi yıllık düşmanlığı sonlandıran ve Soğuk Savaş’ın en önemli strate- jik kayışını gerçekleştiren iki devlet, Soğuk Savaş’ın ortasından itibaren dünya politikasının gidişatını değiştirmiştir. Amerikan dış politikasındaki en önemli tarihi olaylardan bir tanesini ele alan bu makele, büyük bir so- ruya: Amerikanın Çin’e açılması için Nixon eşsiz bir lider miydi yoksa bu süreç tamamen zamanın bir ürünü müydü? cevap aramaktadır. Bulgular, za- manlama uzlaşma için önemli bir motivasyon sağlamasına rağmen, Nixon’ın kararlılığı olmasa bu uzlaşmanın imkansız olduğunu önermektedir. -
Morality and Foreign Policy Author(S): George F. Kennan Source: Foreign Affairs, Vol
Morality and Foreign Policy Author(s): George F. Kennan Source: Foreign Affairs, Vol. 64, No. 2 (Winter, 1985), pp. 205-218 Published by: Council on Foreign Relations Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20042569 Accessed: 22-06-2015 15:26 UTC Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/ info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Council on Foreign Relations is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Foreign Affairs. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 165.123.107.217 on Mon, 22 Jun 2015 15:26:59 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions George F. Kennan MORALITY AND FOREIGN POLICY JLn a small volume of lectures published nearly thirty-five to years ago,1 I had the temerity suggest that the American statesmen of the turn of the twentieth century were unduly of legalistic and moralistic in their judgment of the actions an other governments. This seemed to be approach that carried them away from the sterner requirements of political realism and caused their statements and actions, however impressive to the domestic political audience, to lose effectiveness in the international arena. These observations were doubtless brought forward too a cryptically and thus invited wide variety of interpretations, an or not excluding the thesis that I had advocated amoral, even immoral, foreign policy for this country. -
Remembering George Kennan Does Not Mean Idolizing Him
UNITED STATES InsTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org SPECIAL REPORT 1200 17th Street NW • Washington, DC 20036 • 202.457.1700 • fax 202.429.6063 ABOUT THE REPORT Melvyn P. Leffler This report originated while Melvyn P. Leffler was a Jennings Randolph Fellow at the United States Institute of Peace. He was writing his book on what appeared to be the most intractable and ominous conflict of the post–World War II era—the Cold War. He was addressing the questions of why the Cold War lasted as long as it did and why it ended when Remembering it did. As part of the ongoing dialogue at the United States Institute of Peace, he was repeatedly asked about the lessons of the Cold War for our contemporary problems. George Kennan His attention was drawn to the career of George F. Kennan, the father of containment. Kennan was a rather obscure and frustrated foreign service officer at the U.S. embassy in Lessons for Today? Moscow when his “Long Telegram” of February 1946 gained the attention of policymakers in Washington and transformed his career. Leffler reviews Kennan’s legacy and ponders the implications of his thinking for the contemporary era. Is it Summary possible, Leffler wonders, to reconcile Kennan’s legacy with the newfound emphasis on a “democratic peace”? • Kennan’s thinking and policy prescriptions evolved quickly from the time he wrote the Melvyn P. Leffler, a former senior fellow at the United States “Long Telegram” in February 1946 until the time he delivered the Walgreen Lectures Institute of Peace, won the Bancroft Prize for his book at the University of Chicago in 1950. -
Constructing the U.S. Rapprochement with China, 1961–1974
P1: KcS 0521839866agg.xml CY468B/Goh 0521839866 August 25, 2004 17:12 Constructing the U.S. Rapprochement with China, 1961–1974 From “Red Menace” to “Tacit Ally” EVELYN GOH Nanyang Technological University iii P1: KcS 0521839866agg.xml CY468B/Goh 0521839866 August 25, 2004 17:12 published by the press syndicate of the university of cambridge The Pitt Building, Trumpington Street, Cambridge, United Kingdom cambridge university press The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge cb2 2ru, uk 40 West 20th Street, New York, ny 10011-4211, usa 477 Williamstown Road, Port Melbourne, vic 3207, Australia Ruiz de Alarcon´ 13, 28014 Madrid, Spain Dock House, The Waterfront, Cape Town 8001, South Africa http://www.cambridge.org C Evelyn Goh 2005 This book is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. First published 2005 Printed in the United States of America Typeface Sabon 10/13 pt. System LATEX 2ε [tb] A catalog record for this book is available from the British Library. Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Goh, Evelyn. Constructing the U.S. rapprochement with China, 1961–1974 : from “red menace” to “tacit ally” / Evelyn Goh. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. isbn 0-521-83986-6 1. United States – Foreign relations – China. 2. China – Foreign relations – United States. 3. United States – Foreign relations – 1961–1963. 4. United States – Foreign relations – 1963–1969. 5. United States – Foreign relations – 1969–1974. i. Title. e183.8.c5g625 2004 327.7305109046–dc22 2004045808 isbn 0 521 83986 6 hardback iv P1: KcS 0521839866agg.xml CY468B/Goh 0521839866 August 25, 2004 17:12 Contents Foreword by Rosemary Foot page ix Acknowledgments xi List of Abbreviations xiii 1 Introduction 1 part i.