16tn CENTURY RELIGIOUS SIGNS AND SYMBOLS THROUGHOUT THE LANDS OF

(Spine Title: 16 Century Signs and Symbols)

(Thesis Format: Monograph)

by

Lauren Beck

Graduate Program in Hispanic Studies

A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

Faculty of Graduate Studies The University of Western Ontario , Ontario, Canada

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While these forms may be included Bien que ces formulaires in the document page count, aient inclus dans la pagination, their removal does not represent il n'y aura aucun contenu manquant. any loss of content from the thesis. Canada THE UNIVERSITY OF WESTERN ONTARIO FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES

CERTIFICATE OF EXAMINATION

Supervisor Examiners

Dr. Juan Luis Suarez Dr. Rafael Montano

Supervisory Committee Dr. Laurence De Looze

Dr. Philip J. Stooke

Dr. Peter E. Thompson

The thesis by

Lauren Beck

entitled:

16th Century Religious Signs and Symbols throughout the Lands of Spain

is accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

Date Chair of the Thesis Examination Board

ii Abstract: Maps are cultural texts that can be studied for how the cultures represented distinguish one type of space from another. Over 300 maps that emphasise religious space, with particular emphasis on heretical space, will guide this study, which focuses on the lands of Spain during the 16th Century. These territories include: Africa, the Americas, Europe and Spain. The overall goal of this work is to show how non-Catholic peoples within the lands of Spain (ie Aztecs, Protestants and Muslims) are represented as occupying heretical space at varying scales of cartographic representation (ie the chorographic view, the national map or the world map), and of text circulation (ie the manuscript map and the mass-produced ). This will be facilitated by the innovation of a multi-scale model that organizes all of these primary and secondary resources.

Keywords: Spain, Cartography, Signs and Symbols, Heretics, Reformation, Conquest, Reconquest, Renaissance, Religious Representation, , Africa, Complexity, Scale.

m Table of Contents:

Title page i Certificate of Examination ii Abstract iii Table of Contents iv List of Figures v

Introduction 1 Chapter 1: Behind the Sign of Heresy. The Heretic, Spain and Space 18 1.1 Heresy and the Heretic 20 1.2 The Lands of Heresy 24 1.3 The Aesthetics of Islam in Light of Christian Representations 30 1.4 Commonly Mapped Characteristics of Islamic Architecture 34 1.5 The Christian City 42 1.6 The Crescent Moon and Signing the Heretic 50 1.7 Coreferentiality: Old and New World Collisions 56 1.8 The Multi-Scale Model 58 1.9 Conclusions 63 Chapter 2: Africa. Confronting Islam, Eden and the Unknown 65 2.1 Local Scale Maps of North African Cities 79 2.2 Local Scale Maps of Continental and sub Equatorial Africa 91 2.3 Regional Scale Maps 92 2.4 World Scale Maps 103 2.5 Conclusions 106 Chapter 3: The Americas, hie sunt dracones, Turks, Giants and Cannibals 108 3.1 Local Scale Maps by Europeans 111 3.2 Maps with non European Influence 115 3.3 Regional Scale Maps by Europeans 122 3.4 World and Hemispheric Scale Maps by Europeans 135 3.5 European Maps for Euro-American Spaces 147 3.6 Conclusions 152 Chapter 4: Europe. Reformation and the Emergence of leyenda negra 155 4.1 Eastern Europe, Orthodoxy and the Great Turk 162 4.2 Map Signs for Scotland, and for Spanish Protestantism 171 4.3 Protestant Europe and the Spanish Empires 180 4.4 Conclusions 197 Chapter 5: Spain. The Blending of Conversos, Moriscos and Luteranos 202 5.1 Spain to the North 211 5.2 Spain to the South 220 5.3 Generic Spain at Varying Scales 250 5.4 Northern Protestants and Moriscos 258 5.5 Conclusions 260 Conclusion 262 Appendix 1: Chronological List of Maps (1500-1600) 272 Appendix 2: Permissions for Reproduction 279 Bibliography 282 CV 292

iv List of Figures and Tables:

Table 1.1: Common Map Signs and Their Meanings. p. 15 Fig. 1.1: Lucas Cranach. "Antichrist". Passional Christi und Antichristi (1521). 40 Fig. 1.2: Melchoir Lorichs. Sketch of Turkish Buildings (Late 16th Century). 40 Fig. 1.3: Melchoir Lorichs. Sketch of water vendor (Late 16th Century). 40 Fig. 1.4: Melchoir Lorichs. Sketch of Turkish burial site (Late 16th Century). 40 Fig. 1.5: . (1571). 43 Fig. 1.6: Paolo Forlani. Spain (c. 1560). 43 Fig. 1.7: D. Piacenza. (Reproduction) Jerusalem (1588). 45 Fig. 1.8: Christian van Adrichem. Jerusalem, c. 1584 (1590). 45 Fig. 1.9: Christian van Adrichem. Jerusalem, c. 1584 (1590). 46 Fig. 1.10: F. Hogenberg and G. Braun. Jerusalem (1590). 46 Fig. 1.11: Pedro de Medina. (1549). 49 Fig. 1.12: Hartman Schedel. Spain (1493). 49 Fig. 1.13: Anon. Suleyman's Mosque at Istanbul (Late 15th Century). 53 Fig. 1.14: Anon. Suleyman's Mosque at Istanbul (c. 1582). 53 Fig. 1.15: Selection of map signs used by J. Martinez (c. 1591). 53 Fig. 2.1: (Reproduction) Beatus Map (11th Century). 80 Fig. 2.2: F. Hogenberg and G. Braun. Azaamurum, Morocco (1572). 80 Fig. 2.3: F. Hogenberg and G. Braun. Casablanca, Morocco (1572). 80 Fig. 2.4: F. Hogenberg and G. Braun. Tzaffin, Morocco (1572). 80 Fig. 2.5: F. Hogenberg and G. Braun. Sala, Morocco (1572). 81 Fig. 2.6: F. Hogenberg and G. Braun. Tanger, Morocco (1572). 81 Fig. 2.7: F. Hogenberg and G. Braun. Septa, Morocco (1572). 81 Fig. 2.8: F. Hogenberg and G. Braun. Algiers, Algeria (1575). 81 Fig. 2.9: F. Hogenberg and G. Braun. Alexandria, Egypt (1575). 83 Fig. 2.10: Heinrich Bunting. Alexandria, World Map (1581). 83 Fig. 2.11: F. Hogenberg and G. Braun. Cairo, Egypt (1572). 85 Fig. 2.12: F. Bertelli. Cairo, Egypt (1575). 85 Fig. 2.13: F. Hogenberg and G. Braun. Tunis, Tunisia (1575), after Vermeyen. 86 Fig. 2.14: F. Hogenberg and G. Braun. Tunis, Tunisia (1575), after Italian version. 86 Fig. 2.15: F. Hogenberg and G. Braun. Tunis, Tunisia (1575), after Italian version. 87 Fig. 2.16: Christian van Adrichem. Jerusalem, c. 1584 (1590). 87 Fig. 2.17: F. Hogenberg and G. Braun. Mahdia, Tunisia (1575). 89 Fig. 2.18: Sebastian Miinster. Algiers, Algeria (1550). 89 Fig. 2.19: A. Wyngaerde. Pefton Velez de la Gomera (1564), before. 90 Fig. 2.20: A. Wyngaerde. Pefton Velez de la Gomera (1564), after. 90 Fig. 2.21: F. Hogenberg and G. Braun. Mombaza, Kenya (1572). 91 Fig. 2.22: F. Hogenberg and G. Braun. Kilwa, Tanzania (1572). 91 Fig. 2.23: Johannes Honter. South Africa (1546). 93 Fig. 2.24: Sebastian Munster. South East Africa (c. 1552). 93 Fig. 2.25: G. Gastaldi. North West Africa (1548). 94 Fig. 2.26: G. Gastaldi. North Africa (1550). 94 Fig. 2.27: Anon. North Africa (1535). 95 Fig. 2.28: Anon. South Africa (1535). 95 Fig. 2.29: M. Waldseemtiller. South Africa (1522). 97 Fig. 2.30: G. Gastaldi. West Africa (1550). 97 Fig. 2.31: A. Ortelius. East Africa (1570). 99 Fig. 2.32: Sebastian Munster. Africa (1542). 99 Fig. 2.33: Sebastian Munster. Africa (1542). 101 Fig. 2.34: Andre Thevet. Africa (1575). 101 Fig. 2.35: G. Gastaldi. Africa (1554). 102 Fig. 2.36: Arnoldo di Arnoldi. Africa (c. 1600). 102 Fig. 2.37: Ortelius. Africa (1570). 104

v Fig. 2.38: Angelino Dulcent. Europe and Africa (1339). 104 Fig. 2.39: Nicolaus de Caverio. World (before 1506). 105 Fig. 2.40: Mateo Prunes. World (1563). 105 Table 2.1: African Map Signs. 106 Fig. 3.1: F. Hogenberg and G. Braun. Mexico City (1572). 112 Fig. 3.2: Benedetto Bordone. Mexico City (1528). 112 Fig. 3.3: Hernan Cortes. Mexico City (c. 1524). 113 Fig. 3.4: Francisco Lopez de Gomera. Cuzco, Peru (1554). 113 Fig. 3.5: Diego de Landa. Izamal, Yucatan (c. 1566). 115 Fig. 3.6: Anon. Muchitlan, Puebla (1582). 115 Fig. 3.7: Anon. Cholula, Puebla (1581). 117 Fig. 3.8: Anon. Chietla, Puebla (1579). 117 Fig. 3.9: Anon. Coxcatlan, Puebla (1580). 119 Fig. 3.10: Jose Andres de Zamudio. Puebla region (1591). 119 Fig. 3.11: Anon. Culhuacan, Mexico (1580). 123 Fig. 3.12: Alonsode Santa Cruz. Central America (1545). 123 Fig. 3.13: Alonso de Santa Cruz. Gulf of Mexico and New Spain (c. 1572). 124 Fig. 3.14: J. Doetecum. South America (1578). 124 Fig. 3.15: A. Ortelius. Peru (1584). 127 Fig. 3.16: Anon. Ixcatlan, Oaxaca (1579). 129 Fig. 3.17: Joan Martines. Carribean and Coastal Americas (1572). 129 Fig. 3.18: Anon. Magellan Strait (1560s). 130 Fig. 3.19: Anon. Rio de Plata region (1560s). 131 Fig. 3.20: Anon. Rio de Janiero region (1560s). 131 Fig. 3.21: F. Dourado. South America (c. 1576). 133 Fig. 3.22: G. Gastaldi. New (1556). 133 Fig. 3.23: Guillaume Le Testu. New World (1556). 134 Fig. 3.24: . World (1500). 134 Fig. 3.25: M. Waldseemuller. World (1507). 138 Fig. 3.26: Mathias Quad. North America (1600). 138 Fig. 3.27: G. Mercator. World (1587). 139 Fig. 3.28: Andre Thevet. Americas (1575). 139 Fig. 3.29: J. Ruysch. World (c. 1508). 142 Fig. 3.30: F. Bertelli. World (1565). 142 Fig. 3.31: Sebastian Munster. Americas (1550). 145 Fig. 3.32: Francis Drake. Americas (1581). 145 Fig. 3.33: J. Doetechum. South America (1585). 150 Fig. 3.34: J. Doetechum. South America (1590). 150 Fig. 3.35: Anon. Antarctic (1550s). 152 Table 3.1: Americas Map Signs. 152 Fig. 4.1: A. Freducci. Europe (c. 1550). 164 Fig. 4.2: Anon. (Greece) Europe (c. 1600). 164 Fig. 4.3: Anon. () Europe (c. 1600). 165 Fig. 4.4: Joan Martines. Europe (1572). 165 Fig. 4.5: Joan Oliva. Europe (1592). 166 Fig. 4.6: Anon. Battle of Lepanto (late 16th Century). 166 Fig. 4.7: V. Maggiolo. Europe (1548). 167 Fig. 4.8: Hartman Schedel. Constantinople (1493). 167 Fig. 4.9: A. Battista. Europe (1554). 169 Fig. 4.10: A. Freducci. Europe (c. 1550). 169 Fig. 4.11: Hartman Schedel. Ottoman Turk (1493). 170 Fig. 4.12: G. Mercator. South Scotland (1595). 170 Fig. 4.13: G. Mercator. North Scotland (1595). 172 Fig. 4.14: G. Mercator. Nassau (1642). 172 Fig. 4.15: G. Mercator. Map legend (1642). 174 Fig. 4.16: Christopher Saxton. Hampshire, England (1575). 174

VI Fig. 4.17: John Norden. Hampshire, England (1595). 175 Fig. 4.18: John Norden. (Legend) Hampshire, England (1595). 175 Fig. 4.19: John Geddy. St. Andrews, Scotland (1580). 177 Fig. 4.20: V. Maggiolo. Europe (1548). 177 Fig. 4.21: A. Freducci. Europe (1555). 179 Fig. 4.22: A. Battista. Europe (1554). 179 Fig. 4.23: A. Battista. (Eastern)Europe (1554). 180 Fig. 4.24: Jacob van Deventer. Holland (1558). 184 Fig. 4.25: C. de Hooghe. Holland (1565). 184 Fig. 4.26: Henry Nagel. Holland (c. 1592). 186 Fig. 4.27: F. Hogenberg and G. Braun. Harlem (1575). 186 Fig. 4.28: A. Ortelius. Belgium (1575). 187 Fig. 4.29: Sebastiao Lopes. Europe (1555). 187 Fig. 4.30: F. Hogenberg and G. Braun. s'Hertogenbosch (1572). 189 Fig. 4.31: F. Hogenberg and G. Braun. Munster (1572). 189 Fig. 4.32: F. Hogenberg and G. Braun. Munster (1572). 190 Fig. 4.33: Anon. Middleburg (between 1550-1565). 190 Fig. 4.34: Sebastian Munster. (1550). 191 Table 4.1: Europe Map Signs. 199 Fig. 5.1: A. Wyngaerde. Valsain (1562). 213 Fig. 5.2: Alonso Velez. (c. 1543). 213 Fig. 5.3: A. Wyngaerde. Cuenca (1565 or before). 216 Fig. 5.4: F. Hogenberg and G. Braun. (1572). 218 Fig. 5.5: Johann Bussemachen. Barcelona (1590s). 218 Fig. 5.6: Francis Drake. Bay of Biscay (1589). 220 Fig. 5.7: A. Wyngaerde. Toledo (1563). 220 Fig. 5.8: G. Gastaldi. Toledo (c. 1544). 222 Fig. 5.9: A. Wyngaerde. Toledo (1563 or before). 222 Fig. 5.10: A. Wyngaerde. Malaga (1564). 224 Fig. 5.11: F. Hogenberg and G. Braun. Malaga (1572). 224 Fig. 5.12: A. Wyngaerde. Cordoba (1564). 225 Fig. 5.13: Anon. Cordoba (c. 1440). 225 Fig. 5.14: Anon. Cordoba (1528 or before). 226 Fig. 5.15: P. Forlani. Spain (1560s). 226 Fig. 5.16: Juan Domenico de Villarroel. Jaen (c. 1588). 230 Fig. 5.17: A. Wyngaerde. (1564). 230 Fig. 5.18: F. Hogenberg and G. Braun. Granada (1572). 232 Fig. 5.19: Cresques Family. Spain (1375). 232 Fig. 5.20: F. Hogenberg and G. Braun. Granada (1575). 233 Fig. 5.21: Ambrosio Vico. Granada (c. 1600). 233 Fig. 5.22: A. Wyngaerde. (^)Velez-Malaga (1567). 236 Fig. 5.23: F. Hogenberg and G. Braun. Velez-Malaga (1575). 236 Fig. 5.24: A. Wyngaerde. Gibraltar (1567). 239 Fig. 5.25: Anon. Arcos de la Frontera (c. 1600). 239 Fig. 5.26: A. Wyngaerde. Cadiz (1567). 241 Fig. 5.27: F. Hogenberg and G. Braun. Cadiz (1572). 241 Fig. 5.28: Regis Buscher. Cadiz (1596). 243 Fig. 5.29: A. Wyngaerde. Sevilla (1560s). 246 Fig. 5.30: Anon. Villanueva (c. 1561). 248 Fig. 5.31: Jeronimo Chiaves. (Sevilla) Andalucia (1579). 249 Fig. 5.32: Diego Gonzalez Medina Barba. Southern Spanish Fortification (1599). 249 Table 5.1: Pedro de Medina's Cities Categorized by Generic View. 251 Fig. 5.33: Jacques Dousaigo. (Guadalquivir) Europe (1590). 256 Fig. 5.34: Guilio Cesare Petrucci. (Guadalquivir) Europe (c. 1570). 256

vii Introduction

Chorography needs an artist— Claudius . (Part 1,1)

The goals of this study are three-fold. First, we will examine, classify and catalogue map signs and symbols that describe religious space throughout the lands of Spain of the 16l Century. These territories include Africa, where Spain held territory during this period, but also the Americas. Europe will be studied, for Spain (under Charles V and Philip II) led two distinct empires during the 16th Century, each having territories outside of Spain within Europe. These four regions (Africa, the Americas, Europe and Spain) will have dedicated chapters that follow in this study. Second, we will attempt to adapt sign theory in order to analyse the map as a visual text. For this reason, the map selection will be commented and analysed with an emphasis on the rhetorical arguments that are expressed through the map. The articulation of these rhetorical constructs with respect to religious space is important because we will see that the Aztecs are represented and characterised textually and visually as if they were Muslims. Therefore, we will attempt to understand how non- Catholic people are represented, with the intention of showing that an exclusively graphic political programme existed to distinguish between Spain's enemies and Spain's allies. And third, we will introduce and develop throughout the course of this study a methodology that will test our conclusions, but also, that will permit observations that would otherwise not have surfaced. The multi-scale model is designed to manage several different scales of information. From a geographical perspective, the multi- scale model will compare how a sign or a city is represented at different cartographical scales (ie chorographic or local view; national or regional view; and the international or world view). Accordingly, certain signs or rhetorical arguments are not expressed at certain scales of map, which suggests that map scale itself plays a role in how religious space is expressed on the map. From a textual perspective, the multi-scale model will attempt to introduce manuscript sources that are not well

1 known, and mass-produced sources that saturated 16 Century Spanish and European culture1. By constantly contextualising observations and sources at multiple scales, we will be able to see how embedded the signs of heresy and its interpretation were in the 16l Century. This is useful because it also permits us to test our interpretation of the sign.

Vitruvius (c. 70-25 BC), whose work became translated into the regional languages and circulated widely throughout the 15th and 16th Centuries, managed to put his finger on the nexus at which the topics of rhetoric, cartography, architecture and representation converge. He wrote that for , "[The ancients] proceeded to the representations of buildings, columns, and the projections of roofs." Eventually, they began to paint more generous spaces, and Vitruvius continues that "they decorated the wall with scenery, after the tragic, comic or satiric mode; and galleries from their extended length, they decorated with varied , the representations of particular spots." These "decorative maps" today would be considered cultural maps, even vistas or bird's-eye views of cities. These chorographic views expanded beyond the architectural characteristics of a singular building or group of buildings and its environs, however:

In these they also painted ports, promontories, the coasts of the sea, rivers, fountains, straits, groves, mountains, cattle, shepherds, and sometimes figures representing gods, and stories, such as the Trojan battles, or the wanderings of Ulysses over different countries, and other subjects, founded on real history2.

Vitruvius would have us understand representation as having a physical reality (ie ports, rivers, mountains, cities); but he would also have us understand representation

For the most part, culture does not own a standard meaning. Nonetheless, we should understand it to contain people (rather than the individual) who share one or more of the following: value system, language, religion, space, political system, or historical tradition. Within a culture, there is interaction between the individuals who, as a collective, make up the culture. Therefore, one could distinguish a Spanish culture from a European culture, while one could also lump the two together in order to distinguish European (including Spanish) culture from Middle-Eastern culture. This is an interpretation of various definitions and composites of culture provided in John R. Baldwin (Ed). Redefining Culture: Perspectives Across Disciplines. Mahwah, N.J.: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 2006, p. 139-226. 2 Vitruvius. De Architectura. Book VII, Chapter 5.2.

2 as fiction (gods, stories, Ulysses). Both of these, reality and fiction, influence and consist of "real history". We then see the original ("real history") transferred to its representation3, or to the wall mural. This translatio takes the stories of Ulysses and the physical history of a city, and articulates them in the visual form of a mural. The process of transferring the representation from oral or written text to the visual text reflects the transference of representation from one medium to another. The interpretation of a story in one context and the introduction of a new visual dimension in which to describe the story, functions within the Peircian and Saussurian parameters developed for the sign. For Saussure, the signifier and the signified are the minimum components required for the sign to function as such4. In terms of our wall mural, there are several signifiers and signifieds, because the story of Ulysses, for example, has been articulated more than once in more than one form (i.e. textually, orally, visually). In addition, Vitruvius is describing a wall mural where both fiction and non-fiction converge, thereby adding yet another series of signifiers and signifieds. Peirce, in a similar vein, understands the referent to play a role in the sign, in that the contribution of meaning can be identified as playing a role in the sign via the presence of a 'real-world' object5. Referent, in this respect, is a thing referred to in the representation, such as a church that appears in a cityview. For us, however, we also need to understand referent as being a piece of a whole. A cross along a cityview with identical buildings (representing houses, markets, churches, palaces, etc) will be the differentiating

3 Vitruvius. De Architecture!. Book VII, Chapter 5.1. 4 For Saussure, the sign in two parts consists of the signifier (signifiant) is the body that represents the sign, while the signified (signifie) is the idea or concept that is indicated by the signifier. See Ferdinand Saussure. Course in General Linguistics. Trans. Wade Baskin. London: P. Owen, 1974, p. 67. Our understanding of Saussure's model can be simplified to represent the idea that is conveyed by the image found on the map (ie a church is represented by its tall tower upon which a cross sits). A similar process occurs for the spoken and written sign (rather than the image). Peirce describes a sign as having three parts: the representamen, or the body that represents the sign; the interpretant, or the 'sense' of the sign; and the object, or the thing to which the sign refers. See Charles Peirce. Collected Papers of Charles Sanders Peirce (8 Vols). Cambridge, Mass.: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1960-1966, Vol. 2, p. 228. An abstraction of Peirce's sign can be found in Ivor A. Richards (with Charles Ogden) and his work on metaphor and on the sign. It is LA. Richards who first breaks the metaphor down into having 'parts' that are studiable; it is also LA. Richards who introduces the referent into the sign. See LA. Richards and Charles Ogden. The Meaning of Meaning: A Study of the Influence of Language upon Thought and of the Science of Symbolism. New York: Harcourt, Brace & Company, 1923.

3 referent for the space occupied by the church. We will continue to explore the function of referent below. Returning to our wall mural, we could find a referent to the Trojan battles in a large wooden horse on the horizon or outside of the city walls. The horse is the object referred to, while the symbol or sign is the legend surrounding the Trojan horse, contextualised by the common placement of the horse within the legend, and within the mural. This 'common ground' manifests coreferentiality between the mural and the legend, because these spaces become linked by the Trojan horse, and therefore share similar meanings and interpretations. If the city illustrated in the mural is , then the presence of the horse becomes symbolic, not unlike finding a series of crosses outside of the city wall during medieval times or the Renaissance. A translatio of meaning and/or interpretation occurs at this moment of finding the Trojan horse outside of Rome, or when the three crosses of the Crucifiction are found outside of Granada. The referent of the Trojan horse, or of the three crosses, becomes an ingredient in the rhetorical trope that is created by positioning the referent within a new context or environrment. We will see Granada represented as Jerusalem in our Spain map study, and this representation is facilitated by key referents that describe Jerusalem biblically and post-biblically (three crosses, part of the city afire, the configuration of the city's buildings, etc). Referents, therefore, might be viewed as the building blocks of a sign or symbol that, in terms of a mural or map, occur in multitudes, so that we juggle several referents and several signs or symbols when we read a map. The referent plays a key role in overlapping these multiple histories and stories: with the introduction of a 'new' referent to a pre-existing history or story, coreferential meaning occurs. It is in this way that Granada becomes Jerusalem or the New Jerusalem. It is in this way that the New World is first understood in the 16th Century; at least initially, the New World becomes a new referent to the medieval understanding of the world. The sign, referent, and coreferentiality will be explored further in the context of rhetoric and trope in Chapter 1. Vitruvius confirms that that which is represented need not, however, have a real and physical origin from which its imitation is born. Rather, like Ulysses or like a scene in which an impossible or imaginary circumstance is being expressed, the

4 origin of its representation may be another representation, and the preceding representation may occur in a different medium, such as written text. In this sense, Vitruvius decides that the painting of a that contains an historical scene can teach and enlighten the viewer about his own culture. Examples of these cultural constructs can certainly be found in the Escorial (built during the last half of the 16* Century) at , but also the Galleria delle carte geogrqfiche, constructed between 1578 and 1581. Vitruvius begins his discussion of painting as an extension of his discussion of architectural ornamentation. Ornamentation is, for Ptolemy (c. 85-165 AD), the purpose of chorographic or local scale drawings of a geographic nature, and for this reason it cannot surprise us that Vitruvius addresses smaller-scale geographical scenes as suitable subjects for larger-scale interior ornamentation for certain architectural scenarios. In practice, the picta chorographiis described by Vitruvius becomes widely used on medieval world maps in terms of the figures, signs and text boxes that describe various parts of the map, from cities to the customs of the peoples that inhabit certain places. These chorographic world maps permit such detailed representation for the world as a whole that the didactic function of chorography became filtered through Christianity's need for a similar function in representation. As John F. Moffitt argues, the Roman picta chorographiis, of which Vitruvius and Ptolemy wrote, served as a representation of imperial control, imperial history, and by extension, as a didactic text for an imperial culture in the moment it was produced . That is to say, the purpose of such a map with gross detail at the larger scale was nothing less than rhetorical in nature; the picta chorographiis became an imperial monument. Moffitt argues that medieval mappamundis evolved similarly for Christianity (instead of the Roman Empire). The fact that one succeeds within the other's social infrastructure, absorbing the Roman Empire and forming it into Christianity's ancestor, ameliorates the function of the map sign throughout Roman-Catholic history as a rhetorical tool, especially if the Roman map serves as a monument to the

6 John F. Moffitt. "Medieval Mappaemundi and Ptolemy's Chorographia". Gesta. Vol. 32, #1, 1993 (59-68).

5 administration, while the Christian mappamundi serves as a didactic tool for understanding the Christian world. Simon Coates credits Venantius Fortunatus, a 6th Century Bishop, with reforming the urban identity around the Bishop by popularizing the "common metaphor of the Sheppard, [...] lauded as a wall for his people", a wall, like the city wall, that protects the city7. This example relates to the development of several map signs, namely the bacculus, or mitre and crazier, as symbols of the Bishopric and Christian authority as a whole. Coates continues that "Venantius christianized the Roman concept of civic cohesion, based on the concord which arose from the obligation of a shared community, as the populus Christianus replaced the populus Romanus through the baptismal font"8. Moffitt Watts terms this process translatio imperii, or the transference of cultural representation from one time period or space, to another9. As suggested by the term, cultural transfer over time can work within the tropological framework of allegory, which can then be used to authorise or characterise the allegorized subject. It is in this fashion that we will understand how Spain and Europe create spiritual allegories within, and of, Spanish lands, or the New World, Africa, Europe and Spain itself. The map sign, and the level of detail with which we will approach our 16th Century examples, can be highly chorographic. By late century, the major Atlas compilers all defended the chorographic detail necessary for the didactic and technological clarity and authority that these compilers hoped their works would have. The compilation of city views by (1536-1590 AD) and George Braun (1541-1622 AD), titled the Civitates or bis Terr arum and published in six volumes between the years 1572-1617, boasts a defence for how many of their city views (particularly throughout Spain) showed vignettes of people that were intended to convey the cultum & habitum of those depicted regions. George Braun depended upon the iconophobic stereotype of Islam when he decided that Muslims would not read his work and could not thereby benefit from its detail and accuracy of

7 Coates paraphrases Fortunatus' text {Vita Sancti Albini, C.9), in Simon Coates. "Venantius Fortunatus and the Image of Episcopal Authority in Late Antique and Early Merovingian Gaul". The English Historical Review. Vol. 115, #464, 2000 (1109-1137), p. 1120. 8 Coates, p. 1126. David Woodward, Ed. The : Cartography in the European Renaissance. Vol 3. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007, p. 389

6 Christian and non-Christian lands, so long as he placed figures in the foreground . Therefore, the chorographic representation became necessary in order to support the prevalent attitudes toward Islam and, in particular, toward the Great Turk. In 1570, Ortelius (1527-1598 AD) wrote on the title page of his that "geography is the eye of history" (Historiae oculus geographic*)11. He would also reiterate the rather classical view of maps that we have seen in Vitruvius and Ptolemy's work, such that "when the Mappe being layed before our eyes, we may behold things done, or places where they were done, as if they were at this time present and in doing"12. It is only through chorographic detail, coupled with the technology of printing, that the cultum & habitum is able to be seen as happening before the reader's eyes, transforming the reader into a spectator, and placing the world upon the stage. Ortelius also harkens back to Vitruvius, for whom the map was a painting that was used to decorate large spaces within an imperial building, while serving as a monument to the administration or to the victory depicted upon the map. However, Ortelius complains that rooms are too narrow to permit a large map to be placed upon the wall, and that rolling these maps up for storage is inconvenient; it is for this reason that he has produced one of the world's first in the form of a book, so that the world would be placed "as it were certain glasses before our eyes"13, and the reader would be able to find himself in it. In his prefatory poem to the first French edition of Theatrum (1572), Christopher Plantin (1514-1589 AD) advises that it is only through such an Atlas that "tu verras sans courir le danger"14, which surely emphasises that within the picta chorographiis exists a plot—not unlike that which a spectator finds upon the stage. Similarly, Richard Kagan modernizes this notion when he writes that "armchair travel had come of age" by the mid 16th Century15. This plot is not unlike the imagined

Hogenberg and Braun. Civitates orbis Terrarum. (Vol. 1 of 6). : Plantin, 1572. A. Ortelius. Theatrum orbis Terrarum. Antwerp: Plantin, 1570. 12 From the 1968 translation of R.A. Skelton. 13 From the 1606 (London) Edition of Theatrum orbis terrarum,, cited in D. Woodward (Ed). Art and Cartography. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987, p. 88. 14 From the prefatory poem by Christopher Plantin, in A. Ortelius. Theatrum orbis terrarum (French Ed. Antwerp: C. Plantin, 1581). 15 Richard Kagan. "Philip II and the Art of the Cityscape." Journal of Interdisciplinary History. Vol. 17, #1 1986 (115-135), p. 125.

7 scenario that Hogenberg and Braun attempted to prevent by including icons of Muslims going about their daily business in their city views. Thus, we again return to the map sign and symbol as being at the crux of the plot, of the rhetorical argument, being a type of cartographic detail that the reader sees and knows how to interpret. We can furthermore consider the moment of the Renaissance as what Pauline Moffitt Watts has termed a dichotomy that bevels between the technology of the Ptolemaic map and the medieval, religiously-inspired orientation for the world. Details on the map, "events and figures from widely varying historical periods (and from the ahistorical world of myth) are juxtaposed on a map in such a way that time can no longer be distinguished from space but is contained within it"16. This confluence of seemingly traditional and innovative technology for understanding and representing the world in the 16th Century becomes a popular cocktail in which the two main ingredients of tradition and innovation must be detectable in suitable measure. The adjudication of quality depends upon the authority that these ingredients offer to the final product. This is particularly emphasised in cartouches that usually accompanied printed maps from the 16th Century, and in which the language tends toward aggrandisement of the map's sources, or the author's prowess, or the illustrated region's power, and so on. Andre Thevet's map of the Americas (1575), which we will study in Chapter 3, promotes itself as depending upon good sources by 'homes tres-doctes'. Thevet claims his map is "plus correcte que les precedents" maps of the Americas, and in order to prove this, he completes this same sentence with "y obseruant les degrez de longitude & latitude, selon l'order Cosmographique"17. With respect to the ingredients of tradition and innovation, Thevet tries to convince his reader that his map offers the newest, most accurate information about the New World, and then authorizes this information using the newly-standardized measurement system of longitude and latitude (an innovation- turned tradition). These new technologies are balanced out by the medieval view of the world that Thevet nonetheless preserves in measure (the island of devils, the Strait and Royaume of Anian, among others). Both of these—innovation and technology—

Pauline Moffit Watts, p. 382 in David Woodward, Ed. Vol. 3. Quoted directly from the lower left cartouche on Thevet's 1575 Map of the Americas.

8 authorize the map, and will popularize the map and the map maker, who will then produce more maps. The map sign, or religious and mythological chorographic content, is a technology that authorizes the 16th-century map, despite owning rhetorical strategies of political, socio-economic or academic import. Nonetheless, the map sign as a symbol must be interpreted by the reader. Ortelius depended upon his reader's interpretative abilities when he published his late-16th Century maps. Today, as then, more than one interpretative strategy may be used in order to understand chorographic details. Because these signs fall into one of two primary categories—figural signs such as buildings, people, or boats, and abstract signs such as shapes, lines, and the space occupied by text—it is safe to suggest that a minimum of two similar categories existed for Ortelius and his reader, as he and his contemporary cartographers employed both varieties of cartographic symbol, occasionally encapsulating one of each within a cartographic legend. How a map was read by its intended reader, and how this same sign is interpreted by us today, affects how the map sign is understood and its meaning. The difference between us today as readers of Ortelius' maps and his intended readership may well affect how we understand the map sign: the map sign meaning might change across the centuries. By extension, these multiple readings take place on an individual, local, national or international level, as maps can be read by and for the individual as much as they can be read by and for a nationality. Similarly, the map sign may also own unique meanings for different scales of readership, such that the individual interprets a map and its symbols one way, while a nationalist reading of a map might produce a different meaning. For this study, it is necessary to develop a visual lexicon with which the map corpus will be read. The lexicon or legend will refererence repeadedly-used map signs and the meanings for these signs as understood through their original legends and contexts. While Ortelius and his contemporaries normalised how map signs were used on the map, they did not necessarily manage to associate fixed meanings to these signs. In theory, fixed meanings for signs may limit the multitude of readings. Nearly 100 years after Ortelius, this moment of fixing map sign meanings in order to limit how they can be read is met in Augustin Lubin's Mercure geographique, ou, Le

9 guide du curieux des cartes geographiques (1678) . Lubin sought to produce a reading guide for the lay geographer or the traveller, such that "ils y lisent des mots qu'ils n'entendent pas, ils y voyent des lignes qu'ils ne connaissent point et des figures qu'ils ne comprennent pas"19. Lubin sets out to define Ortelius' signs, which are still the norm in Lubin's period; he essentially creates a legend—or a descriptive lexicon—in order to bridge this gap between the visual representation and the multiple ways through which the sign could be interpreted. Another of Lubin's directives to the amateur student of cartography dealt with issues surrounding multiple authorial voices. One example can be found in the engraver who adds his own chorographic details during his phase of map production. Lubin warns his reader not to interpret "pour la plus grande ville celle que le graveur a fait plus grosse dans la Carte" 20 by adding too many buildings around a small town, making it appear larger or more important than it is. Similarly, we find in works of fiction and non fiction dating from the 16th Century the appropriation of maps for the purposes of illustrating the text. Diego Cuelbis (1574-17 Century AD) of Leipzig, who traveled through Spain during 1599, traced and copied the work of Hogenberg and Braun in order to illustrate the cities he had visited. His reproductions, especially by the hand of a traveller with little experience in cartography, demonstrate both the use of maps and the multiple authors behind successive cartographical representations. In between these representations are attempts to analyse the map and its symbols; these interpretative strategies are then passed on to the succeeding version of the map, where the author sheds his skin as reader while producing a text for an entirely different readership. Moreover, there is no reason to believe that the engravings for Cuelbis' copies were produced by him, but, rather, these are more likely the work of a different individual. Therefore, we return to the problem of multiple authors, readers and interpretative strategies.

A. Lubin. Mercure geographique, ou, Le guide du curieux des cartes geographiques (: Christophe Remy, 1678). 19 Quoted in F. Dainville, p. xvi. 20CitedinDainville,p.221.

10 This study not only seeks to question the meaning and use of signs, but also, to catalogue map signs and to attempt, in a highly comparative fashion, to extract the common environments and secondary characteristics shared by map signs, in order to understand if an overarching rhetorical strategy governs the use of map signs. It looks at over 300 maps, 47 of which are contained in the Africa map study; 53 of which can be found in the Americas map study; 85 of which guide the Europe map study; and 106 of which form the basis for the Spain map study. Throughout the following chapters, the most notable examples of map signs will be reproduced, totaling nearly 150 illustrations. At the moment, there is no study that addresses religious use and perspectives in cartography during the 16th Century; during the age of discovery and conquest, the reformation and the counter-reformation21. Previous studies have not examined secondary characteristics of the map sign, nor has the intention of such studies been to build a reflexive map sign catalogue22. Robert Estivals and Jean-Charles Gaudy's Bibliologie graphique is a catalogue of map sign descriptions, not the actual map signs themselves. For the 16th Century map selection of Paris, for example, the authors have noted well over 100 crosses and cemeteries, qualifying these two under the category 'religion'23. Because the authors look at more than one century, their comparative model is based on temporal differences, such that, for example, the number of 'religious' signs totals 360 for the period 1530-1798 (roughly seven percent of the social category of representation for the noted time period, of which 'religion' is a subcategory)24. This type of study is useful for quantitative data and it has an extraordinary scope in terms of the level of detail noted by the investigators.

21 A call for the study of reformational and counter-reformational map use has been made most recently by Pauline Moffitt Watts. In David Woodward, Ed. Vol. 3, p. 387. 22 Neither does the only modern encyclopaedic resource dedicated to the history of cartography make any attempt at fixing upon map signs and map sign meanings. Certain common and relatively unreligious signs are glossed over, however, in David Woodward (Ed). History of Cartography, Vol. 1 (Cartography in prehistoric, ancient, and medieval Europe and the Mediterranean). Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992, pgs 395-402 (on flags, coasts, symbols and legends), and 324-342. Jean Denegre briefly discusses national differences in cartographic map signs, but these are almost exclusively modern map signs. Jean Denegre. Semiologie et conception cartographique. Paris : Lavoisier, 2005, esp. p. 209. Robert Estivals and Jean-Charles Gaudy. La Bibliologie graphique. L'evolution graphique des Plans de Paris, 1530-1798. Paris: Societe de Bibliologie et de Schematisation, 1983, p. 54. 24 Robert Estivals and Jean-Charles Gaudy, p. 111.

11 However, it does not attempt to prove or corroborate the map sign's meaning, nor does it provide the map sign to the reader for his inspection. Rather, the analysis depends upon the investigator's own interpretation of the map sign, which can never be relied upon for its singularity. As a result of this study, it is hoped that we will be able to identify secondary characteristics, or referents25, that may function, in the absence of the map sign, in place of the map sign, retaining the original meaning of the map sign in question. Another way of looking at this mode of representation is to consider a series of signs that consists of signs of signs, where a certain level of metonymic reflexivity exists between the signs of the series, so that one sign points to another, and so on. Our example of the cross standing in for a church, or for either of these characterising the Christian city, illustrates this process. In order to test and retest the sign in these environments, this study will also attempt to compare local scale chorographic maps with national scale regional maps, and with international scale world maps. Therefore, it is believed that map scale determines which map sign is used. It is also believed that map scale may limit the sort of map sign available to the cartographer, and moreover, this limitation may affect a range of signification, such that certain political programmes, for example, cannot occur at certain scales of map. More detailed applications for the multi-scale methodology will be explored in Chapter 1. A similar methodology has been successfully applied for local and regional cartographies of France, where the investigator attempted to compare less important parishes on maps by imposing a magnified scale that consisted of interior artwork, and a less magnified scale that consisted of area maps. Marcia Kupfer insists that "this rhetorical strategy brings into focus the way in which the pictorial programs commissioned by the social group with the most access to artistic resources, negotiated alternative readings of the physical world" . Alessandro Scafi's Mapping Paradise. A History of Heaven on Earth also attempts, albeit indirectly, to compare maps of different scales. Scafi's study is also valuable as a study of religious map

25 That is, a referent for part of the whole sign (ie the cross representing a Christian city, or a Catholic church), better stated as the referent for a sign of a sign (where a chain of signs leads us to the same representation, or the same conclusion). 26 Marcia Kupfer. "Symbolic Cartography in a Medieval Parish: From Spatialized Body to Painted Church at Saint-Aignan-sur-Cher". Speculum. Vol. 75, #3,2000 (615-667), p. 616-617.

12 signs, and will be of particular use throughout our African map selection . Scafi focuses on Paradise or Eden as an organizing map sign that would include secondary characteristics; for example, Adam and Eve become map signs that would accompany any portrayal of Paradise. The relationship between Adam and Eve, and Paradise, is coreferential, as one refers to the other, and vice versa, to varying degrees. As referents, one or the other may appear on maps of varying scales. A similar methodology is used for this study, in that secondary characteristics are mapped along with the primary map sign to see, in a comparative sense, the breadth of the religious sign's use. Not dissimilar from Marcia Kupfer's dependency upon her map selection as a reflection of a privileged class of individuals in her time period, both this study and that of Scafi expect that maps reflect the culture that produce them. Accordingly,

The premise that maps are always a reflection of the culture in which they are produced and that they always transform reality, highlighting some phenomena at the expense of others, is becoming widely recognized as fundamental to the understanding of maps, their image, and their role28.

While maps reflect the culture that produced them, we can also understand the map to be a replication of that culture, especially if the text functions as an artefact for a culture in history. It is in this sense that the study of map signs truly grows into its own as an indicator of how societies and cultures characterised, in our case, religious difference at the local level (ie the level of the individual or the city, rather than the level of the culture or nation). This local level is the same scaling that Kupfer uses when she limited her source selection in order to understand less prominent trends in the representation of the French parish. In a similar manner, we are attempting to take a cross-section of sources by Spanish and European cartographers and related practitioners that emphasises for the most part non specialists in religious and political studies and practice. If there existed a culturally embedded viewpoint on how religious difference was articulated among the educated

Alessandro Scafi. Mapping Paradise. A History of Heaven on Earth. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006. 28 Scafi, p 28.

13 or the middle and upper classes, it will surface within how these people express this difference on maps. It is hoped that by the attitudes and representations of 16th Century non-specialists in religious studies, a larger picture of these attitudes can be achieved, one that might reveal a more cohesive rhetorical strategy that explains, for instance, why Protestant and Aztec space is illustrated as if it were Muslim space. A preliminary legend or key of sorts will be useful in establishing some baseline meanings and manifestations of signs before embarking on the lands of Spain. The following table (Table 1.1) attempts to provide i) a common and popular version of the map sign, and its equivalents at more than one scale; ii) a description of the map sign at more than one scale; and iii) the sources that legitimize its inclusion within this table. The most recent work that has attempted to mitigate the absence of map sign standardization is by Catherine Delano-Smith, and her contribution to History of Cartography (Vol. 3), 2007. Accordingly, I have integrated some of her examples for certain map signs, but I have also relied on Francois de Dainville's encyclopaedic work, Le Langage des Geographes (1964), which attempts to establish map sign meanings between the years 1400-1800. Dainville's work is more interested in cultural representation on the map, and pays attention to how mosques might be illustrated, or the schismatic (reformed) church. Delano-Smith, on the other hand, seems more interested in basic urban infrastructure and how it is represented across the scales. The works of Dainville and Delano-Smith are key for any discussion on map signs and map sign meanings, and it is for this reason that our map key is highly formed from their contributions.

Four map studies describe the lands of Spain: Africa (Chapter 2), the Americas (Chapter 3), Europe (Chapter 4) and Spain (Chapter 5). In Chapter One, the nature of the religious map sign will be discussed, particularly in terms of the negative or non-conforming religious map sign, which is the focus of this study. After presenting definitions and histories for the Christian and non-Christian heretic,

14 TABLE 1.1: Common Map Signs and Their Meanings. SIGN: Local-Regional-World DESCRIPTION SOURCE Regional I Settlements (cities, towns, Delano- Scale etc.) Smith29 The number of towers will reflect the size and/or importance of settlement Regional or These vignettes may appear on World Scale \J world maps. This is limited to the illustration of capital cities, or cities of importance. Regional or II Empire Dainvillew- Chorographic a. Location of a garrison Scale b. Occupied by Muslims c. New conquest by Christians Regional or III Monasteries and Convents Delano- Chorographic Virtually indistinguishable from Smith31 Scale other infrastructure, these religious buildings may be topped by a cross, marked with letters, or noted in a legend. They will only be found on local or regional maps, being irrelevant in the scheme of a world map. Regional IV Church and Church Delano- Scale, as an Authority Smith32 and architectural The Cartographer may Dainville33 vignette differentiate between Christian denomination, church authority, or size and/or importance of congregation, using a cross. It is common to find a spire as an The cross at architectural referent for a church. 7 any scale Protestant churches are often portrayed without the cross T a. Catholic Archbishoprics (Top) and Bishoprics (Bottom) b. Protestant Archbishoprics (Top) and Bishoprics (Bottom)

29 Illustration is from Pirro Ligorio, La nova descrittione di tutta lapatria del Friuli (Rome, 1563), and was selected by Delano-Smith as one of many representative settlement map signs. In David Woodward, Ed. Vol. 3, p. 558. 30 Empire, in Francois de Dainville. Le Langage des Geographes. Termes, signes, couleurs des cartes anciennes, 1500-1800. Paris: Editions A. et J. Picard, 1964 p. 282 31 Illustration is from Gerard Mercator. Vlanderen. (Louvain, 1540). In David Woodward, Ed. Vol. 3, p. 564. 2 Gerard Mercator. Europe (Duisburg, 1554). In David Woodward, Ed. Vol. 3, 566 33 Denomination, in Dainville, p. 222

15 which have a distinctly Islamic flavour, I will follow with a brief study of Islamic aesthetics and architecture as a prelude to the ensuing discussion on the idealised city, Jerusalem. The chapter will conclude with a discussion of negative map signs, with particular focus on the crescent moon and related referents, and a detailed exploration of the multi-scale methodology. This study is arranged, as previously discussed, in terms of scale. Accordingly, each chapter addresses small scale maps, medium scale maps and large scale maps in a comparative fashion, while in the conclusions for each chapter an multi-scale comparison takes place. This multi-scale comparision focuses

Gerard de Jode. Hungary (Antwerp, 1578). In David Woodward, Ed. Vol. 3, 565 Ruins, in Dainville, p. 270. This symbol is part of a legend (c. 1721), reproduced in Dainville, p. 286. Dainville, p. 308

16 on modified variants of Table 1.1, so that we can appreciate how certain signs are used in certain geographical areas but not in others. Each chapter builds upon the multi-scale comparisons of the preceding chapter, and for this reason, each chapter is approached from a different angle. Africa (Chapter 2) is organised both by scale and by theme; the Americas (Chapter 3) is arranged according to scale; Europe (Chapter 4) is arranged geographically, beginning in Eastern Europe, passing to the United Kingdom, and ending with the Spanish and Hapsburg territories outside of Spain; and Spain (Chapter 5) is organized according to cities toward the north of Spain and cities toward the south. Detailed snapshots of many of the maps studied are integrated into each chapter. Last, an Appendix follows th4e concluding chapter, offering a chronological listing of the maps studied throughout this work, and cateogrizing the maps as manuscript or published while differentiating Spanish authorship where possible.

17 1 Behind the Sign of Heresy: The Heretic, Spain and Space

The representation of heretical space—which is to say, non-Catholic and sometimes non-Christian space—on the European map should be contextualised by the predominately Islamic and biblical nature awarded to the image of the heretic by Christians in general. The strength of the Islamic heretical image has grown for centuries preceding the 16th Century. For this reason, almost all heretical images have some relationship to the Christian representation of Islam, even while the heretical image itself may have nothing spiritually to do with Islam. On the other hand, the association of Islam with heresy is so strong, and so proliferate, that even when Islam is not intended in a sign or symbol for heresy, it is nonetheless signified. Support for this statement will be explored throughout this study. Negative Islamic images are also the most commonly encountered on the map. Peripheral references become intertwined with non-Islamic graphic representations, such that we must observe throughout our map selection the intensely Islamic character of non-Catholic and Christian space, in particular throughout the Americas, occasionally throughout Europe, and almost arbitrarily throughout Africa. The coreferentiality of heretical and Islamic representations suggest that Spain and Europe purposely characterised Protestants and Aztecs using methods for representing Muslim space. The result of this coreferentiality is an overarching programme that distinguishes between Spain's allies and Spain's enemies. However, this distinction is only expressed graphically, and would never be detectable in text alone. Spanish heresy in the 16th Century involves two types of heretic: the Hispano- Muslim and the Reformer. Typically, Spanish moriscos fall into one of three religious categories in the 16th Century: infidel, heretic and impenitente negativo. Infidel can be thought of as one displaced by the Reconquest and one who finds himself under Catholic political and religious sovereignty. The infidel is relocated to

18 outside of the community in which he previously lived, being unnoticeable by said community. This image recalls an allegory popularised during the medieval period. The role of the bishop was one of a shepherd who, located amid his urban flock, protected and guided the Christian community, as if he were the city walls, or as if he were a beacon to be followed. It is through this allegory that the infidel finds himself outside of this community, and lacking faith; he is outside of the Bishop's influence because he is an unbeliever. In 16th Century Spain, this allegory reflected reality when the non-Christian population was redistributed. We see this in the forced exodus of so many moriscos who decided to stay after the fall of Granada, who moved into the Vega, or into surrounding regions and cities, some as far away as Aragon, Leon, Murcia, and Galicia1. Exiled from the re-baptised Granada, the moriscos were forced out of their native cities to live on the edge of urbanity. Alternatively, and subject to the Inquisition by virtue of receiving baptism, the Hispano-Muslims who converted to Christianity could return to the embrace of the bishop's city—that is, to a barrio or aljama often located within the city walls. It is here that heretics might be found. Heretics would qualify for forced baptisms enabled by Christian political, religious and imposed cultural sovereignty. An infidel can be a heretic and thus become visible to that Christian community, which suggests that the heretic lives within the community and among Christians. A heretic can be arrested and charged by the Inquisition2. The impenitente negativo refers to the product of this Inquisitorial process, and describes a morisco who will not repent. He will be rejected from the religious community, this time not to become invisible to it, but

1 Many sources corroborate the dispersion of the Hispano-Muslim population throughout Spain at various moments before and after 1492. For an overview, see F. Javier Campos y Fernandez de Sevilla. Las Relaciones Topogrdficas de Felipe II: Indices, Fuentes y bibliografia. In Anuario Juridico y Economico Escurialense. Series 2, n. 36, 2003 (439-573); Charles Julian Bishko "The Spanish and Portuguese Reconquest, 1095-1492". In Harry W. Hazard, Ed. A History of the Crusades (Vol. 3), Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, c.1975. p. 429; David E. Vassberg. Land and Society in Golden Age Castile. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984, p. 179-180; and, Stanley G. Payne. A History of Spain and Portugal (Vol. 1). Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1973, p. 47- 48. 2 These processes of the Inquisition have been explored in depth elsewhere. For an overview, see Henry Charles Lea. A History of the Inquisition of Spain (4 Vols). New York: Macmillan, 1906-07; Marcel Bataillon. Erasme et I'Espagne. Ed. Charles Amiel. Geneva: Droz, c.1991; and, Jose Luis Abellan. El erasmismo espahol. Madrid: Ediciones del Espejo, 1976.

19 rather to be judged by a secular, judicial body. Ejection from the community will take place via sentences of exile, imprisonment or death. For our purposes, the first two types of Spanish Muslim will interest us most: the infidel that is represented as living outside of the city, and the heretic that is represented as living within the city. Morisco, however, is not the only variety of heretic, infidel or non-Christian that is present or represented within the lands of Spain. Nonetheless, a distinctly Islamic flavour seems to prevail throughout representations of non-Christian and heretical spaces. This may be apparent in the architectural characteristics for the vignette that marks a city, for example, or in a free-standing and unarchitectural symbol such as the crescent moon. Text may inform us of the nature of that space, or how the city or country's name is rendered may inform us if it is a Christian space. And historically, we also have precedence for distinct physical characteristics awarded to non-Catholics, non-Christians and heretical Christians, and on local scale maps this type of detail will tell us about the nature of that human dimension within cartographical and/or geographical space. These aspects, important for reading our map selection, will be explored below, with particular attention given over to the development of, and the history behind, the 16th Century representations found throughout our map selection. The religious polemics of this time frame may well give these signs their meaning.

1.1 Heresy and the heretic During the first few centuries of the Christian Church, heresy is a necessary concept, so long as orthodoxy is its counterpart. It is during this period that the need for orthodoxy, or for a process of unification after centuries of fractured development after Christ's death, became urgent to the survival of Christianity. In part, and under Constantine's gaze, this orthodoxy was founded at Nicea in 325, and those who did not conform to this universalising Christianity, such as the Gnostics, Nestorians or the Arians, were labelled heretics. When an individual chose not to follow one of the teachings or articles of Christianity, he was considered a heretic if he was obstinate or

20 wilful in so doing. On the other hand, an individual who simply did not follow the teaching was, according to Aquinas, in error3. Thomas Aquinas (c. 1225-1274 AD), in his Summa Theologica, refers to Galatians 5:9, which reads, "a little leaven corrupts the whole lump", during his discourse on heresy and unbelief. He decides that unbelief cannot be a species of heresy, for heresy requires belief in order to challenge orthodoxy4. Similarly, the notion of heresy, in our timeframe or throughout the 16th Century, is highly coloured by non-biblical and post-biblical strategies for categorizing those who do not follow the orthodox path. In our case, this orthodox path will be that which is followed by the Catholic Spaniard and European, because it is this perspective that most occupies our study. Heresy is a term and concept relevant as a value judgment against Christians, as it was against Muslims or Jews. In fact, all three of these religions understand heresy as a counterpoint to orthodoxy. In this sense, Sunni and Shiia Muslims may regard each other as heretics, while Catholics and Protestants have certainly traded upon this term for centuries. Heresy or its Greek root, hairesis, meaning choice, should remind us of the fundamental difference between a heretic and a pagan: whereas the pagan has lacked exposure to orthodoxy, a situation that the Spanish would view as remediable, the heretic has rejected or chosen not to follow orthodoxy. Heresy is, particularly from a Catholic perspective, a matter of will. This is why, in part, Spanish moriscos, in order to be considered heretics, first had to become candidates for baptism or conversion. The term itself occurs often throughout the Bible, however the contexts in which one encounters these examples are not the same contexts in which the word is understood and used today. Rather, heresy often implied sect or choice, and in this sense, it lacked the entirely negative connotation we understand today. On the other hand, sect did acquire a negative connotation, and later in the Galatians passage noted

3 Thomas Aquinas. Summa Theologica (Vol. 2 of 5). New York: Benziger Brothers Ed., 1947. II-2, Question 5. 4 Summa II-2, Question 1.

21 above, sects (Vulgate sectae) is used instead of the root for heresy (Gal 5:20), while the Greek New Testament uses aireseis5. Heretic, then, applies most readily to those who identify with the same faith group and who have digressed from the mainstream, according to the early Christian church. Martin Luther (1483-1546 AD), in his 1535 commentary on Galatians, commented on Paul's understanding of heresy when he employs sects, as noted above, for "heresies [which] have always been found in the church". As ever, Luther connected his biblical commentary with his contemporary reality, lamenting that "there is no unity of spirit, no agreement of minds, but great dissension in the papacy. There is no conformity in doctrine, faith and life."6 Thus, Luther argues against the papacy, configuring it within the rhetorical strategies adapted for the early church more than a millennia before his time by characterising the papacy as lacking orthodoxy. Another word for orthodoxy is conformity (Fig 1.1). Thomas Aquinas, however, citing Isidore de (c. 560-636 AD), attributes the root of heresy to haeresis [hairein, to cut off], and "so does sect derive its name from its being a cutting off [Latin secando],,J. This association, between choice and heresy, finalises the relationship between heresy and sect, as evident in the 1611 King James Version, which replaces sectae with heresies in Galatians 5:208, highlighting the interchangeability of the terms. Finally, Aquinas differentiates between heretic and pagan—or those of belief and those of unbelief—when he characterises the three types of unbelief:

Either the faith is resisted before it has been accepted, and such is the unbelief of pagans or heathens; or the Christian faith is resisted after it has been accepted, [...] and such is the unbelief of the Jews, or in the very manifestation of the truth, and such is the unbelief of heretics9.

5 Stephen's Textus Receptus, 1550. 6 Martin Luther. Commentary on St. Paul's Epistle to the Galatians. 2nd ed. Trans. Theodore Graebner. Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1939. p. 224. Summa II-2, Question 11, Article 1. 8 Augustine uses the two terms almost interchangeably in City of God. See his treatment of the Devil and the Manicheans, Book XI, Chapter 13. 9 Summa II-2, Question 10, Article 5. See Article 6 for his attempt to categorize pagans, heathens and heretics in terms of which group is more sinful.

22 This last type of unbelief can be characterised, for example, by unbelief in Christ as Messiah while believing in the Old Testament Prophets, a scenario compatible with Islam. Accordingly, and without contradicting himself, Aquinas decides that heretics—while requiring belief in order to believe in the unorthodox—can be characterised as unbelievers in the truth. Pagans and heathens, on the other hand, have lacked exposure to Christianity and sin in their ignorance, but cannot be considered heretics. Nonetheless, Romans 10 provides for this circumstance by inviting Christians to spread the word to those who have not heard it. As we will see, this premise becomes a common justification for war waged by Christians. Particularly throughout the 16th Century, and not unlike Constantine's own time, heresy is found within the church, and is always balanced by orthodoxy. Both of these are preceded by belief, and one cannot exist without the other, as I Corinthians 11:19 holds that "there must also be factions [Vulgate: hereses] among you, in order that those who are approved may become evident among you". Augustine (354-430 AD) describes and distinguishes between the heretics that lived during his time. He begins by discusing Christian heretics who follow the Bishop Donatus, whose activities and beliefs questioned, in Augustine's opinion, the church's authority. These events ultimately lead to a schism between the Church and the Donatists, each of whom regards itself as the orthodox group10. This is the most common application for the appellation heretic: that is, from one Christian to another. This parting of the ways, one might say, is defined by schism. Schism, much like sect or heretic, all share some common meanings. In 410, Arian Visigoths sacked Rome, and, in turn, Christian and non- Christian refugees scattered around the region, arriving in North Africa where Augustine of Hippo studied and preached. As the Visigoths spread throughout Europe, into Gaul and Spain, Augustine had begun his City of God, which—as the subtitle explains—is intended for the pagans who blame Christianity for the calamities in Rome. Throughout this text, Augustine clearly associates the heretic Christian groups with various non-Christian groups who support their cause. In this

His writings against heresi pelagiorum (after pelagianism, from the British monk Pelagius), or the sermo arrianorum, can be found among other contra writings at Huntington Library, HM 31151.

23 sense, the foreigner is introduced as a heretic when the invading Gauls of the 4th Century BC are called heretics11. In the same chapter, Augustine also labels the 4 Century AD Emperor Flavius Julius Valens heretical because he favoured the Arians. One of the more expansive applications occurs in Book XVI, Chapter 2, when Augustine associates the descendents of Ham as being a tribe of heretics. One of these heretical descendants is Canaan. Ham often characterises Africa, and is countered by (Europe) and (Asia), from the latter of whom Christ is descended. Hence, Augustine arrives at the tripartite division of the world, laid out in Genesis 10, and further clarifies the notion of heretical space therein. Characterizations of heresy and heretics within the early Church have a spatial aspect, whereby entire continents carry representational strategies that reflect the tripartite division according to the sons of Noah, and these characterizations affect how the peoples of these continents are represented. The Genesis 9:18-19 concept of Ham, Shem, and their descendents serving those of Japheth still exists today, albeit in a different form. We categorize parts of the world in the 21st Century according to socio-economic wealth (i.e. first, second and third world countries) and into socio­ political systems (democracy, comunisim, totalitarianism, etc). If we compare a map of today's world broken into the three socio-economic categories with the world divided according to Noah's sons, they are almost identical; similarly, if we compare where democracy flourishes today with where Christianity flourished 500 years ago, both social systems occupy similar spaces. But, within each of these spaces, today and in the 16th Century, there exists variety. Heretics lived within Christian cities as much as communists live within democratic countries. How, then, were these lands of heresy represented?

1.2 The Lands of Heresy The lands of heresy are always occupied by Christians and non-Christians. Peter advises that there were also false prophets among the people, just as there will be false teachers among you. They will secretly introduce destructive heresies [Vulgate: sectas perditionis], even denying the sovereign

11 COG, Book V, Chapter 18.

24 Lord who bought them—bringing swift destruction on themselves (2 Peter 2:1).

Any group that does not believe Jesus is the messiah will be labeled heretical, because the denial of Christian doctrine, particularly the denial of Christ as deity, signifies that such a belief system cannot be considered Catholic, but rather Muslim, for example. Many groups that modern Christians would identify as being non- Christian were at this point called sects, from the Latin root sequor, or to follow. Both heresies and sects are rendered as sectae throughout the Vulgate, and the vulgar and romantic languages use them interchangeably in later versions of the Bible. Muslims were often characterized as members of the secta de mahoma in late medieval and early modern Spanish texts, as opposed to the followers of the one, universal religion. Several 16th Century examples for associating sect with Islam occur in Spanish writings alone. Antonio de Guevara (1480-1545 AD), in his 1539- 41 Epistolas, clarifies that in "la secta de Mahoma unos se Hainan Moros, otros Sarracenos y otros Turcos", and that all of these "sigan una secta y reconozcan por senor a Mahoma". This sect, he continues, combines the laws of the Gentiles, the Jews and the heretic Christians (i.e. the Arians)12. He also details the origin of Islam, and the lands it has historically occupied. Lutheranism does not escape this association either, as Alfonso de Valdes (c. 1500-1532 AD) demonstrates when he

1-5 writes of "la secta lutherana y de nueuas diuisiones que aiin en ella se leuantan" . Peter further warns that these heretics will move among the Christians, which is how the Muslims and the converso Jews of Spain, or the Protestants of Europe, were viewed by Catholics—as interlocutors harmful to the faith for their divisive ideologies. Recalling the allegory of the city, and that heretics must live within the community, the heretic or the Muslim (or morisco), and the Protestant, become interlocutors who, once processed by the Inquisition, are removed from the City of God. More widely applied, however, is Augustine's construct of two cities, where one is of the world and one is of the spirit, or of and Jerusalem—the worldly

Antonio de Guevara. Libro primero de las epistolas familiares. Ed. Jose Maria de Cossio. Madrid: Aldus, 1950-1952. Letra40. 13 Ed. Joseph V. Ricapito. Didlogo de Mercurio y Caron. Madrid: Castalia, 1993. Libro 1.

25 kingdom and the spiritual kingdom. These serve as broad definitions for heretical and orthodox space. In order to avoid heresy and sin, a good Christian is to live in the spiritual kingdom and to avoid worldly ways. Martin Luther capitalises on these spiritual spaces in his treatise on the sacraments, in which he ultimately labels the Pope the whore of Babylon, and pleads with his reader to reject the worldly and heretical ways of Catholicism in favour of the kingdom of Jerusalem—the spiritual city14. As we will see in our study of Africa, Augustine maintains the idea that evil nations and sinners are spread throughout the world, and are not confined to specific regions of the earth, such as the Antipodes. These worldly and spiritual kingdoms are figurative concepts for heretical and orthodox spaces. Less-rhetorical heretical space could be characterised by the tripartite division of the earth. While this division is rhetorical in nature, it retains an unrhetorical and physical component in its geographical referent. A clear example is manifested in our Africa map study, where references to Ham abound. These references will not be found elsewhere in the world. Therefore, the most servile of Noah's descendents will be found there, and this is how Africa was characterised. We can conclude that the heretic always occupies two types of space: the rhetorical or spiritual space (i.e. the worldly city), and the unrhetorical or physical space (i.e. Jerusalem). Furthermore, Christian space is occupied by Christians, unorthodox Christians and non-Christians. Quoting Jerome (c. 347-420 AD), Aquinas writes of Arius (of the Arian sect), and how he "was but one spark in Alexandria, but as that spark was not at once put out, the whole earth was laid waste by its flame"15. Consequently, if heretics are permitted within the Christian community, Christian space will be destroyed, a concept that is explored in the Book of Revelations (esp. Rev. 21:1). Alternatively, heretical space can be thought of as barren, or destroyed. This characterization also refers to Genesis 10, where the sons of Noah and their descendents are ascribed geographical regions that constitute the world. Hebrews

Martin Luther. De Captivitate Babylonica Ecclesiae. Wittenberg, 1520. Summa II-2, Question 11, Article 3.

26 11:7 further extrapolates this origin, so that "by [Noah's] faith he condemned the world and became heir of the righteousness that comes by faith"16. Similarly, this spatial construct has global implications, because it allows all corners of the earth to be Christian or to be accessible to Christians from origin. This origin is post-diluvian, because this is when the world was repopulated after God chose Noah to oversee this process. But it is also pre-diluvian, and originating in God's creation of the earth and his provisions for man. Both the pre-diluvian and post-diluvian origins confirm, from a Christian perspective, that as God's chosen and created people, they are meant to [rejpopulate the earth. More universal, however, is the idea that God has providence over all things, and for this reason, the entire earth (and universe) belongs to God. This loosely serves as the basis for any conquest or justification thereof. Thomas Aquinas reviews this and other bases for war in his Summa Theologica11'. Within the framework that all wars are biblically unlawful and sinful without just cause, Aquinas, whose arguments are based on Augustine's own, argues that a just war requires three things. First, the consent of the king or most sovereign must be obtained, because he has the power and responsibility for the welfare of his people. Second, a just cause must be sought; for example, one party has been attacked, or the other party is culpable. Third, a good intention is required, such as the advancement of good or the avoidance of evil18. An example of the advancement of good would be the spread of Christianity, while an example of the avoidance of evil would be the vanquishing of Islam or of a Christian heretical sect. A biblical example that seems to accomplish all these precepts occurs in Deuteronomy 20 during the conquest of the Promised Land, where God—through a priest—leads the Jews from city to city, offering a peaceful surrender before besieging each one in fulfillment of the covenant between the Jews and God through Moses. The Promised Land is another example of how Christians and heretics meet on, and over, land. We will see several references to the Christian Promised Land throughout the 16th Century map selection,

In the coming chapters, we will see examples of both Islamic and Christian authors and cartographers who observe this origin and configuration for the world, and who furthermore characterise certain parts of the world as heretical as a result of Genesis 10. Summa I, Question 22, Article 3. Summa II-2, Question 40, Article 1.

27 because the concept of a promised land, and of a chosen people, is rhetorically in favour of the Christian occupation of space, and the Judeo-Christian inheritance of the Promised Land. Land occupied by heretics, and also by pagans or idolaters, is sufficient cause for conquest, according to the just war principles reviewed above, but also those expounded by 16th Century Spanish thinkers during Spain's dealings with the New World. Francisco de Vitoria (d. 1546 AD) argued that there was historical precedent for just Christian war; however, he also argued that religious difference and the augmentation of empire were not just causes, whereas avenging a wrong was a just cause . His explanation may seem irrelevant, seeing as the inhabitants of these territories hardly invited Columbus or Spain to visit their territories so that they could somehow wrong the Europeans. Rather, these territories were discovered, and this, according to Vitoria, was sufficient to grant Spain lawful possession of all lands in the hands of the unbelievers. With a portion of the New World held lawfully by Spain, the next step in acquiring more territory involved asking for it. In part, this required the assimilation of the native peoples using Christianity. This process of conversion rested upon how Christianity was introduced to the pagans or idolaters. It must be heard—which is to say, it cannot simply be presented or read aloud before the natives—in accordance with Romans 10:14, which reads "how, then, can they call on the one they have not believed in? And how can they believe in the one of whom they have not heard? And how can they hear without someone preaching to them?" Upon hearing the word, the native inhabitants would be converted into either sinners (under 'belief) or heretics (under willful 'unbelief [in Christ]). Vitoria explained that if the natives are considered sinners or heretics, they would become a responsibility of the Pope:

The aborigines in question are either bound to submit to the punishment awarded to the sins in question or they are not. If they are not bound, then the Pope can not award such punishment. If they are bound, then they are bound to recognize the Pope as lord and lawgiver.

De indis et de iure belli reflectories. Being parts of Reflectories Theologicae XII. Ed. Ernest Nys. Washington: The Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1917. Part II, Section 7.

28 Therefore, if they refuse such recognition, this in itself furnishes a ground for making war on them20.

In this sense, the Spanish acquired more land by seemingly peaceful or aggressive measures in accordance with the just war principles we have reviewed so far. Furthermore, Vitoria compared the situation in the Americas to that between France and Spain with respect to Burgundy. This is notable because Vitoria claimed "our Emperor's right to it is certain"21, which in the case of the Americas would seem to undermine Vitoria's attempt to explain what is and is not a just war. It is at this point that the construct of heresy and heretical space becomes truly a rhetorical strategy bent on acquiring land and wealth. Vitoria seems to prove this when he suggested that the Pope should conserve for the Spaniards alone the right to convert the native peoples, for

...as it is the Pope's concern to bestow especial care on the propagation of the Gospel over the whole world, he can entrust it to the Spaniards to the exclusion of all others [...], and not only could the Pope forbid others to preach, but also to trade there, if this would further the propagation of Christianity, for he can order temporal matters in the manner which is most helpful to spiritual matters .

This rhetorical strategy was repeatedly levied against the American inhabitants, so that by virtue of their so-called sinful and remediable spiritual nature, Christian intervention necessitated the Spaniard's presence and involvement. A second strategy involved characterizing the inhabitants of the New World as heretics. We encounter negative Islamic images throughout the Americas map selection, and these images were used for the purpose of comparing the inhabitants of these territories with a well-known Old World enemy. Both strategies permit the same end: the forcible or peaceful occupation of land by Spanish Catholics. As we have seen so far, the polemic between orthodoxy and heresy has a relationship with land, whereby land is represented according to the religious or spiritual characteristics associated with that land or its inhabitants. It is for this

20 De indis, Part II, Section 16. 21 De indis, Part III, Section 6. 22 De indis, Part III, Section 10.

29 reason that the body of this work is dedicated to identifying, exploring and cataloguing religious signs employed on maps of Spanish lands, because as rhetorical texts, maps have been relatively ignored for their cultural representation23. A problem related to cultural representation occurs when we consider cultural differences in how that representation was signified. Islam approaches art, aesthetics and representation differently than Christians, and below, I intend to show the strategies Christians use to represent Islam, and how Islam represents itself.

1.3 The Aesthetics of Islam in Light of Christian Representations The consideration of architectural characteristics will play a large role in helping us understand a map's religious representation, because cities are most commonly indicated using some form of vignette. These vignettes may also betray cultural characteristics. The cross refers to a Catholic city, whereas the crescent moon refers to an Islamic city on a world map. In the latter case, the crescent may sit upon a mosque, its companion tower (or minaret) or a building illustrated as having a dome (rather than a gothic tower). When approaching what the mosque, minaret or dome symbolize, we must keep in mind the aesthetic differences inherent between cultures. When the mosque symbolizes Islam, or the minaret peace, these significations may well be extracted from a strictly Western sense of aesthetics. Moreover, acknowledging these differences will shed light on how much Westerners have characterized Islam and non-Christian peoples as a whole according to a Western mode of signification—the Western aesthetic. As a consequence of taking a closer look at this topic, the reading of European 16th century maps will become significantly Christianised. The role of Islam becomes arbitrary, an observation important for ensuring a balanced approach in this study.

Christian Jacob describes the map as containing "...un vaste ensemble d'informations economiques, historiques, demographiques, g^ologiques, etc..." (L'Empire des Cartes, p. 9). In the 20th Century imagination, the map used to be a " produit technique, artefact culturel, dont les materialisations comme les usages ne se laissent pas reduire a un modele unique et transhistorique", such that "la carte est aujourd'hui devenue un objet complexe et theorique, retenant l'attention des geographes comme des cogniticiens, des psychologuee", among others (p. 20-21). This is also echoed by Pauline Moffatt Watts' call to study how maps were used during the Reformation and Counter-Reformation. See her essay in David Woodward, Ed. History of Cartography. Vol. 3, p. 387.

30 In part, Islamic iconoclasm, or "Islamic iconophobia" , stems from the introduction and integration of Shariah law, a populist movement that at first sought to reflect the common needs of people throughout all Islamic territories, versus the courtly or elite lifestyles of a smaller upper class. Hodgson compares Shariah to Calvinism, in that its objection to symbolism reflects an objection to heathenistic cult idols25. Apart from this seemingly absolute objection to symbolism, inexplicit symbolism is difficult to avoid, and to this end Hodgson maintains that

Shariah Islam does not in fact reject symbol and image. Like Christianity, it simply limits the range of symbols to be allowed religious validity. But its limitation on the use of symbol and image is more drastic than the Christian, which tried to eliminate only the most evidently pagan images .

It is in this sense that the symbol or the image is divested of any religious role it may or could have had before Muhammad (c. 570-632 AD), and instead acquires an absolutely ornamental or decorative function. Returning to architectural characteristics as markers for space, we can consider an interesting class of secular symbol employed throughout Islam: the war and victory monument. A pre-Islamic aesthetic tradition at the disposal of those in a position of power and leadership, these monuments authenticated the past, imposed representation upon the present, and formed traditions for the future27 within the medium of Islamic art, and in this specific case, through architecture. Let us consider one of the greatest examples of Muslim architecture, the Dome of the Rock, located at Jerusalem's Temple Mount (also known as the Mosque of Umar) and built in the late 7th Century, AD. The original purpose of the Dome of the Rock may well have been flavoured with the pre-Islamic symbolic sense for conquered land, becoming a momento, in particular as it was built in the Byzantine style and decorated with distinctly Byzantine themes. The Caliph imported Byzantine artisans for the Dome's

24 G.S. Hodgson. "Islam and Image". History of Religions. Vol. 3, #2 (Winter, 1964), p. 220-260. p. 221. 25 Hodgson, pgs. 231-233, 241. 26 Hodgson, p. 242. 27 Thomas Leisten. "Mashhad Al-Nasr: Monuments of War and Victory in Medieval Islamic Art" Muqarnas. Vol. 13 (1996), p. 7-26.

31 construction; a similar construction process occurred in Cordoba during the early years of its Caliphate. However, the Dome as a victory monument is a difficult theory to substantiate from the position of Islamic aesthetics post-Shariah. Aesthetics in Muslim Spain are not affected by Shariah until the 12th Century. Therefore, when Islam rejects explicit symbolism, it is not likely to embrace that of a conquered culture, much less one that refuses to validate its principles. When conquered people build on their soil a monument to the success of the conquest, and to the permanence of the conquerors, this is a political strategy that imposes one culture upon another. Leisten further suggests that

There is every indication that the information conveyed by the shape, decoration, and inscriptions was too complex to allow the Dome of the Rock to be readily understood by the beholder as a building erected to serve a clear-cut political purpose in the time to come28.

Understanding the Dome of the Rock as a victory monument is frustrated by the fact that Islam as a whole did not support such an aesthetic understanding of art forms, nor did Islam in general have a cohesive approach for understanding the Dome as a monument. A 9th century Shiite historian accused the Umayyad Caliph of redirecting Muslims away from Ka'ba toward the Dome of the Rock, while the 10th century geographer al-Maqdisi (c. 946-1000 AD) suggests that Muslims needed something like the Holy Sepulcher, and for this a Dome was built above the Rock (from which Muhammad began his spiritual journey). An 11th century writer, al- Wasiti, credits its building for sheltering Muslims from the heat and cold29. This is the crux of it: a comparison of three different medieval Muslim authors reveals that none knew the purpose of the Dome of the Rock, or at least, none agrees with the anothers as to its purpose, and moreover, not one of their reasonings lent any symbolic meaning to the Dome. This suggests that not only was there no recognized symbolic value, but that the thinkers of the time were not interested in assigning such value. In this way, the Dome could not by the 11th Century be considered a

Leisten, p. 15. Cited in Leisten, p. 20-21.

32 monument, and this demonstrates to a degree the contrast between Islamic and Christian representation. Furthermore, by the 16th century, the nature of the 'monument' had indeed evolved on the part of the Ottoman Turks, among other administrations, due to the high level of competition that had emerged during and after the Umayyad/Abbasid period (7th-13th Centuries, AD). The mosque eventually was transformed, at times, into an Imperial Monument. One could argue that the idea of Empire throughout Islam does not manifest itself until several centuries after Muhammad, and only for the first time under the Ottomans30, despite the rapid spread of Islam after Muhammad's death in 632. However, the notion that the Dome could be an Imperial—and not a Victory or War—Monument could at least be sustained from a more secular and intercultural perspective, given the nature of its construction, its position among other Western imperial and Christian monuments, and the city's frontier position and thus interaction with another Empire. The Imperial Monument, then, would seem to qualify as something of an exception within the realm of the Islamic aesthetic, one that might be particularly attributable to the Ottomans. Our attempt to discern how Islamic aesthetics differ from Christian aesthetics is intended to demonstrate the predominance of the later over how we conceive of the former. This is an important observation, especially when we see Islam represented by Christians on maps, because it suggests that the Christian representation may have little referentiality with respect to Islam or its lands. On Catholic maps of Spanish territory, the cartographers do not use the same symbols to represent Islamic space that Muslim cartographers would employ on maps of Muslim space. Rather, Catholic cartographers employ their own system of representation that has very little to do with Islamic methods of representation. This is apparent in religious cartographic representation and the chorographic artistic details that we commonly find on the map. Islamic artwork differed from Christian artwork in terms of the permissible content intended for representation. Reproductions of what Allah created were absolutely discouraged; landscapes,

Dogan Kuban. "The Style of Sinan's Domed Structures". Muqarnas. Vol. 4 (1987), p. 72-92, pgs 72-82.

33 portraits and inanimate objects were not the focus of such art. As we have seen, this is not the case in the Christian artistic tradition, throughout which we commonly encounter the landscape as a staple form of background to an image. As a faith, if Islam was not interested in religious or dynastic symbols until the late medieval age under Ottoman guidance, how is it that the crescent moon came to signify so highly throughout the early to mid-medieval and Renaissance periods? Before the Ottoman Turks, the crescent moon was rarely found on buildings within the Islamic world, being a pagan symbol, even while the crescent moon appears to have already become a symbol of the non-Christian faith during the Crusades (in the hands of Christian artists). It is commonly and popularly believed that the Ottoman Turks took the Byzantine crescent as a symbol of authority, while easily morphing their pagan horseshoe shape into that of the crescent well before 1453. It is easy to imagine how a polemical relationship between the cross and crescent may have developed, even if the latter's symbolic meaning is of a decidedly Christian invention, as is the polemic with the cross . The crescent and the cross are less important and less popular markers of religious space on maps than secondary and less obvious characteristics, such as a building's architecture, or how a tower is designed. These secondary attributes—explored below—are more popular for representing space than the overt symbols (the cross and the crescent) that we encounter rhetorically and physically throughout the Western world in the 16th Century and today.

1.4 Commonly Mapped Characteristics of Islamic Architecture The bulbous dome, either spherical or onion-shaped, is often associated with Islamic architecture, or as a stamp of Islam within Islamic territories, present or past, notwithstanding its common representation as a key feature of Eastern Christian architecture. The onion-shaped large bulbous dome rising over the city, topping a minaret or some other form, is an Eastern influence popularized first in Syria and

Thomas Arnold. "Symbolism and Islam". The Burlington Magazine for Connoisseurs. Vol. 53 #307 (October, 1928) p. 154-156. p. 155

34 Persia , and then filtered throughout much of Islam and eventually breaking through the frontiers into the Christian border lands33. The bulbous dome cannot necessarily be relied upon as a distinguishing feature for either Muslim or Christian representation, because it is too commonly found throughout both as an architectural tradition. Wolfgang Born argues that

The coming of the Renaissance was foreshadowed by an architectural fatigue. Unfinished towers were hastily covered with shallow copper roofs in the form of pyramids. This form, however, lacked the aesthetic energy necessary to counterbalance the upward thrust of the Gothic tower. Thus the soil was prepared for the reception of a foreign form which offered an easy solution of the architectural problem and proved stimulating enough to revive the imagination of the architects34.

Thus, the minaret begins to top the gothic church spire, and the emerging admixture reflected an increased desire to incorporate an Oriental influence, and throughout much of Europe, a trend developed toward the merging of two relative traditions. Europe is conscious of this incorporation, and within the realm of a different sort of conflict, between the Protestants and the Catholics, the purposeful integration of Muslim architectural motif (especially the bulbous tower) is reflected in Leiden's town hall. Built in 1599 and decorated with half moons (in a very Christian fashion), its tower is inscribed with the words "Liever Turksch dann Paapsch", sustaining the notion that the Protestants in power prefer the Turks over the Papists35, which at this point responds to Spanish Catholic involvement throughout the Low Lands. The Spanish themselves develop during the middle ages a mudejar style based evidently on the architectural stylings of their Islamic neighbours of Granada. This style remains highly popular during the 16th Century, and the artisans who built in this style—ex-Granadine Muslims—came in handy after the Reconquest when mosques

More detailed exploration of Persian origins for both Islamic and Gothic styles can be found in Martin S. Briggs. "Gothic Architecture and Persian Origins". The Burlington Magazine for Connoisseurs. Vol. 62, #361 (Apr. 1933), p. 184-189. 33 Wolfgang Born. "The Introduction of the Bulbous Dome into Gothic Architecture and Its Subsequent Development". Speculum. Vol. 19, #2 (April, 1944), p. 208-221. 34 Born, p. 209. 35 Franz Ewerbeck. Die Renaissance in Belgien und Holland.(2 Vols). Leipzig: E.A. Seemann, 1886- 1891,11.9.2.

35 needed to be repaired and converted into churches or administrative houses. In this context, we again see the use of a monument for the purpose of superimposing the Catholic culture upon the pre-existing Muslim culture of Spain. Another example can be found in the representations of pre- and post- conquest Constantinople. The staple dome motif is associated with both the Orthodox and the Ottoman presence in the city. It is almost impossible to determine which group rules the city based on domical structures, or for that matter, whether the city in representation falls before or after 1453 when Constantinople fell to the Ottoman Turks. The lack of distinguishable features further sustains what may be conceived of as a more Catholic perspective and orientation for the city of Constantinople being an Orthodox city, especially after examining how the Roman Catholics (or, the Latins) have represented it throughout the centuries preceding the Ottoman occupation—that is, with domical structures identical to those employed to signify Turkish or Islamic spaces. We will see a similar pattern emerge in cities such as , where both Protestants and Catholics lived during the Counter- Reformation. The actual distinguishing features from a Catholic perspective will not be architectural per se, but rather symbolic and to some extent, lacking any physical referentiality: the crescent moon and the cross. 15th Century representations depict Constantinople's Hagia Sofia, for example, as topped by the cross or the crescent, the standards of power as it were. However, eventually other characteristics are introduced, namely the minaret. By late 15th Century, the Hagia Sofia's first minaret was built, and Christians furthermore positioned the crescent moon atop the minaret in vistas of the city. However, even within the writings and drawings credited to the great Ottoman architect Koca Sinan (1538-1588 AD), a specialist in the field would have difficulty distinguishing between Orthodox and Turkish architectural designs, because they had simply become too similar by that time36—at least, in Eastern Europe. Nonetheless, it can also be posited that Orthodox Christians—from a Catholic perspective—may be considered heretical and, for this reason, may at times be difficult to distinguish in representation from a concurrent Islamic presence, as would be the case at Constantinople throughout the late medieval period. The

36 Dogan Kuban. "The Style of Sinan's Domed Structures". Muqarnas. Vol. 4 (1987), p. 72-97.

36 bulbous, onion-shaped dome is, accordingly, a characteristic associated with heretics, the Orthodox notwithstanding, as will be explored in the Europe map selection. In this sense, by the 15th century, Europe had begun to reinterpret what Oleg Grabar has termed the "new Muslim culture" through its architectural characteristics37, the dome being the most recognizable. The dome was usually a secular architectural characteristic within Islamic space, one most indicative of the "highly diversified princely life" that had developed throughout the Islamic

TO centuries , and one that persisted outside the mosque, but also one that supported mosque construction. A domed or bulbous structure comes to symbolize a royal or gubernatorial presence, and it is this presence that functions as the patron for the construction of new mosques as monuments of power, particularly during the rise of the Ottoman Turks. At the same time, the concept of the Islamic city, and by extension, of the Islamicised city, such as Istanbul, is a Western construction based upon a rather 'eccentric' pre-modern Arab model that could be seen as helping along the programme of Westernization39. This occurs in part by vilifying perceived Islamic structures, but also by reinterpreting them in a Christian—particularly Catholic—or Western context, as seen by the dome as a marker of Islamic space (as opposed to the gothic spire)40. Further to this, the acquisition of Islamic architecture and architectural practices was common in the south of Spain. Charles V's activities in Granada are most indicative of this reinterpretation after the re-acquisition of a non- Christian territory—in this case the city and Muslim Kingdom of Granada, reconquested in the late 15th Century. This particular example demonstrates how Charles V attempted to acquire symbolically what Christians perceived as monuments and items of cultural value by "baptising them Christian" through minor or major architectural adjustments. Second to this is the destruction of perceived artefacts of cultural value to the Muslim community. Sevilla's Alcazar becomes the al-cdrcel

37 Oleg Grabar. "The Islamic Domes: Some Considerations". The Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians. Vol. 22, #4 (Dec, 1963), p. 191-198. p. 191. 38 Grabar (1963), p. 197. 39 Janet L. Abu-Lughod. "The Islamic City—Historic Myth, Islamic Essence, and Contemporary Relevance". International Journal of Middle East Studies. Vol. 19, #2 (May, 1987), p. 155-176. 40 Robert Ousterhout. "Ethnic Identity and Cultural Appropriation in Early Ottoman Architecture". Muqarnas. Vol. 12 (1995), p. 48-62.

37 upon a few 16 Century maps, a malapropism of significance. A series of changes to Granada's city scape represents how Charles V's Palacio novo would replace the Nasrid Palacio antiguo on Hogenberg and Braun's late 16th Century chorographic view of the Alhambra. It is notable that the difference between the new and old palace is represented, on this particular map, by a crane pointing away from the novo and toward the Muslim antiguo, emphasizing its state of disrepair in an attempt to comment on perceived Muslim cultural practices. Anthropologist M.D.W Jeffreys has observed that "...the acceptance of a new cultural element by a society is followed by a reinterpretation of it"41. At the heart of this Reconquest architecture, much of it in mudejar style, is not necessarily a baptism of sorts, but rather a replication and, by extension, a cultural evolution that is spatially rooted. Reconquest architecture also destroys that which would have been perceived as a Muslim monument. This is evidenced by the mezquita-catedrales that are still scattered across Andalucia today, many of which disguised or destroyed the Muslim architecture with additions and renovations. Monuments of political power, such as the palace at Granada, are similarly destroyed or renovated, even if this destruction occurs rhetorically rather than physically. The Old Palace noted above is shown to be needing repair, despite the fact that the crane would have been there to build the New Palace, not to repair the Old Palace. A predominate feature of Islamic architecture, one that developed after Muhammad, but one that has become as characteristic as the bulbous dome, is the minaret or the companion tower to the mosque. Cresswell characterizes the typical minaret as having successively square, octagonal and circular storeys, some finishing with domes, others squared off, or topped with spires42. The minaret in a sense symbolises the mosque, which seeks to be a place of peace, unity and faith; from this tower the call to worship can be issued five times a day, as is the custom . To the

M.D.W.Jeffreys. "Some Rules of Directed Culture Change Under Roman Catholicism". American Anthropologist. New Series Vol. 58, #4 (August, 1956), p. 721-731 (p. 730). 42 K.A.C. Cresswell. "The Evolution of the Minaret, with Special Reference to Egypt-II". The Burlington Magazine for Connoisseurs. Vol. 48, #278 (May, 1926), p. 252-259. p. 252. 43 Mohommed Abdullah Eben Saleh. "The Symbolism of Landmarks in Traditional Settlements and Wilderness of the Arabian Peninsula". Building and Environment. Vol. 31, #3 (1996), p. 283-297. p. 292. For conflicting arguments as to the function of the minaret, see Jonathan M. Bloom. "Five

38 foreigner, Islamic or Christian, the minaret may be a symbol of hospitality, as some mosques provided shelter for passing travelers, especially when no hotel or inn was available. In this sense, the minaret is a symbol of peace, and by virtue of these other associations, the minaret also discouraged attacks for its symbolic representation of community strength, faith and peace44. Further to this, the minaret towers over the mosque and can be seen from a distance to symbolize the mosque itself. Therefore, the minaret to some degree is symbolic for both Islam and Christianity, especially when it functions as a landmark for the mosque's position from a distance, for safehaven and shelter, and for performing the call for worship. Other than a flag or the weathervane and/or weathercock, the finial is another representation to consider. Putting aside the fact that the finial would seem to include the cross and crescent, as these figures may cap off a building, the finial is often described as any cap or end point used within architectural, interior and furniture design. In this sense, the trefoil, lotus leaf and the sphere are commonly portrayed in the cross and crescent's absence. In particular, the sphere, or bulb, often tops drawings of Orthodox and Turkish buildings. According to Cress well, this characterization is well grounded throughout Islamic architecture, and can be found atop Cairo's Madrasa an-Nasir Muhammad (constructed 1303/04) while also becoming a key element of the late Turkish style . The bulb itself may or may not top the onion-shaped dome or spire traditionally associated with Eastern European and Turkish lands, and furthermore, the sphere can be found on sacred and secular buildings, and in this sense, may be interchangeable with the flag as mode of decoration46. Melchoir Lorichs' late 16th Century woodcuts, for example, make wide use of the spherical or oval-shaped finial atop onion-domed

Fatimid Minarets in Upper Egypt". The Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians. Vol. 43, #2 (May, 1984), p. 162-167. 44 Eben Saleh, p. 294. 45 K.A.C. Cresswell, "The Evolution of the Minaret, with Special Reference to Egypt-II" The Burlington Magazine for Connoisseurs. Vol. 48, #278 (May, 1926) p. 252-259. 46 Hans Schindler. "Concerning the Origin of the Onion Dome and the Onion Spires in Central European Architecture". The Journal of the Society of Architectural History. Vol 40, #2 (May, 1981) p. 132-142.

39 mosques47 (Figs. 1.2, 1.3 and 1.4). The location of these mosques is, for the most part, within Turkish-held territories, and as we will see below in our examination of MMft.

Fig. 1.1: Lucas Cranach's Antichrist, published Fig. 1.2: Buildings in the background of Lorichs' with Luther's pamphlet series, Passional Christi Janissary. St.Clair, p. 416. und Antichristi (1521), which consists of a series of illustrated pairings presenting a frame each for Christ and the Antichrist (the Pope); intended as a didactic tool for how to follow Christ (and not the Pope).

Fig. 1.3: Buildings in the background of Lorichs' Fig. 1.4: Turkish burial site, with buildings in the Water vendor. St. Clair, p. 417. background (Lorichs). St. Clair, p. 419.

Jerusalem, the sphere replaces the crescent under certain conditions in both Jerusalem and Constantinople. This observation is important for our study of how Protestant space is represented by Europeans. Furthermore, the trefoil is an ornament, symbol or architectural component having the appearance of a trifoliate leaf, and is quite popular throughout several

47 Alexandrine St. Clair. "A Forgotten Record of Turkish Exotica" The Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin. New Series. Vol. 27, #9 (May, 1969), p. 411-423. see pgs. 416-417,421.

40 cultures. Muslim Sultanates in India during the late 17 century used trefoil finials during state functions atop poles used for the convoy, however these trefoils were intended to mimic the Lotus Blossom, an Eastern symbol Muslims adapted during their occupation of those lands49. By the 16th century in Ottoman-ruled Yemen, the lotus finial can be found as a well-established architectural feature of Indian origin5 . More generally speaking, however, the image of the trefoil has been used by Christians, Muslims, and their ancesters to represent images of the bull, goat and stag, all of which feature arching horns that resemble crescent moons. Anne Roes noted that these are popular throughout and Susa, but also in Sumerian art, and during the 1st millennium BC, in Syrian designs51. In particular, the trefoil is placed upon the image of a horned animal, a commonly found symbol throughout Islamic and pre-Islamic cultures, the effect of, which echoes the arched shape of the animal's horns, appearing as a downward-arching crescent of horns, at the center of which rises a leaf-shaped protrusion, one that bears some resemblance to an arrow head52. In this sense, the animal head-trefoil combination appears, for example, on certain Persian coins and jewelry, and for which the trefoil sometimes modifies the human instead of the animal, emphasizing its symbolism when featured by itself on the coin. The union and interchangeability of the horn and the crescent moon is exemplified in a Sassanian gem which features a moon-god, or the king, from which a large crescent-shaped object adorns the front of his helmet, reaching toward the sky, and two horns face out toward the back, while a trefoil sits off to the right of his portrait, seemingly free-standing in its significance .

The Mughal period of the Islamic dynasty also used finials in tent construction, in particular, the crescent moon and the bulb. See Peter Alford Andrews. "The Generous Heart or the Mass of Clouds: The Court Tents of Shah Jehan". Muqarnas Vol. 1, #4 (1987), p. 149-165. 49 Stefano Carboni, Marie Lukens Swietochowski, Daniel Walker. "Islam". The Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin. New Series. Vol. 54, #2 (Autumn, 1996) p. 16-18. 50 Barbara Finster. "An Outline of the History of Islamic Religious Architecture in Yemen". Muqarnas. Vol. 9 (1992), p. 124-147. pgs. 135, 140. 51 Anne Roes. "The Trefoil as a Sacred Emblem". Artibus Asiae. Vol. 17, #1 (1954), p. 61-68. see pgs. 62-63. 52 See Roes, p. 64 for illustrations. 53 The association between Muslim or non-Christian leaders (or kings) of Africa and the trefoil will be seen in our Africa map selection at the regional level. The trefoil, which is also popular throughout gothic representations, is found exclusively in African and Muslim space within our map corpus. 54 See Roes, p. 65, fig. 6.

41 1.5 The Christian City Jerusalem is a chorographic archetype for the city, through which the city, its inhabitants, and all associated architecture is represented and ordered according to the Christian perspective. Jerusalem is the city after which most cities are modeled spiritually. A review of how it is represented both throughout pre-modern times and during the 16th Century will illustrate the norms by which Spanish and European cartographers have rendered their versions of Spanish lands on local scale maps. Jerusalem—despite being the idealised biblical city—was occupied by Muslims for much of the Middle Ages and during the 16th Century, and Jerusalem ranked as the third most important city in Islam, next to Mecca and Medina. Under the Ayyubids and for the better part of the Mamluk administration, Jerusalem was transformed into a Muslim city, which the Ottomans "received as a ready-made Muslim City," containing Muslim-erected architecture, while maintaining the conversion of Christian churches and houses to Muslim centres of worship and administration55. Christians had restricted access to certain buildings and monuments within Muslim (and subsequently Turkish) Jerusalem, and this, as has been noted by several chroniclers, travelers and architects of the period, affected how the city was drawn by and for Christians. Gerard de Jode (1509-1591), for instance, while illustrating the Templum Salomonis, describes the Temple as "in monte Maria nunc a Turcis possidetur", and for this reason, he has placed a crescent above its dome (Fig. 1.5). In the map's descriptive text, de Jode reminds the reader that the Turkish emperor, Selimo Turcarum is in possession of Jerusalem56. Churches and sanctuaries were converted into mosques, baths and housing, or in the case of the Temple, chambers were allocated to the Christians for their own worship, while Muslims were given their own space, so that the two religions worshipped together if separately in this sacred building. In this sense, most Christian maps and views are not accurate in terms of distance and relative proportions between and of Jerusalem's buildings, nor are the interior and exterior plans of many monuments. Descriptions of the Holy City

Oded Peri. "Islamic Law and Christian Holy Sites: Jerusalem and Its Vicinity in Early Ottoman Times". Islamic Law and Society. Vol. 6, #1, 1999. (97-111) p. 98-99. Gerard de Jode. Novae Urbis Hierosolymitanae topographica delineatio (Antwerp, 1571).

42 Fig. 1.5: Gerard de Jode. Novae Urbis Fig. 1.6: Paolo Forlani. Spain (Al Molto Magco Hierosolymitanae topographica delineatio et Eccte Alessandroa Serego), c. 1560 (F. (Antwerp, 1571). Bertelli). developed an archetypical Muslim, Moor or Arab character. This character usually facilitates access to these buildings on behalf of the Christian author. As a result, the Christian author saw the momument himself (thanks to his Muslim facilitator), or the Christian author cites the eye-witness testimony of the Muslim character. In either case, the Muslim character's function is to authorize the description's accuracy, as Bernardino has done in his treatise on Jerusalem's holy buildings57, because in many cases only a Muslim would have access to the entire building. According to texts written by eye-witnesses such as Bernardino that accompany the visual representation, the limited information in Christian descriptions is due to restrictions imposed by Muslim administrators. These restrictions affected the graphic text's accuracy. While the graphic text itself may not claim to be accurate, the insertion of figures such as the crescent without textual or physical referentiality may well characterize a form of map sign that is all together different from the cross or baculus. The former existed atop buildings as a finial or similar structure, whereas the latter symbolises the presence of a bishop or diocese and is occasionally used as an architectural finial. The former is a staff that accompanies the bishop, while the latter is symbolised at the regional scale level as a finial atop a tower (Fig. 1.6). As an architectural finial or ornament, the baculus is rarely

57 Plans of the Sacred Edifices of the Holy Land (c. 1610). Trans. Theophilus Bellorini and Eugene Hoade. Jerusalem: Franciscan Press, 1953.

43 encountered except as a rhetorical symbol at the non-chorographic level of map . A similar strategy exists with the cross, in such cases where it physically does not top buildings, but nonetheless is depicted as if it did in order to communicate graphically that the building is a Christian building. Consider Piacenza's 1588 map of Jerusalem, in which he has placed a crescent moon above St. Anne's, which at this time is closed to Christians (Fig. 1.7). The crescent moon is enclosed by a circle, unlike the Temple's crescent, and this seems to speak to its being a figurative and unarchitectural crescent. More curious is the cross atop a sphere-capped dome that is labelled moschea de Turchi, which used to be a church. Evidently, Piacenza employs a cross to indicate its conversion from church to mosque, as it is doubtful that its occupiers would have permitted the cross to remain above their mosque . In this sense, the crescent and the cross, especially in the Muslim Jerusalem examples, may lack physical referentiality, in that they represent either the spiritual endowment of the building, or its historical importance for the signified religion . This will become a commonly encountered rhetorical strategy in maps of the Christian city. An excellent example of this form of representation can be found on Christiaan van Adrichem's (1533-1585) Ierusalem, et suburbia eius (c. 1584)61 and Gierusalemme, et i Borghi suoi come fiori nel tempo di Christo (1590) . A comparison of these maps is most instructive, as both depict Jerusalem in the time of Christ, and the maps are almost identical except for a few differences, namely certain features of the buildings. Both are oriented to the East, with the Mount of Olives at the East end, and Calvary at the West end. Beginning from the West and moving toward the East, the

An exception to this rule will be explored in our Spanish map study. 59 From Bernardino's Plans of the Sacred Edifices of the Holy Land (c. 1610). Trans. Theophilus Bellorini and Eugene Hoade. Jerusalem: Franciscan Press, 1953 p. 6. (The drawings for which were made in the late 16th century during his time in the Holy Land.) Sebastian Munster (1489-1552)'s Ierusalem ciuitas sancta, olim metropolis regni Iudaici, hodie uero colonia Turcae follows suit with a crescent symbol engraved on the side of Soloman's Temple; this is clearly a figurative symbol, lacking all physical referentiality. From Munster's Cosmographia universalis, Basel, Henricus Petri, 1550, pgs 1015-1018. Ierusalem, et suburbia eius, sicut tempore Christi floruit..descripta per Christianum Adrichom Delphum (Koeln, Officina Birckmannica, 1628), from Adrichem's Theatrum Terrae Sanctae (Koeln: Officina Birckmannica, 1628), but originally published in 1584 with the title Jerusalem...et suburbanorum...brevis descriptio. 62 From Adrichem's Breve descrizione de Gerusalemme (Verona, Marc Antonio Palazzolo, 1590), Italian ed., translated from Latin edition, 1584.

44 notable buildings and vignettes mentioned on the map include the Christ upon the cross (North West corner of map), flanked by a drawing of the sun and the crescent moon (1584); the 1590 map seems to have given this sun and moon faces. From a cartographical perspective, Christ is depicted with the sun and moon at his shoulders near the ; this is an apocalyptic reference. At the southern-most point lies the encampment of the Castra Assyrorum, with a depiction of tents decorated with crescent moons opening toward the sky on spires, and three flags with red crescents opening toward the south (1584; Fig. 1.8). The 1590 edition is labelled Alloggiamenti de Assyri, but appears to have replaced the crescented spires with spheres while keeping the crescented flags. To the North East lies, as in Arias Montano's scheme63, the Assyrian Castle, upon an embankment, but without towers, yet boasting several domed roofs (1584); the Italian rendering is identical, but is described Castello de Assirs (1590). Solomon's 'Palace' is a domical structure not unlike the majority of domes on the map, topped with a sphere, while the Holy Sepulchre is shown in plan form, and contains several biblical references specific

- - a. « - , *, *• > i t ' > \ * • t

: .' \\ '•• \

y . ^' .* ^ '

i. i" •'' ' ' •- » • »

Fig. 1.7: Piacenza's 1588 Jerusalem map, from Fig. 1.8: C. Adrichem. Breve descrizione de Bernardino's Plans of the Sacred Edifices of the Gerusalemme (Verona: Marc Antonio Palazzolo, Holy Land (c. 1610). Trans. Theophilus Bellorini 1590), Italian ed., translated from Latin edition, and Eugene Hoade. Jerusalem: Franciscan Press, 1584. 1953 p. 6

Benito Arias Montano, Antiquae Ierusalem vera icnographia, published in his Antiquitatem Judaicarum (Leyden: Officina Plantiniana, 1593) Libri XI (pgs. 68-69).

45 Fig. 1.9: C. Adrichem. Breve descrizione de Fig. 1.10: Hogenberg and Braun. Beschreibung Gerusalemme (Verona: Marc Antonio Palazzolo, und Contrafactur der Vornembsten Staet der 1590), Italian ed., translated from Latin edition, Welt. Koeln, 1590, Civitates Vol. IV, p.58-9; 1584. verso reads: Jerusalem. Von Michael Eyzinger beschriben und illustriert. to that place (1584 and 1590). In the South Eastern corner, Adrichem refers to Mons Offensionis (1584; Monte della Offesa in 1590), on which a goat-devil sits upon a tabernacle-like object topped with a crescent moon opening to the sky, and labelled Idolum Moloch (1584; Idolo di Meloch in 1590), before which a turbaned man worships (1584 and 1590; Fig. 1.9). A similar version of Adrichem's Jerusalem maps was published by Hogenberg and Braun in 159064. However, the city, Ierusalem, et suburbia eius, sicut tempore Christi floruit, cum locis, in quibus Christus passus est...descripta per Christianum Adrichom Delphum, is north-oriented. The map is much enlarged compared to earlier editions, but we notice that the Assyrian tents are similar to Adrichem's 1590 version.

In Hogenberg and Braun. Beschreibung und Contrafactur der Vornembsten Staet der Welt. Koeln, 1590, Vol. IV, p.58-9; verso reads: Jerusalem. Von Michael Eyzinger beschriben und illustriert.

46 However, several Assyrians appear to lie dead at the camp's entrance, while in the East several followers of Baal are chased away by Roman soldiers (Fig. 1.10). With the exception of the Assyrian tents, none of the buildings has a crescent moon. Adrichem employs in at least two instances on both maps the bulbous onion- shaped domed tower, which suggests the Muslim or Assyrian occupation of those places. These maps demonstrate the symbolic relationship between the pre-Islamic Assyrians and later Islamic groups, linking them with the crescent moon that was once a pagan symbol of the pre-Islamic cultures and for the 16th century Ottomans. The configuration of Jerusalem as an idealised city with representational strategies that apply to many other cities within our map selection, returns us to Augustine's interpretation of Babylon and Jerusalem. Jerusalem can be the evil and good, or worldly and spiritual, city where one is situated figuratively as a polar opposite of the other. Hebrews describes Abraham, during his travels toward the Promised Land, when "he was looking forward to the city with foundations, whose architect and builder is God (11:10)" as looking for a country or home of his own. This country is a heavenly one, and the city has been prepared for the Christians (11:14-15). Jerusalem will consist of walls, gates, towers and a temple, but the most meaningful ingredient are the stones, because according to Peter, the city will be built out of the faithful, and in this city will live God (by his Spirit; Eph. 2:21-22). The opportunity to have God live among the faithful distinguishes this city from all other secular cities, and best fits the appellation City of God (1 Peter 2:4-5). But also, this city is an apocalyptic city, for it will be renovated and "prepared as a bride beautifully dressed for her husband (Rev. 21.2)". This is an allusion to the relationship between this city and Christ, or the church and Christ. There will be two at this moment—the Heavenly Jerusalem, and the Jerusalem occupied by Christianity's enemies. The terrestrial Jerusalem will be destroyed. Jerusalem itself is one of three predominant and similar relationships based on space that symbolise throughout the New Testament the relationship between God and his people. The other two are manifest in (or as) the body of Christ and in (or as) the Kingdom of God. These differences in scale between the three relationships are not without purpose. The

47 replication of this relationship between God and his faithful occurs at several scales so that the faithful have multiple symbols throughout their practical space. As a symbol at multiple scales of map, Jerusalem as a spiritual city occurs within the same functional or practical space relevant to the Christian: the city (Jerusalem or New Jerusalem), where Jesus Christ was crucified and from which he was resurrected, and from which all will ascend as part of God's kingdom (ie Christianity or the Universe). This model is highly didactic. Not only do most Christians live in or near a city or town (hence the image of the Bishop as protector of the city during the Middle-Ages), but all will know of how and where Christ died (outside the city walls, and outside of the Christian community) and that this city is an actual and historic city in the Promised Land. That it is terrestrial, and part of the worldly kingdom, is evident by its occupation by Muslims. That Jerusalem is spiritual is evident by its importance throughout the Bible as a whole, and by the promised renovation in Revelations. By faith, all Christians know that when they ascend to heaven (or when the apocalypse comes), they will live in the New Jerusalem as a living part of that city [of God]. It is for this reason that representations of Jerusalem contain multiple symbols for the Christian faith, and moreover, this particular representation of the city has two other scales of representation that outfit the city (Jerusalem) as an extension of Christ (in communion and church) and as an extension of the Christian Kingdom (of God). A cross in Jerusalem over a church will represent not only Christ on the Cross and the relationship between the faithful and Christ (the church), but also the relationship or position of the faithful within the Kingdom of God. The city as a symbol for communion and for kingdom is, one can argue, cohesively embedded in many medieval representations, becoming a well-used rhetorical strategy by the 16th Century. Books of cities became popular throughout the late 15th Century, as evident in Hartmann Schedel's (1440-1514) Nuremberg Chronicle65, which underwent several editions, spilling over into the highly popular

Liber cronicarum. Nuremberg. Anton Koberger, 1493. Fol.XLVIII and LXIIII. The illustrations and the maps are cut in wood by Michael Wohlgemut

48 Fig. 1.11: Pedro de Medina. Gibraltar. Libro de Fig. 1.12: H. Schedel. Spain. Liber cronicarum. grandezas y cosas memorables de Espana (2nd Nuremberg: Anton Koberger, 1493. Ed.) Sevilla: Robertis, 1549. p. 90. Fol.CLXXXIX, v. work of Pedro de Medina66 (Fig. 1.11). The former collection prepares a short text on several populous or important cities for each European nation and the Levant (ie the western shores of the Mediterranean, the Promised Land, and the Middle East), and at least one chorographic view is included for each city. Schedel produced some national chorographic views, particularly for Spain and Portugal (Fig. 1.12). These chorographic views are generically Christian. They resemble one another, down to the building, where stampings were simply repeated, and the vegetation around the city walls. Bernard Breydenbach (c. 1440-1497 AD) provides another example of such a text in his travel book, Peregrinatio in Terram Sanctam61. The cross tops all important buildings (despite it not necessarily topping the physical building that is being represented in actual times), and banners or scrolls fill in buildings with religious names or blessings, as was the custom. While many 16th Century local scale maps are modeled after their contemporary or historical real-world counterparts, it is not uncommon for the overall shape, extension, or design of a city to be more generic. Pedro de Medina's Libro de grandezas [...] de Espaha provides excellent proof of this. All of his local scale maps are, in one sense or another, generic for how the buildings are depicted, for the design or material of the city wall, for the countryside surrounding the city, or for the people or animals and trees depicted within or without the city itself. These generic aspects, however, are usually how the Christian qualities are conveyed. Not every city has, as in Constantinople, a Hagia

Libro de grandezas y cosas memorables de Espana (2 Ed.) Sevilla: Robertis, 1549. Bernard von Breydenbach. Peregrinatio in Terram Sanctam. Mainz, 1486.

49 Sofia by which the architecture itself betrays the building's location and name, nor a Giralda and Giraldillo as in Sevilla, which distinguishes its landscape from any other in the world. Rather, most local scale maps represent a generic (whether high or low-order) Cathedral, some parish churches, or a monastery or school; these may be topped with crosses. Most will have an assortment of square plazas from which roads proceed toward the city walls (the Decumanus and Kardo Maximus), all of which are lined by houses and here and there, an historic regional monument that, while labelled or described in the accompanying text, may not be distinguishable from the house beside which it is depicted. In one sense, it is precisely this generic Christian character that, stemming from the terrestrial and the symbolic Jerusalems, invades all representations of 16* Century cities by Europeans as an expression of faith. In another sense, for the first time in nearly a century local scale maps are depicting cities with their irregularities and unique attributes68. No longer are all the landscapes and skylines identical between cities of all European regions, as was the case during the second half of the 15th Century and the first half of the 16th Century. But, rather, one or two—maybe more—aspects will uniquely identify the city according to its best or most well- known attributes. In part, this has a touristy function associated with it, in that different cultures could be experienced in an act of tourism by viewing cities chorographically; Ortelius would hold this form of reading to be voyeuristic, and as we have already noted, Richard Kagan interprets this activity as "armchair travel". Nonetheless, these 16th Century cities are still blanketed with a generic quality that spreads from the Christian claim on the city to affect all other chorographic aspects on the local scale of map.

1.6 The Crescent Moon and Signing the Heretic The first verse of Revelation 12 reads: "And there appeared a great wonder in heaven; a woman clothed in the sun, and the moon under her feet, and upon her head a crown of twelve stars". For Christians, the crescent moon is a pre-Christian

68 Due to limitations in printing, it is not until the 16th Century that the printed map begins to lose some of that generic chorographic character. The exception, naturally, is the manuscript map, which we have not addressed here.

50 symbol. Its association with evil, death and the enemies of Christendom in general seems available to us before Muhammad (c. 570-632 AD), reaching even further back into Christianity's pagan roots. In the late 6th Century, Gregory the Great—one of Christianity's Church Fathers—wrote that the moon beneath the Virgin's feet represents all that is despised by the church, of "all fallen, mutable, and earthly things"69. Bede (673-735 AD), in his 8th Century Explantio Apocalypsis, analyses Revelations 12.1 with the provision that "The Church is clothed with the light of Christ, and treads upon temporal glory. 'Righteousness,' [Christ] says, 'will arise in his days, and abundance of peace, until the moon be taken away, or consumed.'". Hence, the Virgin appears victorious over the crescent moon which appears as an antithesis for Christ (light) or as darkness. This will, according to Bede, only occur when there is finally an "abundance of peace", at which point the moon will be consumed, or as Bede explains, "then death, the last enemy, will be destroyed"7 . Essentially, Bede is describing how the believers will go to Heaven with Christ, and the unbelievers will remain on earth while it is destroyed. If Christ is "the Sun, in heaven", then one understands the moon to be darkness, or somehow absent from the

71 Sun. The moon represents that which "is partly absent from the Lord" . While citing similar examples by the Benedictine Haimo of Auxerre (9 Century), and Rupert of Deutz (12th Century), Steven F. Ostrow observes that "all viewed the moon as a symbol of mutability and stupidity" . Strabo's Glossa ordinaria supports this construction while taking it a step further, as Ostrow notes, for "the moon symbolizes the mundane and corrupt world which, though it sustains the Church, does not affect her"73. 13th Century Caesarius of Heisterback declares that "the moon, that is the world, is beneath her feet to show her contempt for earthly glory"74. A little later, Nicolas de Lyra's 14th Century interpretation of Revelations

Gregory the Great. Moralia, in Pat. Lat. LXXVI, Col. 731. Cited in Steven F. Ostrow. "Cigoli's Immacolata and Galileo's Moon: Astronomy and the Virgin in Early Seiscento Rome". The Art Bulletin. Vol. 78 #2, 1996, (218-235), p. 225. 70 Edward Marshall. The Explanation of the Apocalypse by Venerable Beda. Oxford: James Parker and Co., 1878. Book 2, Chapter 12.1. 71 Ibid. 72 Ostrow, p. 233. 73 Ostrow, p. 233. 74 Ostrow, p. 233-234.

51 12.1 would circulate widely throughout the 16 and 17 Centuries. Titled Postilla Super Totam Bibliam, it characterises the image of Mary on the moon as a symbol of the Church's victory over heresy. Such a statement connects to our work on heresy, from which we have concluded that Islam is, to Catholic Christianity, considered and treated as a heretical branch of faith. This is found on a medieval medal of Heraclius (c. 1402), on which Heraclius appears to be standing on a crescent moon; the Byzantine emperor Heraclius defeated the Persian king Chosroes in the 7th Century75. The amulet was also highly popular throughout Spain. W.L. Hildburgh dedicated years of her life to studying the lunar-crescented amulets found throughout Spain, finding them to be derived from horns and intended to fight the mal de ojo . She concedes that these crescented amulets are of Middle Eastern, African and Roman influences, all of which share the same design of amulet for fighting the effects of the Evil Eye. One who wears such an amulet is alunada, a term still in use several centuries after the Reconquest77. However, Spanish Christians appear to have believed this sort of amulet was of African descent alone, because in 16 Century Granada it was forbidden78 for its reference to Fatima's hand, commonly rendered in the form of a crescent. This suggests, regardless of the amuletic significance or of the intention of donning such a symbol, that these images had become ultimately associated with and thus easily recognizable in practice as Muslim symbols by the year 1526 when Granada banned them79. As we saw in the maps of Jerusalem, the crecent moon was used by 16 Century cartographers to illustrate the city under Muslm control during the 16* Century, and the city under Roman control during Christ's life. For example, the replacement of the Roman soldier or Jew in the Crucifixion stories with an Arab soldier as antagonist may relate to the Turkish presence within the city. This is

Ostrows, p. 235 Fig. 17. 76 W.L. Hildburgh. "Lunar Crescents as Amulets in Spain". Man. Vol. 42, 1942 (73-84) p. 73 and Plate D. Rafael Salillas. La Fascination en Espana. Brujas, Brujerias y Amuletos. Barcelona: MRA, 2000 and Ismael del Pan. Folklore Toledano. Toledo: Imprenta A. Medina, 1932. 78 Hildburgh (1942), p. 78. 79 The aforementioned example, however, does not mention the crescent, but rather emphasizes several times the hand and its meanings. Francisco Bermudez de Pedraza. Antiguedad y excelencias de Granada. (Madrid: Luis Sanchez, 1608) 1.10. Esp.l7v-18r (Biblioteca Provincial de Cadiz XVII-189).

52 Fig. 1.13: Late 15th Century representation of Fig. 1.14: c. 1582 Illustration of Suleyman's Suleyman's Mosque at Istanbul, in Gulru Mosque at Istanbul, in Gulru Necipoglu-Kafadar Necipoglu-Kafadar (1986), fig. 17. (1986), fig. 26.

Fig. 1.15: Compiled in Julio F Guillen y Tato "An Unpublished Atlas of J. Martinez (1591)". Imago Mundi Vol. 12 (1955), p. 107-126. p. 112.

connected to the repeated promises to resecure Jerusalem from the Muslims that conquered it in 628 throughout the centuries that followed this initial conquest . Another way that we see the crescent attributed to Christianity's enemies occurs over cities under siege. The crescent and star are thought to have preceded the Turkish mode of representation when, during the siege of Byzantium, the crescent moon with a star at the tip revealed the attackers, and staved off the attack upon the

Krinsky, p. 3.

53 city . A similar legend and moon symbol also occurred over Vienna one night in the 15 Century when the Turks were attacking. Hence, the attribution of the crescent characterises the attackers as either Turkish or Muslim, and as aggressive and bellicose. The attack by the Turks at Vienna was repelled after the crescent crossed with a sword, instead of a star, revealing the attack82. In either case, the moon is clearly being manipulated in accordance with Marian mythology to ensure the Christian triumph over their attackers83. When we find the crescent moon in Mexico City in Hogenberg and Braun's 1572 vista, the crescent as an imagined referent or as a physical referent must be addressed. The pre-Christian and pre-Islamic crescent, such as the one we found in Jerusalem, tends to illustrate people in conflict with Christ's teachings (i.e. the Assyrians), whereas the early modern crescent tends to illustrate the Ottoman Turks, or Muslims more generally84. However, the type of crescent is important. The pre- Islamic crescent lacks physical referentiality, because it never existed atop buildings during Christ's time, whereas the Turkish crescent did exist in the 15th Century85. One such reference is fleeting and depends upon few secondary sources; it refers to a crescent topping a 16th Century Turkish mosque86. Related to Melchoir Lorichs' late 16 Century drawings of Turkish territory, which he saw first hand, in this little- known work, Lorichs attempted to faithfully illustrate how the Great Turk lived, including military, religious and social material. Several architectural crescents are

Mahomet II appears to have adopted the Byzantine symbol of the crescent moon and star (or the Byzantine E) in order to support his political authority as legitimate successor of Constantinople. Ridgeway, 256. See Waldseemiiller's 1507 Universalis Cosmographiae Descriptio at the Bosphorus for Turkish adaptation. 82 Ralph Abercromby. "Cloud-hand in Folk-Lore and in Science". The Folk-lore Journal. 1988 (94- 115), p. 109. 83 We will explore the night attack as a rhetorical strategy found on local scale European maps in Chapter 4. 84 G. Azarpay and A.D. Kilmer claim the crescent moon figured into "the ideal standards that prevailed in Islamic lands ruled by Turkish or Turkmen dynasties from the 10th Century AD". Nonetheless, the context of any lunar crescent forms during this period is ornamental and decorative. However, the crescent becomes an astrological or astronomical figure in Islamic art in the 12th to 14th Centuries in particular, specifically in Mosul (p. 364-365). Nonetheless, the crescent does not find itself on buildings like the cross. 85 Doris Behrens-Abouseif. Egypt's Adjustment to Ottoman Rule. Institutions, Waqf and Architecture in Carlo (16lh and 17th Centuries). Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1994. 86 Suut Kemal Yetkin. "The Evolution of Architectural Form in Turkish Mosques (1300-1700)". Studia Islamica. Vol. 11, 1959 (73-91) p. 90.

54 found throughout his work, although there is no way of knowing if these are physical attributes or if they are imaginary and attributed87. Gulru Necipoglu-Kafadar attempts to shed light on whether these ornamental architectural practices were indeed practiced, specifically for 15th and 16th Century Ottoman culture, and provides a couple of instances where the upward-opening crescent can be seen atop mosques

no within illuminated manuscripts dating from this period (Fig. 1.13) . It should be noted, however, that a second illustration of Suleyman's mosque, dated nearly a century later than the first one, depicts this mosque topped by a sphere, and not a crescent (Fig. 1.14). The authors of both these representations are probably Turkish, which further complicates the matter of whether or not the crescent was at this time an architectural feature or rather an ascribed, figurative symbol. Either way, we see an instance of coreferentiality between the crescent and the sphere in this example, where the Turkish author has used both signs to top the mosque. The Mallorcan Joan Martines (1525-1595 AD), the most important Spanish nautical cartographer of this century, uses the crescent in combination with several architectural styles in his vignettes. A legend of can be compiled based on how he configured his heretical spaces on the navigational chart or portolan map of the late 16th Century (Fig. 1.15). At top left, three vignettes demonstrate how Martines illustrates land in Muslim hands. Note the distinct repetition in the buildings he uses for these vignettes, with the exception of Cairo's dome.. At top right are examples of how he would depict the southern Mediterranean coast and North Africa. All have variations of the crescent on flags, instead of using the crescent as an architectural figure. At bottom left is a collection of vignettes for north Eastern Europe, which rests in the hands of the Ottoman Turks. And at bottom right is a collection of vignettes for how Christian cities might be illustrated. None bears the cross, and all have regional flags. We can conclude from these examples of crescent moons and map signs that the crescent on maps is manifested figurally (i.e. as an architectonic feature upon a

87 A catalogue of his work is available in Alexandrine St. Clair. "A Forgotten Record of Turkish Exotica". The Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin. New Series. Vol. 27, #9, 1969 (411-423). 88 Gulru Necipoglu-Kafadar. "Plans and Models in 15th and 16* Century Ottoman Architectural Practice". The Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians. Vol. 45, #3, 1986 (224-243), p. 235 (figs. 17 and 18).

55 building, or a finial) or abstractly (i.e. as a free-floating crescent moon hovering over a city in Muslim hands). Aside from crescents, there are related characteristics that help signify Muslim space, and these characteristics range from towers and finials to the bevelled-edge flag. Referents for indicating Muslim space are then adapted, as we will show, to characterise Protestant space in Europe, Aztec and Incan space in the Americas, and space under siege.

1.7 Coreferentiality: Old and New World Collisions In order to see the representational similarities between a reconquested Granada and Jerusalem during Christ's time, we will need to deconstruct the map sign into parts that are accessible and mapable. The parts of a map sign can be termed referents, and we will see map signs in whole or in part as exculsive indicators of non-Catholic space. Our analysis is guided in part by Alberto Manguel and his comments on how the visual text is read:

Formally, storytelling exists in time, pictures in space. During the Middle Ages, a single painted panel could depict a narrative sequence, incorporating a flow of time into the confines of a spatial frame, as in our modern comic strips, with the same character appearing repeatedly in one unifying landscape as he or she progresses through the picture's plot89.

An example of Manguel's understanding of storytelling via the visual text can be found in the Cantigas de Santa Maria, dating from the mid-13th Century, in that a series of panels illustrated the song lyrics that accompanied the panels. During the 16 Century, and particularly throughout Spain, the Low Lands and Germany, the act of reading the visual text becomes complicated by the imposition of the reader and his role in telling the story. Manguel continues,

With the development of perspective during the Renaissance, pictures froze into a single instant: that of the moment of the viewing as perceived from the standpoint of the viewer. The story was then conveyed by other means:

Alberto Manguel. Reading Pictures. A History of Love and Hate. New York: Random House, 2000 (P- 10).

56 through symbolism, dramatic poses, allusions to literature, titles—that is to say, through what the viewer knew was taking place from other sources .

These 'other sources' will occupy our study of map signs, in that we understand the map to be an expression of multiple texts (visual or otherwise) that are read and understood by the target reader as such. Christopher Plantin alludes to this in his preface to the Theatrum orbis terrarum, when he insists that maps permit the reader to experience places without the dangers of actual travel. Ortelius also concedes that geography is the eye of history, and that his Theatrum places the world upon a stage, permitting the spectator a dual role: to watch and to be watched as an actor upon the stage, while experiencing what Richard Kagan has termed "armchair travel". Time becomes a variable contained within the visual text, which is given by the viewer a "temporal quality of narrative", and "a before and an after"91. We can also argue that space becomes a variable contained within the visual text, because the reader's role as interpreter twins his role as signifier. He and he alone is responsible for the transposition of the Amazons of Russia and Africa to the Americas, or for reading the New World as an Edenic paradise offering all the wonders that the Garden of Eden is thought to own. This is possible through the visual cues or symbolism indicated by Manguel; but, we can be more specific: the sign consists of a series of referents, or visual and textual cues, that in whole or in part signify the sign. The sign can be trope, such as metaphor; it can have physical referentiality, such as a landmass or a building; or, it can own both rhetorical and physical referentialities. It is through this process of signification that the map reader finds similar physical and rhetorical environments between Russia, Africa and South America, in order to make sense of the Amazons occupying these spaces. I have termed this condition coreferentiality, which describes one of two situations. The first situation involves a common environment, as we will find in the Mexico City map series, where the referents change but the meaning does not need to change. In this sense, coreferentiality can describe several different referents that carry the same meaning when placed in the appropriate

90 Manguel, p. 10-11. 91 Manguel, p. 13.

57 context. Second, a specific referent, such as the Amazons or the crescent moon, is found within one type of environment. We will see this type of coreferentiality at the regional scale map of the Americas. Coreferentiality permits the common representation of non-Catholic peoples throughout the lands of Spain, so that Aztecs, Protestants and Muslims share a series of referents that signify their space apart from Catholic space. The reader knew these visual cues, and must have construed the common environments shared between these peoples: conflict with Spain, non-Catholic people or space, or spaces not under imperial control.

1.8 The Multi-Scale Model The development of the multi-scale model is directly influenced by the adaptation of complexity theory for cultural study92, and particularly for Hispanic cultures in history93. This scaling methodology relies upon differences in time, space and rhetorical elements expressed culturally (ie through publications, manuscripts, art, etc). The need to adjust how comparative studies are framed methodologically is nothing less than a response to how we view humanity (and the history of human civilization, broadly understood) within time and space. Therefore, "place and space research presents ample opportunity to fold space and time into substantive areas in a manner that frees research from being trapped at a given level of analysis94". For our study, this suggests that we can combine in various ways time and space in order to focus on expanding upon our analysis of religious representation in Spanish lands without imposing unnecessary (and unknown) limitations upon our analysis. Manson and O'Sullivan continue to explain that "this is particularly useful when addressing emergence, which tends to act at multiple spatial, temporal and societal scales" . Emergence, in this sense, refers to new, collective patterns that can be seen within the

92 Several works address this, including Mark Taylor. The Moment of Complexity. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001; David Byrne. Complexity Theory and the Social Sciences. New York: Routledge, 1998; and Paul Cilliers. Complexity and Postmodernism. New York: Routledge, 1998. 93 As addressed in Juan Luis Suarez. " Hispanic Baroque: A Model for the Study of Cultural Complexity in the Atlantic World." South Atlantic Review Vol. 72.1,2007. 94 S. Manson and D. O'Sullivan. "Complexity Theory and the Study of Space and Place". Environment and Planning A. Vol. 38, 2006 (677-692) p. 684. 95 S. Manson and D. O'Sullivan, p. 684.

58 context of our study . In the chapters that follow, we will see common methods for representing non-Catholic peoples, and this collective representation is unique in the 16l Century due to the specific cultural clashes of that time frame (ie the reformation and counter-reformation, and the conquest and exploration of the Americas). By "fold[ing] time and space", we will compare how non-Catholics in different cultures are represented by Europeans, thereby combining distinct spaces or continents, with the histories relevant to the European cartographers who represent these spaces. John Urry insists that "space and time are now seen as dynamic qualities: when a body moves, or a force acts, it affects the curvature of space and time, and in turn the structure of space-time affects the way in which bodies move and forces

Q7 act" . The notion that space (universal, national, topographical, rhetorical) and time are flexible, or "dynamic", suggests that when we build a comparative model around one or the other, that these elements cannot necessarily be considered constants; rather, time and space are variables. Despite limiting our study to the 16th Century in terms of sources, observations and the import of our conclusions, we nonetheless have to consider what came before and after this time frame. This is necessary, as we have seen above in our exploration of heresy, for situating religious representation in its historical context. Urry continues to explain that "the arrow or flow of time results in futures that are unstable, relatively unpredictable and characterised by various possibilities. Time is both multiple and unpredictable"98. Despite this multiplicity of time that owns no discernable pattern (other than its "flow"), we nonetheless compartmentalise periods and epochs of our history, bracketing these boxes of time with a beginning and an end; we label these boxes baroque, renaissance, or postmodern, etc. Complexity theory attempts to break away from the boxing up of our history, because this type of classification limits from the beginning the sort of analysis and observations that can be made. However, in order to study Spanish culture, we must recognize some limit to the time frame that is studied, in order for the cross section of that culture to be nonetheless 'studiable'. By imposing a time frame as a limit (in our

See works cited above in this section for more detail on emergence in terms of complexity theory. 97 John Urry. "Complexity". Theory, Culture and Society. Vol. 23,2006 (111-117), p. 112. 98 J. Urry, p. 113.

59 case, 1500-1600) for primary study, and by including secondary parameters that exceed this frame (1AD-1499; 1601-present), we will see specific and general patterns in our observations that contextualise one another, while maintaining an open-enough time frame to see patterns emerge that are not compartmentalised and historicised concepts for time. John Urry posits that

complexity examines how components of a system through their interaction 'spontaneously' develop collective properties or patterns, even simple properties such as colour that do not seem implicit, or at least not implicit in the same with, within individual components".

In other words, a complex culture or system consists of several interacting elements that, when studied as a collection of interacting elements, can be observed for the patterns or lack thereof that occur as a result of collective behaviour on the part of these elements. In our case, the complex culture in question is Hispanic culture, and we have imposed a primary time frame of 1500-1600, for the purpose of focusing on emergent, "spontaneous", characteristics of 16th Century Spanish culture. We have further limited the scope of this emergence to primarily negative religious representation within the spatial boundaries of Spain and its territories, in order to guarantee that this cross-section of Hispanic culture is studiable. In theory, future work on this topic could expand spatially, temporally or even culturally, for the purpose of widening the scope of the study. The purpose of the multi-scale model is to manage several different primary and secondary sources, analytical approaches, and manifestations of 16 Century Hispanic Culture, so that overarching patterns or collective behaviour can be identified. Throughout our map study, we will find evidence that signs for Muslim space are adapted to signify non-Catholic space throughout Spanish territory. This is an overarching pattern that would never have been detected without the scaling methodology. In this study, we will experiment with combining several distinct scales. For cartography, we have identified three albeit generalised scales of maps. The the map scale needs to be generalised because we are not interested in the actual

John Urry. "The Complexity Turn". Theory, Culture and Society. Vol. 22, 2005 (1-14) p. 5.

60 proportion (ratio) of the map scale; rather, we are interested in broader differences of magnification, and the effect this has on the articulation of the map sign and the rhetorical argument it expresses. These scales include the local scale, as expressed in the chorographic or detailed view or map; the medium scale, as expressed in the regional or national map (which may contain, instead of one nation, two or three nations); and the world or international scale, as expressed on mappamundis ranging from the the Middles Ages to the world and/or inter-continental scale of map. The map sign changes between the scales; we can identify these changes and find that patterns emerge. Scales of readership and publishing are another form of comparision that we have emphasised in this study. By scaling how broadly a text was read based on its publication history, we can also understand how great an impact the text had on Spanish and European culture in general. In this sense, we have readership ranging from the individual (limited by the individual's experience, or by the text's limited publication), the nation (limited by the language in which the text was published), and the denominational (limited by the intended audience's religious affiliation). Similarly, the primary sources included within this study range from the manuscript map or text, which has a limited cultural impact, due to not being widely published in its contemporary time frame, to the mass-produced text, which had a greater impact on Spanish and European culture. Approximately 34 percent of the maps used in this study are manuscript sources, whereas the rest were published and widely circulated, and thus, widely read. Some of the mass-produced texts were translated into multiple languages, and reproduced in several editions; Hogenberg and Braun's Civitates orbis terrarum is a prime example of this type of text. Furthermore, scales of knowledge must be considered. As we explored in the Introduction, we will place more emphasis on non-specialists in religious studies (ie cartographers and the printing industry), because their representations are indicative of a more broadly-saturated form of religious representation. Such a perspective will lend more authority to the degree of cultural-embeddedness of our conclusions. Finally, and as we have addressed above, scales of time are also addressed in this study, where we have a purposefully limited time frame (1500-1600) and a secondary time frame that is much

61 broader (IAD-1499; 1601-present), for the purpose of being in a position to know if patterns are emergent, or new, to the limited time frame. Scales of time also serve us in the map keys that are provided after this chapter, and in subsequent chapters, particularly since the map legend was not yet a normalised cartographical implement until after the 16th Century. By comparing the use of 16th Century map signs with 'definitions' from the 17th and 18th Centuries, we can furthermore understand how well-embedded our conclusions are within Spanish and European cultures across the centuries. It is also important to highlight that our multi-scale methodology reflects to a degree the construct of the map sign, as outlined in the section dedicated to coreferentiality and and the sign. The meaning of referents, or the signs of which they are a part, are analysed within this study in terms of scale: map scale, readership and publishing scale, time scale, etc, in order to corroborate the meaning behind the referent and/or sign, and its use and popularity. In a similar vein, these referents eventually collate in the 16th Century as collective and coreferential map signs that indicate non-Catholic, Spanish space. When Protestants, Aztecs and Muslims all have the same signification patterns visually and textually, this coreferentiality signals a collective behaviour within the culture as a complex system. This collective behaviour grows out of texts by Spaniards and Europeans who express this coreferentiality, which becomes a symptom of emergence. The multi-scale model can be adapted to the needs of other literary, cultural, and historical studies. As we will see, this model yields definitive results based on multiple primary and secondary resources, and the model is designed to permit subsequent adjustments to the variables (ie time, space, culture) that are limited in order to facilitate meaningful analysis100. For this reason, the multi-scale model could change how we research culture across the disciplines in the future.

We can further classify these variables into two groups: limited variables (such as time, space, culture), where the limitation is purposely imposed as part of the study's methodology; and unlimited variables (such as crescent moons, bevelled-edged flags), that are traced and collated as they occur throughout the text selection.

62 Conclusions Jerusalem, and, from at least the 15th Century onward, Constantinople, are archetypical cities for how we should understand the representation of spiritual space by 16th Century Europeans. Both are historically important to Christendom as a whole: Jerusalem, the city where Christ dies, is occupied by Muslims, playing a role in the allegory revealed in the Book of Revelations; Constantinople, the city of refuge where Jerusalem's relics were stored when it first fell to Islam, has recently fallen to Islam. We will see, particularly throughout our Spain map selection, referents from the representation of these two cities introduced into representations of Spanish cities. This "conceptual blending"101 follows on the heels of the Reconquest and is intended to aggrandise both the Catholic authority of Spanish cities and Spain's inheritance as a Catholic Empire later in the century. Our discussion of heresy and heretical space is meant to prepare us for the encounter with the indigenous peoples of the Americas (particularly the Aztecs and Incas), some of whom live in cities that are respresented as havng Islamic architectural characteristics. A similar pattern appears throughout the terra incognita of both the Americas and Africa, wherein biblical references, monsters, fabulous beasts and mythological characters are common-place. Here, as throughout the lands of the Aztecs and the Incas, we encounter referents that are usually reserved in the medieval mappamundi for Islamic territories throughout the north of Africa and the Middle and Near East. Throughout Europe, Protestant or reformist space is differentiated from Catholic space using a purposeful rhetorical programme that is expressed graphically by both Protestants and Catholics during the conflicts for Reformation and Counter Reformation. At the core of these arguments is the configuration of Islam as an heretical sect that forms after the death of Christ. According to this perspective, Islam is not a different 'religion', not as we would conceive of this distinction today. Rather, Islam

Conceptual blending is a cognitive process by which aspects of different figures (ie metaphors) are introduced into the meaning of an entirely different figure, thereby sharing between all figures common characteristics and meanings. This is developed in the work of Todd Oakley ("Creativity as Projection: Conceptual Integration Networks and Idioms". Conference Proceedings. Computation and Creative Cognition, Dublin City University, Ireland, Sept. 1997) and in Fauconnier and Turner {Conceptual Blending and the Mind's Hidden Complexities. New York: Basic Books, 2002.).

63 would be considered a 'cutting off of Christianity in an historical sense, and just like the Arians or the Nestorians—both heretical sects that formed after Christ—non­ conforming worshiping practices will levy the classification of Islam as an heretical sect. Therefore, it cannot surprise us to find Lutheran heresies in Europe or in Spain described using textual and visual referents normally reserved for Islam. The overall effect of the coreferentiality that emerges between Protestants and Islam at the hands of Spanish cartographers such as Pedro de Medina or Joan Martines, and European cartographers such as Antoine Wyngaerde and Hogenberg and Braun, is a system of representation that is still in use today. We will see this in the exclusive use of roosters or weathercocks to represent Muslims and Protestants in the 16th Century. A similar co-relation develops for these groups in terms of the sphere. Islamic aesthetics cannot be credited with the proliferation of many of the symbols and signs used to signify Islam that we will encounter. Rather, these modes of representation have been manufactured by Catholic hands for Islam, and have subsequently been applied to other groups opposing Catholicism. It is the intent of this study to uncover the most overarching referents that indicate non-Catholic space in Spanish lands, especially where there exists coreferentiality with how Islamic and Protestant, Indigenous, mythological, biblical and unknown lands are signified.

64 2 Africa: Confronting Islam, Eden and the Unknown

The relevance of African lands to the study of how Spanish lands are represented is three fold. First, Spain held territory throughout North Africa, these being mainly port cities facing its own southern coast, such as Ceuta, Melilla, Tunis, among others. Most of Spain's territory or presence in Africa is reflected in the local scale map via chorographic views. Furthermore, the notion that Spain 'held' these territories alone is incorrect, for many of the several attempts to take or retake these cities depended upon other Mediterranean states affected by the Turkish presence along North Africa's coast. A Catholic coalition took and held these territories, which forms a second layer of representation—it is Catholic land. The stretch of Catholic land extends from North Africa eastward throughout the near East, reaching Jerusalem. This entire pathway, from Spain's territories in North Africa to Jerusalem and bounded to the north by lands that push farther north into Russia, is occupied by the Great Turk. Despite this occupation, the pathway toward the Levant is an important route historically for the Catholics, one that is regionally under dispute between North African Muslims and the Ottoman Turks at this time. Tunis, for example, was taken from the North African Muslims later in the 16th Century by the Turks. Regional scale maps reflect this tension between Catholic, North African Muslim and North African Turkish spaces throughout the North of Africa. The third layer of representation applies to the African continent as a whole, and is usually found in biblical and mythological descriptions of these lands, and of terra incognita. In this sense, the interior of Africa becomes associable with places and characteristics reserved for unknown and unknowable territory according to medieval representations for such regions, including references to the Nation of Ham,

65 the Garden of Eden, and other mythos also found in the Far East and the Far North. These are typically found on maps of the continent, which are smaller scale (ie of lesser magnification) maps than those that we usually find of regional and city views of North Africa. References to Eden, or Paradise, usually occur on world maps. In this sense, the world scale map seems to provide an environment within which only certain biblical representations are used. This division of Africa into lands that are relevant to Peninsular Catholics provided us with our African model for scaling local, regional and world representations. This biblical tripartite division of the world, and its application to Africa in particular, is specious to our study because it is the only land of all the Spanish lands that holds such a large quantity of biblical significance. Accordingly, the African continent is an ancient Christian land; to the Spaniards and other European nations, it should be a Catholic land; and of those parts that are hitherto unknown or unknowable, the Christians have applied rhetorical constructs such as allegory and myth in order to account for that land as part of the world schema. An example of such a construct is the legendary Prester John, and the location of the Garden of Eden, which have been located south of the Equator on maps of Africa. The most common Christian legend that mapmakers include during this period is that of Prester John, a Nestorian king who was successful at fighting off the Persians. His legend circulated quite vigorously after the crusaders lost Edessa to the Turks (1144). By other medieval accounts1, however, Prester John's empire was located in India. India in this timeframe was divided into three parts, where 'Middle India' would be found in or near Eastern Africa. India and Africa are also connected by the mythical Nile River. Late medieval travelers noticed the absence of Prester John's territory while traveling throughout India and the Far East, thus enabling its relocation to Africa, where much of the continent was still relatively unexplored by Catholics. Dulcert's 1339 portolan shows Prester John in Africa while accusing the Nubia serracenum of constantly warring with Prester John's Christians .

1 See, for example, Guido de Pisa's c. 1118 work (cited in Relafio, p. 53). 2 Relafio, p. 55-56.

66 Despite being Nestorian, a prototypical heretic faction of Christianity that the Catholics declared heretical during the early years, Prester John's empire was thought to provide protection for the Catholic empire in Europe. For example, it is common to see doors along the Nile along the Egyptian border on maps of the region. These doors regulate the flow of the Nile, so that Prester John can effectuate drought and famine throughout Muslim territory. Unlike Fernandez de Enciso above, who wrote in 1519 that monsters can only be found in fairytales, both the King of Portugal and the King of Spain sent a joint envoy to find Prester John, inviting him to come to the Peninsula. The legend died out significantly after the Iberian kings sent reinforcements into Abyssinia to counter a Muslim attempt to conquest the region ascribed to Prester John. Because the Nile sprouts from Paradise, and because Prester John is commonly thought to live near there, the case for the Garden of Eden in Africa is ripe for consideration3. Several medieval writers place Eden in Africa, including the author of the Libro de conosgimiento (c. 1350-1360), who writes that Paradise is located at the convergence of the Nile's headwaters, or at the Mountains of the Moon. This is where Arnold von Harff (1471-1505 AD) places Paradise in his Pilgrimage, and a mid 15* Century Catalan-authored portolan also locates Paradise in Africa, at the headwaters of the Nile. Furthermore, Albertin Virga (15th Century AD) places Paradise at the southernmost point of the continent. The Catalans in particular have normalized Africa as the location for Paradise because it is associated spatially with the sources of the Nile, all of which are located in Africa on late medieval Spanish maps dating from the 1300s into the 16th Century4. Nonetheless, Paradise still continued to be associated and represented in the Far East. As a result, confusion surrounded where Paradise might be located—in Africa, or in the Far East. The mid- Century mappamundi by Fra Mauro (15th Century AD) puts Paradise in the southeastern corner of his map, far away from the the world's landmasses in the

The overlapping of referents that support Paradise in Africa instead of Asia in connection with Prester John include rivers flowing from Eden, the enclosed nations, monstrous races such as amazones, giants, cannibals, and pygmies. This is explored by M. Barl-Ilan. "Prester John: Fiction and History". History of European Ideas. Vol. 20.1-3 (1995), p. 291-298. 4 Albertin de Virga (c. 1411/1415), published in Atlante Mediceo in the early 15th Century. Relano, p. 124.

67 margin of his map, as if unwilling to declare Eden's location while nonetheless hedging his bets between Africa and the Far East. The Genovese world map (1457) details this choice more fully in a legend over southeastern Africa:

In this region certain ones have depicted the paradise of delights. Others, indeed, have said that it is beyond the Indies to the east. But since that is a representation of cosmographers who have given no description of it, therefore an account of it is here omitted .

The Bible hints at the location of Paradise. Ezekiel 28:13-14 places Eden atop a mountain, and because we know Eden to be inaccessible to humans, this mountain must be inhospitable to human life, or have some other device to keep humans out of Eden. The Mountains of the Moon, in southeastern Africa, is where the Nile has its headwaters; Prester John's territory is nearby, somewhat north of the Mountains of the Moon. Ariosto's Orlando Furioso (c. 1532 AD) places Eden at the Mountains of the Moon, as does Jacob Perez de (15th Century AD) in his Commentaria in Psalmos. This is clearly due to the influence of Ptolemy, whose geographical work had been highly popularized in recent translations into the Western languages. Ptolemy describes the headwaters of the Nile as being in Africa, not in the Far East as was previously thought. Not surprisingly, Vesconte Maggiolo's 1512 Atlas (Chart 4) positions the headwaters of the Nile in southeastern Africa, as will several other cartographers after him6. Genesis 2:8 places Paradise to the East in the Vulgate, Septuagint and modern versions, reading in oriente, kata anatolas and eastward, respectively. Jerome's version, however, trades not upon the spatial meaning, but rather upon the word's temporal meaning of origin, as in in the beginning.7 Augustine clarified that Eden is, in fact, a real and physical place, rather than an allegorical place. The 'Manichaean view' on creation favors the "goodness of visible creation"; this 'goodness' this coincides with confirming the real and physical existence of Eden . In part, this is

5 Translated from the Latin, in Relafio, p. 136. 6Relano,p. 199. 7 Alessandro Scafi. Mapping Paradise. A History of Heaven on Earth. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006. p. 35. 8 Confessions, XI, 3.5.

68 accomplished by combining the literal and the allegorical approaches to Genesis. Such a combination permitted a temporal or historical—and resultantly, a geographical or spatial—context for Eden while maintaining its spiritual and figurative signification9. Eden is both the site of origin and it is located in the East. The real and physical Eden gives referential meaning to the figurative and spiritual. Cartographically, these two modes are united through their referents. Referents for the spiritual or figurative Eden can indicate the physical Eden, and vice versa: the physical Eden might stand beside figurative referents for the Terrestrial Paradise. It is through this coreferentiality that Eden finds itself in Africa instead of in the Far East Isidore de Sevilla and Bede popularized Augustine's view on Eden. In his Etymologies (c. 635), Isidore de Sevilla confirms that Paradise is in the East, somewhere in Asia. It is neither cold nor hot; there are four rivers and Paradise has been surrounded since the Fall by a wall of fire that keeps out both flesh and spirit. Bede adds that Eden is separated from the world by a great sea or landmass, and that its altitude permitted it to survive the Flood10. Peter Lombard (c. 1105-1165 AD) asserts that Paradise reaches to the moon, and on some maps, a lunar sphere represents the allusion. These constructions feed into the Mountains of the Moon as a congenial location for Eden, because the Nile's headwaters spring from here on maps of this period. Pliny the Elder (c. 23-79 AD) brings Eden a little closer to Africa when he confirms that its location is bordered by India, and that the region around Eden is known for its gold. Gold itself has a series of biblical connections associated with it, and when mixed with the African continent, the region becomes sacred territory. Fernando de Pulgar (c. 1436-1493 AD), in the late 15th Century, writes of a West African coastal region rich in gold, and of Spain's acquisition of that gold, concluding that

No sabemos si esta tierra donde este oro se traya fuese la tierra de Tarsis, o la tierra de Ofir, de que face mention la Sacra Escriptura, en

9 Scafi, p. 45-46. 10 In Genesim I, 2.8-12.

69 el Libro ter9ero de los Reyes; de donde trayan al Rey Solomon oro para labra la Casa Santa que labro.

During the later middle ages, thinkers began to remove these physical characteristics from Eden and its location. The 12th Century Glossa ordinaria and Peter Lombard's Senteniae do not appear to change much of what Isidore and Bede have posited, however these do not refer to Eden's environment. Similarly, The Book of Sir John Mandeville (c. 1360) characterizes Paradise as being beyond Cathay, on the crest of a large sea, in terra incognita12. If this sea is the Atlantic, and if Paradise is an island— presuming one does not know yet that the Americas stand between Asia and Europe and Africa—Paradise may be off the coast of, or upon the continent of, western Africa. Bede argues that Eden cannot be located on the Fortunate Islands, which typically are shown up to the 15th Century off the coast of Africa, just south of the Canaries. The Vatican map shows Eden next to the Fortunate Islands and the Hesperides, spaces typically found in the African Atlantic, and it cannot be ignored that the "cupola of the earth" is located at the Canaries, which is thought by a late 16th Century Turkish geographer to be the centre of the earth13. The same Turkish geographer14 places Satan's prison off the coast of Ethiopia15, which he later defines as the "Far East"16. The location of Paradise infers secondary characteristics unique to its immediate region, such as Gog and Magog or the immundae gentes, but also Prester John. The latter in particular joined Paradise in its transposition to Africa, while the former did not make the journey. The Catalan Estense world map (Majorca, c. 1450- 60) shows Paradise in east equatorial Africa, but leaves Gog and Magog in North East

11 In Cronica de los Reyes Catolicos (2 Vols). Ed. Juan de Mata Carrazo. Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1943. p. 281 (Cap. LXXXI, ano 1477). 12 Scafi, p. 47-54. 13 Thomas D. Goodrich. The Ottoman Turks and the New World: A Study of Tarih-I Hind-I Garbi and Sixteenth Century Ottoman Americana. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1990. p. 87. 14 The source for this information is most likely al-Idrisi, a 12* Century Arab geographer who knew Ptolemy's work well. See his Description de I'Afrique et de I'Espagne. Reinhart P A Dozy and Michael J. de Goeje (Eds). Amsterdam: Oriental Press, 1969, especially Premier Climat (Equitorial Africa) 1.2, p. 1. 15 Goodrich, p. 96. 16 Goodrich, p. 125.

70 Asia. This may reflect the notion that Gog and Magog are allegorical peoples, rather than the group of sinful human beings laid down by Augustine17. Because so little was known of Africa beyond the coastal areas—even by the Portuguese—at the close of the 16th Century, it can hardly surprise us that the African regions surrounding the Equator hold the most mythology. The mythology rivals that which is found in the Far East, where the Garden of Eden is also located, and toward the Polar regions, where the climate is inhospitable to humans. On maps such as Waldseemuller's 1507 World Map, Prester John is located in India and the Far East . When Preter John appears in Africa, an overlap of mythos between Africa and the Far East occurs. The two geographical regions must share common elements (or referents) that in representation cause mythos to become interchangeable between these regions19. Ethiopia is where Prester John is depicted. Ethiopia owns some confusion with Far Eastern space, in part because on older maps these regions are significantly closer together than the typical 16th Century map would suggest. In this period, the lower eastern portion of the African continent is referred to as Ethiopia. The key to understanding how these and other representations become interchangeable on world maps lies in how the world itself has been represented up to the medieval period. Eratosthenes (c. 276-194 BC), along with other Greek writers, split the world in two halves, and joined Europe and Africa into one continent, with Asia forming the other. The transition between the world in two parts and the world in three parts can be explained geo-mythologically, if we are to presume that Africa and Europe were once one single and large landmass. That only Herculean force could separate Africa from Europe is a sufficient explanation for how we now have three parts, according to Pomponious Mela20 (1st Century AD), and to the common reference to the Pillars of Hercules at the Gibraltar Strait during and prior to the 16th Century. The tripartite

17 Accordingly, the Asturian Beatus de Liebana (c. 730-800 AD) eliminates Gog and Magog altogether on his world map. 18 Specifically, in Tibet. Waldseemuller marks the spot with a Crusader's cross, and then provides the textual description. See Universalis cosmographia secundum Ptholomaei traditionem et Americi Vespucii aliorufmjque lustrationes. (St. Die, France, 1507). LOC G3200 1507 .W3 Vault. 19 This transference is noted by Kirsten A. Seaver in her study of the Vinland Map {Maps, Myths and Men: The Story of the Vinland Map. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2004, p. 278. 20 Pomponious Mela, De Chorographia I, 5.27.

71 division of the world was finally in accordance with how Christians have come to accept this division, which occurred after the Flood when each of Noah's three children was assigned a piece of the world. Ham, commonly rendered during the middle ages as Cham, received Africa. The nation of Ham is considered by Augustine to be a nation of heretics. Cosmologically, the world could also be conceived in four parts, which mirrors the heavens, but also the four cardinal points, the four humours, the four rivers to Paradise, among other possibilities. Two of these four parts, when presented on maps such as the 11th Century Beatus mappamundi (Fig. 2.1), appear together. Placed beneath Africa, the Antipodes is separated from the continent by the Red Sea. The African continent beneath the Equator and the Antipodes are represented in similar fashions not unlike how the Far East is represented, as both are considered marginally habitable (Southern Africa) or absolutely uninhabitable (the Antipodes) for human beings. If there is life between these two regions, it must not be human. The Antipodes was physically transferred to the lower African continent by the mid to late medieval period, due to Portuguese travel along the coast, which confirmed the absence of a southern landmass. Thus, while the Western world found its fourth part in 1493 , the medieval representations once identified with the fourth part of the world lying beneath Africa still remained in southern Africa, or was transferred to the Americas. The Antipodes represented all that was unchristian and contrasted with that which constitutes Christian space. The Antipodes occupied the outer reaches of the earth, and it was presumed that its inhabitants would not be human. If its inhabitants were not human, then they must be monsters and animals. On the other hand, if these beings were human, they descended from Adam; they could not be monsters. The issue of whether there were humans or monsters in the Antipodes was reconciled by the biblical dispersio apostolorum to all corners of the earth. In theory, the Antipodes needed to be accessible to man in order to spread Christianity, which meant that it might be habitable insofar as man could reach it: all uninhabitable regions must

That is, when Columbus' news finally reached Europe.

72 surround the habitable regions. For this reason, Africa and the Antipodes formed the southern edge of the world22. If the habitable earth must be enclosed by the uninhabitable regions, or those regions unreachable by the Apostles, then monsters and the monstrous must have been confined to unknown or unknowable spaces. This once described the Antipodes, and the edges of the Earth. However, it began to also characterize spaces that humans could not occupy within the habitable zone, such as those with hostile climates, isolated islands, mountain tops, deserts, etc. Hence confined, the Antipodeans, or the monsters, share some striking characteristics with Alexander the Great's shut-in or enclosed nations, among which Gog and Magog are found . Gog and Magog are used by medieval writers for the purpose of representing the alien, to which their Latin title immundae gentes, or unclean people, alludes. But Gog and Magog are also employed in situations where a united front is required in order to face them. In this way, Gog and Magog inspire unification among Christians; this appears to be a common motivation in medieval writers24. Furthermore, Gog and Magog will "surround" (Rev 20:8) the Christians during the apocalypse. This verse refers to either the monstrous races living about the perimeter of the inhabitable world, or to an encroachment of Christianity's enemies leading up to the Apocalypse. Middle age writers associate Gog and Magog with monsters, three headed beasts, and giants. Victor I. Scherb explains that "the identification of them with 'pollution' implicitly defines a boundary between acceptably human and monstrous behaviour". Coupled with their descending from Nimrod, they become known as a barbarous people lacking civilization or order25. Allegorically, immundae gentes applies to all of Christendom's enemies, but also to all non-Christians, such as the indios of the New World and to Jews.

Francesc Relafto. The Shaping of Africa. Cosmographic Discourse and Cartographic Silence in late Medieval and Early Modern Europe. Burlington (Vt): Ashgate, 2002. p 24. Gog and Magog are potentially a ubiquitous (if apocalyptic) race, because they exist at the four corners of the earth, as Revelations 20:7 tells us, and for Augustine's influential belief that they are allegorical races that represent evil humans. Victor I. Scherb. "Assimilating Giants: The Appropriation of Gog and Magog in Medieval and Early Modern England". Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 32:1, Winter 2002 (59-84). p. 59- 60. 25 Scherb, p. 62-63.

73 Similarly, we commonly see Patagonians or giants illustrated in the southern­ most Mountains of South America, where it was thought humans could not live. Monsters in the extreme regions of the Earth would live in and beyond India, Libya (Africa), Ethiopia, and eventually South America. Throughout Libya and Ethiopia, Pygmies and Troglodytes (hole-creepers) are typical of the monsters found in arid lands characteristic of the southern regions. The monsters that live in the uninhabitable sphere can also migrate to the habitable sphere, finding a suitable environment in areas inclement to humans. Isidore de Sevilla writes that Antipodeans, which he defines as a race with backward feet, can be found in Libya (southwestern Africa)26. The front between humans and monsters does not stop in Libya, which bounded Ethiopia from the West. Citing biblical and medieval apocryphal accounts of Cain, along with Cain's punitive deformation with horns, Francesc Relano reminds us that Noah's son Ham eventually acquired some of the same traits ascribed to Cain, so that "there existed certain bonds of similarity between Cain's and Ham's fate [...]

97 transforming Noah's son into a sort of postdiluvian analogue of Cain" . It was a common myth that Ham's grandson Nimrod had horns, red eyes, and deformities. He was also thought to be the father of all Africans, and thus from Ham descended the monstrous races of Africa. In a sense, Cain's monstrous deformities meant that monsters could still be descended from Adam, while being in some sense human. This is the only form of monstrous hybrid human being that is reconciled with all biblical accounts for creation by the Christian god, known as the immundae gentes. It should also be noted that Genesis 4:14 is often used by Christians to explain how descend from Cain and later Ishmael, oldest son of Abraham, through Ham, father of Canaan (Genesis 9:18). Genesis 4:14 is especially popular because it describes Cain's descendents as nomadic, a common stereotype of Muslims and Africans during the middle ages28. Accordingly, Christians would descend from

26 Isidore de Sevilla. Etymologies. XI, 3.24. See Relano, p. 28-32. 27 Relano, p. 34. This stereotype is explored generally in Israel Gershoni. Egypt, Islam and the Arabs: The Search for Egyptian Nationhood. New York: Oxford University Press, 1987, esp. p. 104, and Jonathan Porter Berkey. The Formation of Islam: Religion and Society in the Near East, 600-1800. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003, p. 119.

74 Cain's brother, Abel, and from Isaac. But, Cain and any of his descendents were cleared off the face of the earth during the Flood. As a result of the Flood, no deformed human-monsters should populate the earth. Yet, by ascribing some of Cain's traits to Ham's line, including Augustine's charge of heresy and Nimrod's legendary physique, not only are these monsters and the monstrous reintroduced after the Flood, but they have become—like the Antipodeans—what the Christians are not and do not want to be. They are also specified as Jewish, Arab or Muslim, and most broadly as un-Caucasian. These are characteristics that one generally will not associate with the medieval Christian. Similarly, the monstrous live where the Christians cannot or do not want to live. As a cartographical concept reserved for unknown spaces, we will see the monstrous races descended from Ham well into the 16th Century in the works of Sebastian Miinster (1488-1552 AD) and Peter Apian (1495-1552'AD), among others. It is important to note that the connection between the monstrous and terra incognita is discovered to exist in North and South America in the 16* Century, highlighting some of the shared elements that these regions have in common during this period. A different attitude toward Africa and its unknown parts also emerged in the 16 Century, and it ran counter to what has been discussed thus far. Spanish thinkers such as Martin Fernandez de Enciso (c. 1470-1528 AD) argued against the existence of the monstrous African races, as did Luis Marmol de Carvajal (c. 1520-1600 AD) in his De la Description General de Affrica. Both cited eye-witness accounts and reports by Muslim and Portuguese travelers as evidence that the monstruous races did not exist. Despite their skepticism, however, few of the 16* Century maps of Africa that will be studied remove the monstrous races or warnings of monsters from sub- equatorial Africa. A few centuries after Beatus, the disappearance of Gog and Magog from the world map would also reflect an evolution within the cartographic representation of the 1400s. It can be argued that the diachronic or historicizing representation that once included Gog and Magog had been or was about to be supplanted by the synchronic and contemporary representation that demonstrated knowledge was

75 known at the moment that the map is produced . The synchronic representation appears more authoritative and technologically advanced than the diachronically represented map. The synchronic representation focuses on new information to the exclusion of antiquated information, or it employs new technologies to the exclusion of antiquated technologies. In the former sense, we can point to Waldseemuller's 1507 map of the world, where not only are the Americas named, but also, only the portions that have been somewhat explored are shown to exist and shape the Americas. It is telling that the sliver that is North America includes terra incognita, and that it occupies a fraction of this space, thereby emphasizing what is known over that which is unknown. Several new technologies were introduced throughout the 16 Century, which included: printing techniques (i.e. woodcuts versus copperplate prints); representational techniques (i.e. cartographical projections, from Ptolemy to Mercator); and innovations (i.e. rhumb lines, geographical knowledge). This separation of "geography of the moment" from "historical geography" changes cartography in the late 15th Century. The popularization of Ptolemy, of mathematical methods within cartography, and the development of the known world as a whole, turned away from historical and/or mythological representations and rather emphasized and limite the map to contemporary representations. Thus, Eden did not figure as much into the contemporary picture of the world, because it was not a place where man could venture or live. By the mid 16th Century, and in part due to Pope Pius IPs work in the mid 15l Century, Eden is again reintroduced upon the earth. This time, however, it can be found in Mesopotamia which, conveniently-enough, is occupied by non-Christians and will have to be reconquested. According to the body of work over which Pius II laboured, Eden had been inundated in the Flood, and was then overgrown and unrecognizable30. It is thanks to Pius II that a different way of conceptualizing the unreachable and uninhabitable spiritual space is understood. This is accomplished by questioning mankind's collective knowledge to know it upon seeing it. Not unlike

Zur Shalev hints at this with respect to "synchronic knowledge" and the iteration of history (through objects). See Zur Shalev. "Sacred Geography, Antiquarianism and Visual Erudition: Benito Arias Montano and the Maps of the Antwerp Polyglot Bible". Imago Mundi 55.1 2003 (p.56-80), p. 73. 30 Scafi, p. 262-263.

76 the ring of fire that surrounded Eden in earlier times, Pius II believes a knowledge barrier prevented mankind from finding and entering Eden. By placing the burden of ignorance upon man, the temptation to invalidate Eden's existence was removed. We encounter Pius II's conclusions echoed in the Ortelius map of Syria (1584) on the Pilgrimage of Paul, but also in Paolo Forlani (1566), and in an earlier Ortelius map (1579). On the other hand, by allowing Eden to be unknowable but nonetheless reachable, Paradise could be thought of as a state of being experienced by Adam and Eve before the Fall. This sort of thinking reflects the spread of Reformation during the 16 Century. The state of being would apply to all the Earth, just as the Fall applied to all of humanity. Juan de Pineda (1558-1637 AD) holds this view31, and Luther agreed with this position32. John Calvin (1509-1564 AD), however, supported the notion that Paradise should be found in the Middle East33, and is credited with taking the medieval representation of Eden from the world scale of map to the medium scale of the regional map. The effect of this movement from world scale maps to the medium or regional scale is an instant schism between Eden and the world. Eden becomes localizable and physically represented on the regional map, rather than as an allegorical or abstract construction that may or may not apply universally on the world scale map. In one sense, Eden looses its context in terms of the world as a whole, while in another sense, the medium scale map encourages Eden to be interpreted literally, not allegorically. On Calvin's 1553 map, Paradise is still not illustrated, but rather referents such as the four rivers are shown, and upon seeing

31 Juan de Pineda's idea that the terrestrial paradise encompassed the entire world is explained by Jean Delumeau thusly: "If the original sin had not been committed, the innocent human race would nonetheless have multiplied. How could it have been housed in the narrow space of an enclosed garden?" For an overview, see Jean Delumeau. History of Paradise: The Garden of Eden in Myth and Tradition. Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2000, p. 151. 32 This is true for how Luther views the Fall as applying to all of humanity; Luther's understanding of social organization in terms of the Fall implies the universality of Eden as a space. For an overview, see Stephen Blake Boyd. Redeeming Men: Religion and Masculinities. Louisville: Westminster John Knox Press, 1996, esp. p. 19. 33 Calvin places Eden here due to the presence of the and the Euphrates. We can conclude, therefore, that geographical characteristics justified its placement, thereby emphasising the regional scale (in which rivers have a greater importance) over the world scale map. See Philip Almond. Adam and Eve in Seventeenth-Century Thought. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999, p. 80-81.

77 the rivers, the reader is to understand where Paradise is located . When Paradise is allegorically inferred or allegorically interpreted, it is inferred within an historical context. This suggests that synchronic maps can contain historical spaces: a technologically-current map can contain historical referents that help describe the lands represented, but they do not influence the overall representation as a whole. Further to this, the notion that a synchronic map produced in the 15th or 16th Century could be considered anything but diachronic in value, for its multiple layers of history, is a reality for any investigator 500 years after the map's initial publication. One of the founders of the field of history of cartography, David Woodward, seems to warn us of this difference when he insists that "a map does not by its nature have to represent a asynchronous scene but may be a many-layered accumulation of historical events as well as objects in geographical space"35. The mythological Africa has both positive and negative representations; examples of the latter range from monsters to heretical Muslim space. 16th Century Spanish characterizations of North Africans in particular are negative. Textual rhetoric against Muslims in general, including the Moors, but also against anyone from Africa, is rampant throughout 16th Century Spain. In part, this is intended as a strategy for converting North African Muslims to Christianity; however, it also serves to disparage and constantly re-construct one's enemy. During this time, Spanish Catholics thought Egypt to be the seat of the Muslim authority that ministered to the 16in Century morisco population. Bernardo Perez de Chinchon (d. 1556 AD), in his Antialcorano (Valencia, 1532), prepared several sermons against the Egyptians and directed at the "nuevamente convertidos" moriscos of Valencia, Aragon and Granada36. He claims that "los de tierra de egipto adoravan las cebollas"37, and he further characterises

destos negros que traen de las indias y de guinea y de gelofe y manolinga: que no saben que es dios ni ques ley ni para que nascieron:

34 Scafi, p. 264-270. David Woodward. "Reality, Symbolism, Time, and Space in Medieval World Maps". Annals of the Association of American Geographers. Vol. 75, #4, 1985 (510-521). p. 511. 36 Bernardo Perez de Chinchon. Antialcorano. Didlogos Christianos. Alicante, 2000. 37 PeYez de Chinchon, p. 90 (1st Sermon).

78 ni si ay parayso ni infierno porque en sus tierras no les ensefiaron nada desto38.

Spaniards such as Perez de Chinchon do not differentiate between different Muslim groups (i.e. North African Muslims and Ottoman Turks). He also compared Indigenous Americans to South Africans when he insisted that they have no concept of God, law or the nature of things. But, skin colour did become a second referent for identifying religious space (for both Indigenous Americans and South Africans), if races are represented as being in sync with religious classifications. Perez de Chinchon's refers to Muslims worshiping or enjoying to eat onions. The characterization of 'onion-lovers' is clearly intended to undermine Islam as a faith of reason, practiced by reasonable men and women. Perez de Chinchon may also be playing on a perceived ignorance among the Hispano-Muslim population of Islam. The representation of African spaces and mythologies will appear throughout our map selection. The study of African maps follows both thematically and according to map scale. We will pay particular attention to conflict between Spain and North Africa at the local (chorographic) level, and we will explore in greater depth how Africa as a continent is assumed within the concept of Catholic space, especially at the regional and international map scale.

2.1 Local Scale Maps of North African Cities

2.1a Spanish-Catholic Conquests and the Islamic City Spanish and Portuguese cities, not including those represented as under siege, along the North African coast are all partly inhabited by Moors, or have been recently taken from the Moors, and nearly all line the coast that skirts the Kingdom of Morocco. Azemmour39 is near the Atlantic coast, fed by the Oum Er-Rbia, and lies south of Casablanca. It is a conquested Muslim city built by the same culture that constructed many cities of Andalucia. In the early 16th Century, the Portuguese who occupied the city lost interest in the city, but it is an excellent example of the sort of

Perez de Chinchon, p. 132 (6 Sermon). Hogenberg and Braun. Azaamurum (Morocco). Civitates orbis Terrarum (Latin Ed., 1572).

79 architecture that we shouldl also see throughout the south of Spain. Tall minaret-style towers capped off with domes dot the city's perimeter, which consists of a rather large castle (Fig. 2.2). The most prominent of these owns the label Templum D. Virginis. In the background at left is a hermitage on a hill, hidden by the trees, a common feature of Muslim cities represented by Christian authors. A second Portuguese city is Casablanca40, which Hogenberg and Braun show to be destroyed as a result of a late 15th Century Portuguese incursion. The buildings and towers are broken, and the minaret-style watch towers can be distinguished among the rubble,

Fig. 2.1: 11 CBeatus Map (Recreation). Fig. 2.2: Hogenberg and Braun. Azaamurum (Morocco). Civitates, Vol. 1, 1572.

Fig. 2.3: Hogenberg and Braun. Casablanca Fig. 2.4: Hogenberg and Braun. Tzaffin (Morocco). Civitates, Vol. 1, 1572. (Morocco). Civitate, Vol. 1, 1572.

as can some mosque type domical buildings within the city walls. The map's authors intended for this religious infrastructure to be depicted in such a state (Fig. 2.3). Nearby is Safi41, where the Portuguese again attempted conquest, which flourished in the 16 Century under Islamic control. Hogenberg and Braun provide us with a view of a typical north western African Muslim city (Fig. 2.4). Its minarets rise tall into

40 Hogenberg and Braun. Casablanca (Morocco). Civitates orbis Terr arum (Latin Ed., 1572). 41 Hogenberg and Braun. Tzaffin (Morocco). Civitates orbis Terr arum (Latin Ed., 1572).

80 the sky, each capped with domes; outside the city is a hermitage, and in the foreground stand a Muslim man and woman, placed there to prevent Muslims from reading this map, as was customary. Even more Islamic in character is the city of Sale42, attacked by the Spanish in the late middle ages, but not conquered. It consists of a new and old city in the 16th Century, Sala vetus and Sala nova. The Salavetus

Fig. 2.5: Hogenberg and Braun. Sala (Morocco). Fig. 2.6: Hogenberg and Braun. Tanger (Morocco). Civitates, Vol. 1, 1572. Civitates, Vol. 1,1572.

Fig. 2.7: Hogenberg and Braun. Septa Fig. 2.8: Hogenberg and Braun. Algiers (Algeria). (Morocco). Civitates, Vol. 1, 1572. Civitates, Vol. 2, 1575.

appears to be larger, with many open spaces, and contains a Castrum, and what appears to be a mosque (Fig. 2.5). Dividing the two cities is the river that brings in traffic from the Atlantic, and on the bank of which sits the Batheum ethiopum, a squat domical structure. The textual description of the baths as being Ethiopian is important for reminding us of how large a geographic area this term once spanned. The Sala noua has more towers, and the streets are closer together. Closer to the

Hogenberg and Braun. Sala (Morocco). Civitates orbis Terr arum (Latin Ed., 1572).

81 Strait is Tanger , which was held by the Spanish and Portuguese from the late 15 Century, and throughout the 16th Century. Hogenberg and Braun credit the Portuguese for holding the city, and this is indicated in some text that credits the Portuguese king with raising a castle in the foreground. Behind the castle, toward the back of the city is the Domus Praefecti, where the Christian administration can be found. To the right of this is a Muslim quarter, which appears to occupy half the domiciles shown to be within the city's walls. This is clearly the Muslim quarter because it boasts a minaret, with a rounded roof, and toward the back is a second tower that is topped by a crescent moon (Fig. 2.6). The crescent is unusual this far North West. Last, while Ceuta is currently a Spanish territory was held by the Portuguese when the draft of this map44 was produced, which shows not just the Portuguese outpost, but its Muslim heritage in the two standing minarets, at the map's centre (Fig. 2.7). These views have shown us how non-Turkish hybrid Muslim space is represented just to the south of Spain at the chorographic level. All of these cities have demonstrated conquested or reconquested space as a result of Catholic-Muslim conflict during the preceeding century. Subsequently, the representation of these cities reflects both cultures architecturally at the chorographic level. Some of these architectural details will reappear in our Spanish map selection, as Spain's Muslim or morisco population descends in large part from this region of Africa, and these cultures share many traditions.

2.1b Muslim Cities During and after the Reconquest, and especially due to Spain's trade relationships along the Northern coast of Africa, fleeing moriscos sought refuge in Muslim strongholds such as Algiers. Justino Antolinez de (1561-1644 AD), in his Historia eclesidstica de Granada, written at the turn of the century, revealed the Spanish insecurity about the expatriated Muslims joining forces with the North

Hogenberg and Braun. Tanger (Morocco). Civitates orbis Terr arum (Latin Ed., 1572). Hogenberg and Braun. Septa (Morocco). Civitates orbis Terr arum (Latin Ed., 1572).

82 African Muslims and the Ottoman Turks, uniting against Spain . Hogenberg and Braun's Algiers46, which is after Antonio 's 1541 version, depicts almost all towers with both rounded cupolas with crescent moons extended from them. This form of representation is quite different from how the North African cities in the previous section were represented. We also know that the population of cities such as Algiers are mixed Turkish, North-African Muslim, and Hispano-Muslim. Yet, only the most powerful of these three groups receive map signs. Salamanca's map came on the heels of a difficult loss for Charles V, when he had attempted to take Algiers. The tallest of these towers is described as the Moschea maggior detta il Giumma, doue concorre tutto il populo de mori. However, these are not religious buildings alone that have been depicted as having a crescent above the cupola (Fig 2.8). The baths also feature the cupola-crescent combination, as do all governmental buildings, such as the New Castle, the King's Sepulchre, and the Alcazaba. As a trading town,

Fig. 2.9: Hogenberg and Braun. Alexandria Fig. 2.10: Heinrich Bunting. World map, in (Egypt). Crvitates.Vol. 2, 1575. Based on Pierre Itinerarium Sacrae Scriptura ... (Magdeburg, Belon du Mans, Voyage en Egypte, 1547. 1581).

Algiers also had Christian baths, which are not topped with a crescent. This pattern suggests that the crescent is used to indicate Turkish and/or Muslim territory in general, and may not point exclusively to religious space. A large crescented flag

45 Justino Antolinez de Burgos. Historia eclesidstica de Granada (c. 1597-1611). Ed. Manuel Sotomayor. Granada: Universidad de Granada, 1996. p. 255. 46 Hogenberg and Braun. Algiers (Morocco). Civitates orbis Terrarum. (Latin Ed., 1575).

83 flaps in the wind above the city, which supports our theory that the bevelled edged flag only appears in territory under dispute or within enemy territory. Another city disputed by Catholics and Muslims is Alexandria, taken by the Turks in the early 16th Century. By the year 1200 it was "en poder de moros", according to Antolinez de Burgos . This great city is depicted by Hogenberg and Braun from the Nile's entry into the city from the south48. Once again, the authors rely upon the crescent and cupola to demonstrate the religious orientation of the city, but with some differences. To the west of the city there is a mosque, so labelled, that appears to be a mere ruin of a mosque, for it opens into the open air. In the neighbourhoods that spread from west to east, several domes can be seen, but few have crescents. In fact, the majority of the crescented towers are located in the city's centre (Fig. 2.9). Labelled the Domus Alexandre magni, it is clearly a mosque, behind which a grander version with four spires with one central cupola off of which a bulbous dome rises to support the crescent can be found. In the foreground, some Christian boats approach some Muslim boats near Alexandria's port, beside which two Muslim men appear to be welcoming them with their arms wide open. Alexandria is also depicted on Heinrich Bunting's map of the world, which he produced to accompany his biblical text49. It emphasises the tripartite division of the world, with Jerusalem at the trifoliate shape's centre. Highly medieval, it is nonetheless intended to be didactic, and Alexandria—one of Christendom's oldest cities in Africa—is illustrated here as a Muslim city, complete with minaret style towers topped off with domes (Fig. 2.10). This is the only vignette that represents a Muslim city in this fashion. A comparison of Bunting's thematic world map and Hogenberg and Braun's vista demonstrates that the two cities use the cupola to illustrate the city. The cupola is a visual referent that, between the scales, represents Muslim space within Africa. As we move east through North Africa, we have already noted the use of the crescent moon at Algiers and Alexandria, but not in the North West. This is due to

Justino Antolinez de Burgos, p. 74. 48 Hogenberg and Braun. Alexandria (Egypt). Civitates orbis Terrarum (Latin Ed., 1575); based on Pierre Belon du mans, Voyage en Egypte, 1547. 49 Heinrich Bunting. World map, in Itinerarium Sacrae Scriptura... (Magdeburg, 1581).

84 architectural influences from the Middle and Far East, and these differences are even more pronounced at Cairo. Subtitled by Hogenberg and Braun Babylon50, the landscape is different in part due to the pyramids that dot the region surrounding the city, but also, it is here that we see the galvanized introduction of the bulbous, onion- shaped dome that we did not see in West Africa on the local scale. However, the onion-shaped dome is topped by the sphere, not the crescent (Fig. 2.11). This is an indication of the age of this represented architecture. The crescent does not appear in Egypt as an architectural ornament until later in the Middle Ages. Before the crescent moon, other finials were used to cap off a building; these included the sphere, rooster and trefoil. Bertelli's version of the city, titled La gran citta del Cairo (1575),

Fig. 2.11: Hogenberg and Braun. Cairo (Egypt). Fig. 2.12: F. Bertelli. La gran citta del Cairo CivitatesMol. 1, 1572. After Matteo Pagano, c. (1575). 1549.

also uses spheres atop the buildings, although at times they appear to be crescents due to the author's attempt to illustrate the sphere reflecting light. On the other hand, Bertelli may in fact have drawn some crescents where Turkish presence is indicated upon his map, especially around the perimeter of the city (Fig. 2.12). This map is evidently based on Hogenberg and Braun's Matteo Pagano-inspired version, all of which employ the bulbous tower that is similar to the Flemish-style tower in

50 Hogenberg and Braun. Cairo (Egypt). Civitates orbis Terr arum (Latin Ed., 1572), after Matteo Pagano, c. 1549.

85 Protestant Europe and the mudejar-style tower throughout the South of Spain. As a result of this repeated visual referent, we will find the bulbous tower to be a coreferential characteristic that links non-Catholic space in conflict with Catholic Spain.

2.1c Cities under siege Maps that illustrate cities represented under siege strongly express a plot upon the map. This sort of map or view does not appear in Spain's map selection. However, we will see some indications of attacks throughout our European map selection, there representing the Protestant-Catholic conflicts of the 16th Century. Throughout North Africa, however, the chorographic views of cities under siege provide more support for referents such as the bevelled edged flag functioning as exclusive descriptors for non-Catholic space. Tunis is frequently illustrated when it is under siege, rather than when it is at peace. A Muslim settlement for centuries, Tunis was taken by the Spanish and then formally retaken by the Turks later in the 16th Century. Hogenberg and Braun

Fig. 2.13: Hogenberg and Braun. Tunes (Tunisia). Fig. 2.14: Hogenberg and Braun. Tunes urbs Civitates, Vol. 2, 1575. After Jan Vermeyen's (Tunisia). Civitates, Vol. 2, 1575. After a late work of 1536. 16th Century Italian engraving.

published two versions of this map in the second volume of the Civitates orbis Terrarum, the first of which predates Turkish rule in the city, and is based on a Dutch

86 engraving of 153651. The cartouche at the top reads that in 1535, Charles V conquered the city. Behind the Muslims in the foreground is a band of Turks on horseback, all carrying shields with the triple crescent figure popular in Christian works dating from medieval times (Fig. 2.13). The city itself is large and sprawling, and its domical structures are topped by spheres, not crescents. The sphere indicates non-Turkish Muslims, while the crescent is reserved for the Ottoman Turks, as we will see in Hogenberg and Braun's second Tunis map. In the second map52, a different Tunis is presented to the reader, this time under siege by the Turks, who are aiming their weapons at the Christians. The cartouche at bottom left describes the new fortifications that Philip II hispan: regi has made to counter the Tvrcis et mavris Selimo at this battle, which began in 1573. The Turkish fleet is in the foreground with crescents emblazoned on the boats, on flags, and as decoration (Fig. 2.14). They are heading toward two camps that will place them on either side of the city, and these camps are labelled Castra Tvrcica.

1 — ! !| -»* - - •*/; - 1 • i 4 • * '

t >\

Fig. 2.15: Hogenberg and Braun. Tunes urbs Fig. 2.16: C. Adrichem. Breve descrizione de (Tunisia). Civitates, Vol. 2, 1575. After a late Gerusalemme (Verona: Marc Antonio Palazzolo, 16 Century Italian engraving. 1590), Italian ed., translated from Latin edition, 1584.

Their tents are topped by crescents, and this design is identical to those employed for the Assyrian camps used around Old Jerusalem on maps of this period (Figs. 2.15 and

Hogenberg and Braun. Tunes (Tunisia). Civitates orbis Terrarum, (Latin Ed., 1575), after Jan Vermeyen's work of 1536. Hogenberg and Braun. Tunes urbs (Tunisia). Civitates orbis Terrarum, (Latin Ed., 1575), after a late 16* Century Italian engraving.

87 2.16). These identical map signs result in the comparison of the pre-Musim Assyrians and the Ottoman Turks. This particular tent configuration is a coreferential characteristic shared between enemies of Christians during Christ's time and the 16* Century. The Christian fort in front of the city is named for several saints whose protection the Christians seek in battle. The Turks have yet to break through Span's second line of defence at the new fort that sits immediately beside the city. Like its besieged counterpart, the fort is also named for the protection of the saints. Behind this sprawls the city of Tunis, which appears much the way it does in the first map. Another city of Tunisia that is under dispute is Mahdia53. This Muslim town was taken by the Ottomans in the 16th Century, which is the period that Hogenberg and Braun appear to have recorded on their map. The fight by land and sea has spread to within the city's walls. The city's architecture is distinctly eastern, in that the bulbous, onion-shaped dome topped with a crescent is the most prominent building of this vista (Fig. 2.17). Beside it is a rounded minaret topped with a sphere. Crescented flags fly from the city's walls and several other sphere-topped domes dot the city in and amongst the fighting. It is here that a coreferentiality is cemented between the crescent moon, the sphere and the cupola for the signification of Islamic space. Returning to Algiers, Sebastian Miinster depicts an attempt by Spain to retake the city in the early 16th Century54. The map is centred on the main castle topped by a sphere from which extends a crescent moon opening toward the sky. Below the castle is the city, surrounded by its protective walls from which cannon balls are issued at the encroaching Christian enemy. The castle door has a similar crescent raised above it, and spheres dot the top of buildings within the city walls. The building behind this front gate has a crescent moon-shaped window or a plaque of that shape (Fig. 2.18). This seems to echo other representations by this cartographer, particularly of his Jerusalem vista published in the same volume, and should be noted and looked for as part of his style. The crescent, when used as a finial, is an architectural feature of the vista. However, when it is used as a plaque upon the wall,

53 Hogenberg and Braun. Mahdia (Tunisia). Civitates orbis Terrarum, (Latin Ed., 1575), after Juan Christoval Calvete's woodcut De Aphrodisio expugnata (Antwerp, 1551). 54 Sebastian Minister. Algiers (Algeria). Cosmographiae Universalis (Latin Ed.) Basel: H. Petri, 1550.

88 it is a decorative feature of the vista. This last form of crescent may be more abstract than physical in terms of the representation, and is included within the vista as an unarchitectural, abstract map sign designating Muslim space abstractly.

Fig. 2.17: Hogenberg and Braun. Mahdia Fig. 2.18: Sebastian Minister. Algiers (Algeria). (Tunisia). Civitates, Vol. 2, 1575. After Juan Cosmographiae Universalis (Latin Ed.) Basel: H. Christoval Calvete's woodcut De Aphrodisio Petri, 1550. expugnata (Antwerp, 1551).

Further west of Algiers, we encounter Penon de Velez de la Gomera, which was wrested from the hands of Algerian corsairs in 1508. Catholic control was once again lost, in 1522. After several attempts by Charles V and Phillip II to recapture the town, cartographer Antoine Wyngaerde (1525-1571 AD) accompanied Phillip IPs fleet from Malaga to Penon de Velez in order to capture the ensuing battle as part of a collection of Spanish city views he was preparing for his king55. The same year, 1564, Wyngaerde produced two drawings, forming a before and after view of the siege. Before the siege56, various encampments of mows are indicated upon the map, and above each of these labels is a crescent and a star (Fig. 2.19). We have yet to see

55 R. Kagan argues that these drawings served to glorify the victory for Philip II, and it is for this reason that Philip II sent him to Penon for the siege. In R. Kagan (1989), p. 228. 56 R. Kagan (1989), p. 229-230.

89 the crescent and the star combined as a map sign. Today, this combination would indicate Turkish space, but during the 16th Century, this symbol was not used. The Catholic fleet fills the foreground while a few ships closest to land fly the crescent. At bottom left is the descriptive text, "diosles bateria un dia natural y la manana no avia niguna en el pennon sino pocos turcos por q s huyeron". After the siege57, Turkish and Moorish flags have vanished, and the text mows appears, without the crescent and without the flags, above a group of horsemen charging one last time toward a Catholic camp. The mosque, and its domed minaret, are still standing, but they appear to be surrounded by Catholic soldiers (Fig. 2.20). Three years later, Wyngaerde would depict the African Coast58 between Pefion de Velez and Ceuta, where several ships—presumeably Corsairs or Turks—are shown sinking and on fire off Gibraltar. This map series allows us to conclude that when threats are neutralised, as was the case with the North African and Turkish forces, the map signs used to indicate Muslim forces are deleted from the scene. When the negative map signs are present, this is an indication of space in conflict with Spain, or space in conflict with the empire.

Fig. 2.19: (Before) Wyngaerde. Pefion V61ez de la Fig. 2.20: (After) Wyngaerde. Pefion Velez de la Gomera (1564). R. Kagan (1989), p. 229-230. Gomera (1564). R. Kagan (1989), p. 231.

R.Kagan(1989),p.231. c. 1567, in R. Kagan (1989), p. 282.

90 2.2 Local Scale Maps of Continental and sub Equatorial Africa Located in Kenya, Mombaza was frequented by both Spanish and Portuguese travellers throughout the 16th Century. Hogenberg and Braun's view59 uses mudejar architectural style in their vista. The character of this city is represented as Islamic or Moorish in nature, for the skyline is identical to that which we would find in a southern Spanish city or in the Spanish . Several tall, thin minaret-style towers dot the cityscape, with conical, sphere-topped roofs, or rounded, domical and sphere-topped roofs, or bulbous, domical roof structures (Fig. 2.21). The variety is far greater than that which we would see in any Spanish city with mudejar architecture. As a non-Catholic space that exhibits referents used in Muslim space, we can conclude that the Mombaza vista extends the previously-developed coreferentiality to include non-Catholic space in general. This is also seen at Kilwa, Tanzania, which was settled by Iranians and Arabs, and became a centre for Christian commerce in the 16th Century. Hogenberg and Braun's map60 demonstrates its heritage with the domical roof topped with sphere and the conical minaret topped with sphere and flag (Fig. 2.22). Both of these towns are trading towns along the route that circumnavigates Africa, and the mixed representations that we find in these two examples are not unlike mixed representations that we will see throughout the

Fig. 2.21: Hogenberg and Braun. Mombaza (Kenya). Fig. 2.22: Hogenberg and Braun. Kilwa Civitates, Vol.1, 1572. (Tanzania). Civitates, Vol.1, 1572.

Hogenberg and Braun. Mombaza (Kenya). Civitates orbis Terr arum, (Latin Ed., 1572). Hogenberg and Braun. Kilwa (Tanzania). Civitates orbis Terrarum, (Latin Ed., 1572).

91 Netherlands. In the Netherlands, the cities are represented as both Protetant and Catholic, and I believe Mombaza and Kilwa to be represented similarly, as was the south of Spain during this period.

2.3 Regional Scale Maps

2.3a Regional Scale Maps above the Equator Waldseemuller's 1513 Tabula Moderna Prime Partis illustrates North Africa as it is most represented from the late middle ages and throughout the 16th Century61. The northern-most landmass is Spain, on which little is noted (except Lisbon), and dividing the Peninsula from Africa is the Strait of Gibraltar. This is where the Pillars of Hercules is usually noted, a highly popular mythological representation on maps of this scale. Several details of Morocco are noted, such as Fejfareal and Zamora, Melilla and Oran. East of these is the region typically named Barbaria, but not uncommonly coined as Berberia, a trait often associated on maps with the eastern portion of North Africa. Waldseemuller (1470-1522 AD) does not distinguish between Muslims throughout Africa, nor within Spain. Instead, he distinguishes between Mecca and all other cities with a domed roof. Similarly, Johannes Honter's 1546 North Africa representation distinguishes between Ammon and Babylon (Cairo) by giving Ammon a clearly defined dome amid its buildings (Fig. 2.23), but no dome for Cairo63. In a map of North Africa64, Sebastian Munster removes the vignette and city name from the map altogether, placing them around the continent in cartouches. Notably, none of the north western Spanish territories have been accounted for within these cartouches. This said, in the south eastern region—within the Ethiopian and mythological zone—an exception is found in the red architectural vignettes he employs throughout the region (Fig. 2.24), of which only Rapta boasts a cupola. As a result, we can consider patterns in the architectural vignette's colouring

61 Waldseemilller. North West Africa. Tabula Modern Prima Partis, (Strassbourg, Johannes Schott, 1513). 62 Johannes Honter. North Africa, in Rudimenta Cosmographica (Latin Ed., Zurich, 1546). Afriterra 804. 63 This region has also been referred to as the Gypsaria Portvs on a 1482 Ptolemy map, on Prima Africae Tabvla (, 1482). Afriterra 758. 64 Sebastian Munster. North Africa. Tabula Africae IIII (Latin Ed., Basel, c. 1552). Afriterra, 702.

92 that characterise the nature of the represented population. This is more clearly demonstrated in the Americas, where national colours are employed to characaterise regions.

Fig. 2.23: Johannes Honter. North Africa (on Fig. 2.24:. Sebastian Munster. North Africa. Tabula map of South Africa). Latin ed of Rudimenta Africae IIII. Latin Ed. (Basel, c. 1552). Afriterra Cosmographica. Zurich, 1546. Afriterra 804. 702.

A similar method for distinguishing between populations is the number of towers present in a vignette. This will indicate the importance and size of a city. We see this method for indicating population differences throughout Giacomo Gastaldi's (c. 1500-1560 AD) North Western Africa map65 (Fig. 2.25). Fez, Tremisem and Algiers receive the greatest number of towers because they are important urban centres for this region of Africa. In a later map of North Africa66, however, Gastaldi dispenses with the architectural vignette and favours more topographic symbols of relatively little representational value. These two map signs—the city vignette and the unarchitectural dot—demonstrate how figural map signs have a non-figural, abstract counterpart. Furthermore, Gastaldi distinguishes Mecca and Cairo

Giacomo Gastaldi. North West Africa. Mauritania Nova Tabvla (Venice: Nicolo Bascarini, 1548). Afriterra 754. 66 Giacomo Gastaldi. North Africa. Mezzo di Tramontana. (Vencie: Giovanni Battista Ramusio, 1550). Afriterra 405.

93 Fig. 2.25: Giacomo Gastaldi. North West Africa. Fig. 2.26: Giacomo Gastaldi. North Africa.. Mauritania Nova Tabvla. (Venice: Nicolo Mezzo Di Tramontana. Italian Edition, Venice: Bascarini, 1548). Afriterra 754 Giovanni Battista Ramusio, 1550. Afriterra 405

as the two capitals of Islam by illustrating two tall towers, each of which has been broken, so that the spire is bent at more than 90 degrees and faces the ground (Fig. 2.26). We have already seen this employed on the local scale at Casablanca (Fig. 2.3). The broken or curved tower represents a non-Christian or non-Catholic space, as we have seen in chorographic views of Jerusalem with respect to damaged Muslim or pre-Islamic spaces. These damaged and destroyed buildings reference the destruction of the terrestrial Jerusalem in favour of the Spiritual Jerusalem67. Other signs for non-Catholic space are found on the regional map. A 1535 map of North Africa68, which is heavily based on Waldseemuller's 1513 edition, added a vignette of an enthroned king holding a trefoil-tipped staff at Fez (Fig. 2.27). A similar vignette is placed in Western Egyptian territory. At the southern reaches of this map is another vignette, placed in the Nubia region where a cross-tipped staff indicates Prester John's territory, whereas one Libyan and one Egyptian king each bear a sphere-topped staff (Fig. 2.28). On this map a pseudo-legend emerges based on the finial of the staff depicted in the vignette: the trefoil for North African Muslims, the cross for Christians, and the sphere for Arabs or Muslims of Middle-

We will return to the topic of damaged Muslim space in representations of Granada (in Chapter 5). 68 North Africa. Tabv. Nova Partis Aphri (Lyon, 1535). Afriterra 375.

94 Eastern descent. This particular example suggests that the symbols of the sphere, cross, trefoil, and in other cases the crescent, have become categorizing representations for religious or cultural groups.

Fig. 2.27: North Africa Tabv. Nova Partis Aphri Fig. 2.28: South Africa Tabv. Nova Partis Aphri (Lyon, 1535). Afriterra 375. (Lyon, 1535). Afriterra 375.

2.3b Regional Scale Maps below the Equator Maps of regions below the equator leave behind the Christian versus Islam mentality of representation that we see more clearly above the equator and embrace a mythological schema in representation. Although minor references to Islam and Christianity can be found, we can generalise that in the south eastern portion of the continent is a Christian kingdom under Prester John within the region commonly referred to as Ethiopia. The Mountains of the Moon are located, which has been named the location of Paradise. West of these Mountains is where the monsters and deformed forms of life will be indicated upon maps69. An exception to this is found along the coastal region (both the south eastern and south western coasts, and toward

This has been true since medieval times. See, for example, the Ptolemy map of 1482, on which Ethiopia, which characterises the south eastern portion of the continent, is described Regio Aethiopvn inqva elephates candidi omnes gignvntvr et rhinocerontes et tigrides, on Quarta Africae Tabula (Rome, 1478). Afriterra 764. A more conservative map of the same year, however, eliminates the Giants but retains the animals (Afriterra 418).

95 Madagascar), where Portuguese interests and exploration are well known, and no monsters will be found on land. The equator functions to almost section off both the unknown and the mythological from the known regions toward the North. Waldseemuller again provides a template for the lower half of the continent on his Tabula Moderna Secunda Portion70. This map has no symbols except for the Mons Lune toward the bottom of the map. Four rivers course from these mountains toward the North, splintering off from their headwaters at the mountains' top. All place names are in Portuguese or in Spanish, a testament to Iberian travels and discoveries along the coastal area, but also to the authors of the texts that informed this map's design. Below the mountain graphic is the text Hec pars aphriciantiqviorbvs/Mansit incognita. A map of medium scale leaves a lot of blank space outside of the African coastal areas where the most traffic is illustrated. Blank space is often an indication of unknown territory, and terra incognita is bordered or used interchangeably with mythological space. We see this repeated in North and South Americas, and throughout the North of Asia. In a later version of this map, published by Lorenz Fries (c. 1485-1532 AD) in 152271, vignettes and symbols are included. Between the coast and Madagascar is a vignette of the Portuguese king atop a sea monster, holding a cross (Fig. 2.29). In the south west interior of Africa next to the Mountains of the Moon are the references to land incognita with monstrous races of animals, including the Basilisk, for which a vignette is provided. East of this region is what appears to be the region of Ham, or Cham, who sits on a throne but lacks a cross, which suggests that it is not a Christian territory, but rather what Augustine labels a heretical territory. Ham's proximity to Egypt is similar to Prester John's proximity to Egypt. As a Nestorian, Prester John would have once been considered leader of a heretical sect of Christianity. Both Prester John and Ham were heretics that lead nations, and on this particular map, we see them occupying the same space. Sharing these characteristics in common, a second visual feature in the regional maps of this region becomes apparent. All humans depicted on these maps

Waldseemuller. South Africa. Tabula Moderna Secunde Portion (Strassbourg: Johannes Schott, 1513). Afriterra 779. 71 Waldseemuller. South Africa. Tabula Nova parties Africae (Strassbourg: Lorenz Fries, 1522). Afriterra 226.

96 are Caucasian, despite describing non-Catholic peoples of a continent that, should its peoples be represented within the borders of Europe, would typically be coloured in black or brown.

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•-&:& .•& &v Fig. 2.29:. M. Waldseemuller. South Africa.. Fig. 2.30: Giacomo Gastaldi. West Africa.. Libia Tabula Nova parties Africae (Strassbourg: Interior. Parte de La frica. Italian Ed. Venice: Lorenz Fries, 1522). Afriterra 226. Giovanni Battista Ramusio, 1550. vol 3 Delia Navigationi et Vlaggi nel qual si Contiene les Descrittione dele Africa. Afriterra 314.

2.3c Regional Scale Maps on the Eastern or Western North-South Axis This design of map is much less common, where the map maker has focused the map on the continent from north to south, but limited the scope of the map to either the western coast or to the eastern coast, cutting the continent in half along its vertical axis. The purpose of such a map highlights Portuguese and Spanish exploration and new land and resource acquisitions along the coast. Gastaldi's map of West Africa72 is bounded by Morocco in the North, extending through Libya at the equator and into Guinea at the southern coast. To the north east, just above the tropic of Cancer is Berdoa, which boasts a large cupola and

72 Giacomo Gastaldi. West Africa. Libia Interior. Parte de La frica (Venice: Giovanni Battista Ramusio, 1550); in Vol. 3 of Delia Navigationi et Viaggi nel qual si Contiene les Descrittione dele Africa. Afriterra 314.

97 tower. In the middle of the map, there is within the region attributed to Ethiopia an unnamed city with cupola. Off the coast of Serra Leona are some men in canoes, fishing. Some appear to be wearing turbans, while others appear naked. Nearby is the impressively represented city of Castel de la mina, in Guinea (Fig. 2.30), which we have seen above on the local scale with rounded cupolas. La Mina is represented with several towers, and three rounded cupolas, one of which is topped by a sphere, the others by short spires. On the local scale, the sphere appears to be replaced with a trefoil finial, and it is believed to be a trading spot for Muslims. This may explain the Islamic tone of Gastaldi's vignette. He uses architectural features to distinguish where Muslims trade, because La Mina is not a Musim town. Ortelius' map of East Africa73 becomes a highly thematic map for Prester John's territory. Bound in the north by the Mediterranean Sea between Tripoli and Alexandria, it extends further east into the Levant, where Ortelius has placed the crusader's cross above Jerusalem. Mecca is not differentiated from other places on this map map, except that it is described as patria Mahumetis. This entire east-west corridor is labelled Barbaria, Pars Turcjci, which by the time this map is produced is much truer than earlier in this century. As usual, the closer we come to the Mountains of the Moon, more mythology or biblical references to appear. The Nile River flows from the Mountains of the Moon into the Zember (Zaire) lake before continuing northward toward Egypt (Fig. 2.31). According to the map, Tritones et Syrettes in hoc lacu sunt. Ortelius also locates the Amazons here, using the text Amasones habitares dicut. Amazons populate more than one region of the world, becoming a coreferential characteristic between these lands. On the other hand, we could view Southeastern Africa, the North of Russia, and South America sharing common environments in which the Amazons can be situated. These regions are less known because they are difficult to access, and are located on bodies of water and near mountains. These environmental characteristics are coreferential to the placement of the Amazons in these places.

A. Ortelius. East Africa. Presbiteri Iohannis, Sive, Abissino; Rvm Imperii descriptio (Latin Ed. Of Theatrum orbis Terrarum, Amsterdam: 1570) Afriterra 163.

98 Fig. 2.31: A. (Melius. East Africa Presbiteri Fig. 2.32: Sebastian Minister. Africa. Totius Iohannis, Sive, Abissino; Rvm Imperii descriptio Africae tabula& descriptio uniuersalis etiam ultra (Latin edition; Amsterdam, 1570) Afriterra 163. Ptolemaei limites extensa. (Latin. Basel, 1542) Afriterra463.

2.3d Regional Scale Maps of the African Continent Continental maps tend to emphasise the spatially-represented religious categories that Western Christianity employs when representing Africa. In this sense, throughout North Africa there is a tension between Christian and Heretic, and the cleansing of these spaces becomes a rhetorical topic of interest in the 16th Century for both Charles V and Philip II as Catholic leaders. Egypt, however, is distinctly non- Christian in representation, forming the barrier between east and west, through which Christians must pass in order to reach Jerusalem by land. South of Egypt and Morocco, we find Libya to the west, below which is Guinea at the southern-most point. East of these lands is Ethiopia, which often encompasses the largest region of the continent. This entire southern region once bordered the Antipodes. During the late medieval period, however, some of the same characteristics once found in the Antipodes, such as monsters and impossible climes, came to reside in Ethiopia. In all these regions we see evidence of Ham as a referent to the tripartite division of the world.

99 Sebastian Minister's 1542 continental map combines many of the representational strategies for Africa into one map. The Iberian Peninsula sits across the Regnum Maroch on the Gibraltar Strait, and is marked by Granac instead of Lisbon. Beside Morocco is the Kingdom of Fez, which is labelled Barbaria. A crown with a trefoil-tipped staff signifies the region, a sign we have seen before to indicate North African Islam. In the Kingdom of Tunis, there is a city named Mahomet, below which another crown and trefoil-tipped staff sit (Fig. 2.32), confirming the association we have already built between (non-Turkish) Islam and the trefoil. Upon entering Egypt, the West-African architectural vignettes featuring conical spires are replaced with the domical style in some places (Fig. 2.33). This is seen at Amman (noted above for Honter's vignette), but also at Jerusalem, which at this time is under Islamic control. Another domical vignette is found south of this region, in Nubia, where another crown and trefoil-topped staff can be found. Just east of here is Prester John's territory [of Ham], Hamarich Sedes Prete Iohan, where another domical vignette marks the spot, and beside which is another trefoiliated staff and crown signifying the Kingdom of Habefth, not Prester John. Throughout this region, the same marker is employed for the Kingdoms of Seylam (Sri Lanka or Ceylon), Melinde, and Qviola (both established by 7th Century Muslims), the last of which is located just north of the southern peninsula of the African continent, and below what appears to be the Mountains of the Moon. North West of this area is a large vignette of Monoculi (Cyclops), above which the crown and trefoil staff marks the Kingdom of Orguene, west of Nubia in the eastern region of Guinea. Several more of these staff-and-crown vignettes mark various places along the western seaboard. Miinster's map combines the representatons we have seen at the local and regional level into a continental synthesis that expresses the three levels of Christian representation that we expected to find throughout the Africa map selection: Catholic space, Biblical space, and spacein conflict with Catholic Europe.

Sebastian Munster. Africa. Totius Africae tabula & descriptio uniuersalis etiam ultra Ptolemaei limites extensa (Basel, 1542). Afriterra 463.

100 In a later version of this map , which lacks the detail and vignettes of its predecessor, Miinster makes relegates the eastern most land to Prester John while stressing all topographical details for the continent over the human geographies of the previous map. The title of the work mentions monstres horribles, but the previous map does such a title more justice. A similar attempt to emphasis physical geographies appears in Andre Thevet's 1575 map, which describes the "Royaumes, Prouinces, Montaignes, Riuieres, Golfes & Promontoires de celle partie du monde que nous appelons Afrique, les Grecs Lybie, & les Arabes Alkebulan"76. Thevet (1502-1590 AD), like Miinster, distinguishes the town of Marroque with a diamond- shaped minaret, from its neighbours Pignon-Belis, Melilla, Oran and Tunis. Further east, a second town by the name of Coran is distinguished by its conical roof situated between two skinny minarets, an unmistakeable representation of a mosque (Fig. 2.34). The shape of the diamond-shaped minaret is not dissimilar to the Flemish- style tower or the mudejar-style tower in terms of the silhouette on these regional maps.

Sebastian Miinster. Africa. La description d'Affricque selon ses diuers pais, animaux & monstres horribles. (Basel, 1550). Afriterra 1070. 76 Andre Thevet. Africa. Table d'Afrique (Paris, 1575). Afriterra 945.

101 Fig. 2.35:. Giacomo Gastaldi. Continent.. Prima Fig. 2.36: Arnoldo di Arnoldi. Sienna, : Tavola. (Venice: Giovanni Battista Ramusio, Matteo Florimi, 1600(?).LOC G8200 1600 .A7 1554). Afriterra 648. Vault Africa.

Just as Munster's 1542 Africa used the trefoiliated staff and crown as a symbol for non-Christian space, so does Giacomo Gastaldi use a generic dome as a repeating trope to signify most generally non-Christian space. In the same spaces where Munster's trefoil is found, Gastaldi instead uses the architectural dome and spire. On Gastaldi's south-oriented continental map77, we find Ceuta and Arzilla above Marocho, all accompanied by a two-towered architectural vignette, where one of the towers is meant to symbolize a dome with spire (Fig. 2.35). Toward the south, moreover, the domical feature repeats in several places, particularly at La mina, which was depicted in Gastaldi's 1550 West Africa map as having numerous domes, one topped with a sphere. Another repeating symbol found on a c. 1600 map by Arnoldo di Arnoldi (1490-1602 AD)78 is the crescented tower. Arnoldi's tower or castle marks locations in Morocco (Fig. 2.36), where the usual, squared-off rectangle topped by a skinny spire has been augmented with two curling horns that reach out form either side of the tower's squared-off rooftop. Jerusalem has a similar marker, as do many towns along the Nile. We can conclude from studying these maps that

77 Giacomo Gastaldi. Africa. Prima Tavola. (Venice: Giovanni Battista Ramusio, 1554). Afriterra 648. Identical versions of this map appear in the 1556 (Lyon: J. Temporal) edition of Leo Africanus, and a separate 1565 edition of this map by Fernando Bertelli appears in a Lafreri Atlas (Afriterra 1249). 78 Arnoldo di Arnoldi. Africa. (Sienna, May: Matteo Florimi, c. 1600). LOC G8200 1600 .A7.

102 several coreferential signs describe Africa. The trefoil, the sphere, and the dome are the most popular markers of non-Catholic space, and appear to be used interchangeably between map makers, and between the scales. By late 16 Century, cartographers such as Ortelius have begun to normalise certain styles of representation. Ortelius in particular tends to remove overt religious representation from his maps. He also employs repetitive vignettes, which lends conformity and continuity to his cartographic style. However, on his continental map 70 (1570) , off the eastern edge of Africa is Jerusalem with a bulbous, onion or diamond shaped tower (Fig. 2.37). This tower is identical to how he renders Protestant cities and how other artists have rendered post-reconquest Andalucian cities. Hogenberg and Braun illustrate all of these spaces similarly, as does Ortelius.

2.4 World Scale Maps On the world scale map, Africa has its own uniqe decoration. At this scale, if there are crescents moons, they will always appear in Africa. The world scale map does use the same details that we find on the chorographic view. Buildings and cityscapes have no context upon the world map, unless that world map is of a hybrid scale. Such an example is found on Bunting's 1581 world map, which is in the shape of a cloverleaf (Fig. 2.10). Dividing the world into three leaves that meet at Jerusalem in the centre, and in which a chorographic view can be found, the Africa leaf has a detailed pseudo-chorographic vignette for Alexandria that illustrates its Muslim character. In this sense, Bunting's figurative map becomes a hybrid of the larger and the local scales. Most maps are not of hybrid scale, and the symbols used to represent religious space are adapted between the scales while maintaining a relevance to the space they represent. There is no room on a detailed world map for inset city views. The world map affects how much detail could be given by a cartographer who needs sufficient space to name all the world's towns and cities. A smaller but nonetheless significant set of signs are used on the world scale of map. One such example is the

A. Ortelius. Africa. Africae Tabvla Nova. (Latin Edition of Theatrum Orbis Terrarum. Antwerp: Plantin, 1570). Afriterra 1052.

103 unarchitectural crescent, where the crescent moon appears freestanding or floating without any architectural referent, such as the tower or the body of a castle.

Fig. 2.37: A. Ortelius. Continent. Africae Fig. 2.38: Angelino Dulcert. Europe and Africa. Tabvla Nova. Latin edition, Antwerp: 1570. "Hoc opus fecit Angelino dulcert/ano M CCC XXX Afriterra 1052. Villi de mense augusti/maioricharum. (, 1339).

The crescent moon as a map sign designating Africa is used figurally and abstractly on on the same map by medieval cartographer Angelino Dulcert on his 1339 portolan . Two crescents are used, both in Africa: one toward the north, near Tunis, where a white crescent is emblazoned upon a red flag; the second toward the south, near Nubia, where a blue or black flag backs a white crescent (Fig. 2.38). This last example, however, extends from a castle which converts the flag into an architectural crescent. Yet, because of the difference in scale between the flag and the castle, the crescented flag is both architectural and unarchitectural. Since medieval times we find the crescent used most within African space, and the map sign has both figural and abstract versions. Sometimes, as in Dulcert's map, the flag is used as a backdrop to the crescent moon, and it is not uncommon for the flags to be portrayed flapping in the wind (Fig. 2.39). An example of the unarchitectural crescented and bevelled-edge flag occurs on a portolan map of the world by Mateo Prunes (1563)81. The crescented flag appears throughout Africa and parts of Asia (Fig. 2.40). Several crescented flags have 80 Angelino Dulcert (Majorca, 1339). BNF: IFN-7759104. 81 Mateo Prunes (1563), in Vilar, p. 145-147.

104 bevelled edges, as if to appear flapping in the wind, a characteristic that occurs exclusively in non-Catholic space. Prunes' map also uses both the architectural crescent, where it extends from a tower as a flag upon a pole, and the unarchitectural

Fig. 2.39: Nicolaus de Caverio. World Fig. 2.40: Mateo Prunes (1563), in Vilar, p. 145- planisphere. Before 1506. BNF: IFN-7759102. 147. crescent, where it is emblazoned upon a flag and stands alone. Where the former occurs, a city-view vignette accompanies the crescented flag, and the buildings' character supports both the flag style and its emblazoned crescent with domical buildings. Where the latter occurs, we see a disjunction between the scaling strategies employed by the cartographer. This scaling strategy is important for identifying how religious representation changes at different magnifications of map. Details such as the bevelled-edged flag indicate non-Catholic space or space in conflict with the Catholic empire, a conclusion that we could never have drawn without performing comparisions between space and scale. The Prunes portolan also contrasts figural signs with abstractions for these signs; this process of adaptation from the figural to the abstract occurs from the local scale map to the world scale map, because there is not sufficient space on the world scale map to include such details. As a result, we are beginning to form a map sign typology that categorizes some of these signs their co-relations between the scales.

105 Conclusions At first glance, Africa beyond the Maghreb has little to do with Catholic Spain. Yet, as we have explored here, Africa's configuration as a biblical, post- biblical and mythological space involves representations that have historical importance for the Christian timeline. Furthermore, some of these mythologies—the Amazons or the Giants of the Antipodes, Paradise—are reinvented within Spain and Portugal's New World territories. The Africa map selection has shed light on medieval representations for unknown space that we will see replicated and adapted

Table 2.1: African Map Signs SIGN SCALE DESCRIPTION

Regional Scale, as an architectural Mosque and Muslim Authority vignette This sign may be used arbitrarily to indicate Muslim space, id rather than a Muslim place of worship.82

The crescent moon at any scale The crescent is used exclusively to indicate Muslim space in Africa, and will not be found in mythological or non- Muslim space.

Regional Scale a. Schismatic Bishopric r- According to Dainville83. 4 Cupola and Sphere at any scale b. Muslim City* c. Non-Catholic City*5 throughout the Americas during the 16 Century. These coreferential spaces and map signs illustrate how non-Catholic space is represented in Africa. Moreover, when we see these methods for representing Africans used in order to illustrate the Aztecs of the Americas, we can conclude that a rhetorical strategy underpins the common

Delano-Smith, illustrating Gerard de Jode. Hungary (Antwerp, 1578). In David Woodward, Ed. Vol. 3, 565. 83 Dainville, p. 308 La Mina (Giacomo Gastaldi. Libia Interior. Parte deLafrica. 1550). Algiers (Sebastian Minister. Cosmographiae Universalis. 1550) Jerusalem (Ortelius. Continent. Africae Tabvla Nova. Theatrum, 1570). Cairo (Hogenberg and Braun. Civitates, 1572) Mahdia (Hogenberg and Braun. Civitates, 1575) Tunis (Hogenberg and Braun. Civitates, 1575) Cairo (Bertelli, 1575). 85 * La Mina (Giacomo Gastaldi. Libia Interior. Parte de Lafrica. 1550). Kilwa (Hogenberg and Braun. Civitates, 1572). Mombaza (Hogenberg and Braun. Civitates, 1572)

106 representation. Thus far, we have suggested that conflict with Catholic Spain is a primary descriptor of the space occupied by map signs such as the sphere, the dome, the bevelled-edged flag, the trefoil and the crescent moon. Table 2.1 integrates many of the map signs that were used throughout the Africa map selection to signify Africa as a biblical, post-biblical and mythological space that is, at times, occupied by Muslims. We will see these signs repeated in our Americas map selection.

107 3 The Americas: hie sunt dracones, Turks, Giants and Cannibals

In this early period of exploration, the division of the Americas into North, South and Central regions, has yet to emerge as a distinct configuration for the New World. In fact, many maps show New Foundland or Labrador as being as proximate to Florida as Cuba is to the Dominican Republic, placing these northern territories where the south-eastern States are located. The overall shape and extension of the Americas, in particular north of Florida, is not yet fixed upon until the 17th Century. Consequently, many maps have regional scale issues, particularly when addressing North America above Mexico and Florida. The overall extension of the Americas is usually under or overestimated, and North America is often present on maps of the central and southern regions. Any physical or topographical link with the Far East and Orient is usually found in the northern-most representations of the Americas. and Labrador, being the most commonly represented north-eastern-most lands, boast some sort of mythological references in textual or graphic form. An example of this would be a settlement of devils that we see repeatedly off the coast of Maritime Canada by cartographers such as Gastaldi and Gutierrez. This representation used to be placed at the most north eastern extreme of the world before 1492, and its presence in late 16 Century maps is indicative of the representational strategies that imbue all graphic representations of the Americas, particularly in terms of religious difference and the power struggles represented within the New World. Representing the Americas presents several tropes recycled throughout European history before and after Columbus' voyage west. Certain distinctions do arise graphically, and this introduction of previously unknown American information and culture can be found on the 16th Century map of the Americas. We can roughly categorize the religious cartographic sign into two predominant categories, the first of

108 which is the European representation of the East, and the second of which is the pre- Columbian and actual Americas. European orientalism during this period had yet to advance beyond Marco Polo or the Baconian sensibility for the East. The Americas in graphic and textual representations are highy medieval, particularly in the first part of the 16th Century1. As the physical extent of the New World gradually became known or knowable physically and culturally during the second half of the 16th Century, the depiction and representation of the Americas is distinct from representations of the East. Despite evolving away from a geographically Far Eastern representation, the representation nonetheless retains culturally Far Eastern aspects, and this is best seen in the representation of the indio2. A reminder of the physical and geographical ambient to which the word and the culture it represented was thought to belong, the New World was quickly discovered to not be India, China or Japan, but indio nonetheless continued to characterize the New World's peoples. Throughout the graphic and textual representations for this century, indio—once the Far East is abandoned as a placeholder for this land—is socially Eastern according to the European sensibility for such a representation. This suggests that the inhabitants of the Americas are associable, and represented accordingly, with European concepts of eastern religiosity, for which Christians have developed a profound mythology, much of which has little to do with actual Eastern religions or cultures. The second category originates as concrete and predominately unrhetorical referents. It depends on having a physical referent or indicator present, and is pre- Columbian. This category of map reveals graphic characteristics not previously included or known in European cartography and representation. Characteristics such as the footprint and horseshoe are unique methods for differentiating space that were used excluseivly by the inhabitants of these territories. Unfortunately, there are far fewer indications for this category, and even fewer of these may be classed as

1 This is explored, among other places, in Serge Gruzinski. Les quatre parties du monde: histoire d'une mondialisation. Paris: Martiniere, 2004, and Ricardo Padron. The Spacious World. Cartography, Literature, and Empire in Early Modern Spain. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004. 2 Edmundo O'Gorman explores the post-conquest history and the effects of the referential transfer from the Old World to the New World in The Invention of America: An Inquiry into the History Nature of the New World and the Meaning of its History. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1972.

109 religious in nature for the purposes of our study. Surviving maps designed, sketched or produced by the non-European inhabitants almost exclusively attempt to follow the style and norms for late 15th Century and early 16th Century European cartography. Certain aspects of the map are not quite correct, yet much of the overall representation, agrees with the contemporary European cartographic standard . Despite these challenges, a few uniquely American characteristics do appear throughout the Americas map selection, and are become of great interest for further study. The Far-Eastern Americas and the pre-Columbian Americas describe the Americas referentially. The first has much more social or cultural meaning and intent, whereas the second depends upon a physical or actual presence. This is an important distinction, and further echoes a key differential of this study with respect to the religious sign, graphically or textually, on the map. The physical and non- physical referents constantly need to be identified. Similarly, the contributed and the attributed meaning for a sign throughout the process of its creation, representation and interpretation, is a second way in which we can approach the religious graphic sign. The European attribution of Eastern characteristics to the Americas and its inhabitants can be seen as having little physical referentiality, even while physically relevant referentiality seems unimportant in the overall creation and evolution of the religious sign from the European perspective. It can further be noted that this undermined sense of the physical—the American, the pre-Columbian indio, for example—should be considered part of the overall Catholic and Spanish rhetoric key in acquiring and keeping these lands. The almost complete absence of non-European maps and texts is a dismal reminder of this reality4. The map study progresses from local scale, chorographic views and maps, to the regional scale of map, to the international or world scale of map. There are distinct differences in how Europeans and non-Europeans represent the Americas and

3 It should be noted that variations of technique and skill can also be attributed to the relatively untrained hand of the map's author, as is not infrequently the case for European manuscript maps of this period, given that the author is most likely not a cartographer, but rather has been asked or required to produce a regional map. These maps are usually practical in nature, and often lack embellishment. 4 This said, we know that Meso-American maps were plentiful, and we will continue to refer to a form of hybrid map that usually is authored by the indigenous inhabitants.

110 its inhabitants from a religious perspective, and some of these differences are unique to particular scales of map. We have adapted the multi-scale methodology here to reflect these differences, and we will be able to draw conclusions about the use of map signs between scales.

3.1 Local scale maps by Europeans The two viceroy cities of Mexico of New Spain (1521), and Cuzco of Peru (1533), are distinct and unique examples of local scale cartographical representations that have been consistently produced according to European methods. Almost no native involvement or influence is present or introduced on maps of these two cities after Cortes' 1524 map of Mexico City. The 1524 map originated a map series for the city that includes several adapted versions of first map. The map series demonstrates how coreferential spaces exist in places such as Mexico City. We will follow several different map signs that are used in the same space to denote non- Catholic space outside of Spanish control within the Americas at the local scale of map. Published at Nuremburg in 1524, and included in his letter to Charles V, the first European post-Conquest map of Mexico City caused a chain of religious representations to unfold throughout the 16th Century5. Working backward from Hogenberg and Braun's 1572 Civitates orbis terrarum6, Mexico City is featured prominently as an Islamic city according to two types of architectural elements on the map (Fig. 3.1). First, Moctezuma's palace, to the right of the central plaza, and on this map unlabelled, is topped with a crescent moon opening toward the sky. The same crescented finial can be found atop the main temple, also unlabelled. These crescents are supported by the same mudejar style domes employed by Hogenberg and Braun to signify Islamic spaces in Spain and North Africa, and moreover, many of the buildings shown on the map have similar domes, but no crescents. Hogenberg and Braun's map is clearly influenced by Antoine du Pinet's 1564 representation,

Usually titled Praeclara Ferdinadi. Cortesii de noua maris OceaniHyspania narratio ..., it arrives as one of the first concrete descriptions of this newly acquired land. Several copies exist. See Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University, Taylor 58. Titled Mexico, Regia et Celebris Hispanie Novae Civitas. In Civitates orbis terrarum, Vol 1 (Latin), map 58, (Antwerp) 1572.

Ill which lacks crescents but retains the domical architectural features. Du Pinet (d. 1584 AD) was influenced by Benedetto Bordone's 1528 map of Mexico7, which

Fig. 3.1: Hogenberg and Braun. Mexico, Regia et Fig. 3.2: B. Bordone. Libro di Benedetto Celebris Hispanie Novae Civitas. In Civitates, Vol Bordone: nel qual si ragiona de tutte I'isole del 1 (Latin), map 58, (Antwerp) 1572. mondo...(Vemce, 1528). features the same two domical buildings we see in Hogenberg and Braun, made even more prominent by the labels Piazza and, below this, // tempio da or are (Fig. 3.2). Again, the crescents are absent, but in their place are two rounded spheres set atop the domes. Not unlike Hogenberg and Braun's Mexico, Bordone (1460-1531 AD) has repeated the domical structure in various buildings throughout the city, but on these other domical buildings, the spherical finial is absent. We can conclude that the sphere and the crescent are synonymous symbols, and fit within our understanding of coreferentiality established in the Africa map selection. In Africa, crescents and spheres were found in North African cities in conflict with Imperial Spain, whereas in the Americas, we see them employed the same way. In this context, the sphere and the crescent moon are used to indicate space in conflict with Spain or its empire. The originating map for these representations is, of course, the map Cortes (1485-1547 AD) had produced sometime before 1524 with the help of locals. The

Titled Libro di Benedetto Bordone: nel qual si ragiona de tutte I'isole del mondo...{Venice, 1528)

112 two buildings we have observed later in this century appear on Cortes' map (Fig. 3.3). On this map, the crescented or spherical finial is absent; but instead, the buildings boast elaborate domes. As on the other maps, there are several less prominent domical structures throughout the city, but none as exaggerated as these two particular buildings. Surely this pattern substantiates the Spanish authorship of the map, even if the locals helped draw up the regional data that extends eastward toward the Gulf, because these buildings are consistent with typical European perspectives on Muslim architecture. The Europeans could have conflated native and Islamic architectures. However, as we will see in our Europe and Spain map selections, a similar pattern is detected for Protestant and heretical space, which suggests that the presence of Islamic visual characteristiscs is much more purposeful. We can interpret the Islamification of these particular buildings, cited as being either the main Temple and oratory, or Moctezuma's palace or plaza, as a generic identification with the Aztecs as a warrior race, a trait often attributed to Islam by Christians during and before this period.

tilllily^Q'^SOa

4

Fig. 3.3: H. Cortes et al. Praeclara Ferdinadi. Fig. 3.4: Francisco Lopez de G6mara. Cuzco. Cortesii de noua maris Oceani Hyspania narratio Historia general de las indias. , 1554. /.. JSeveral copies exist. Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University, Taylor 58. .

A similar development occurs in the Cuzco map series, although we have no map that originates the pattern, as with Cortes' map. We can theorize nonetheless that Cortes' map applied a cartographic language already used before his time in

113 similar situations (i.e. in Constantinople, Jerusalem and North Africa). We find Cuzco, the other seat of contested power in the New World, depicted similarly in Hogenberg and Braun's 1572 Latin volume of the Civitates. Again, based on Du Pinet's 1564 work, after G.B. Ramusio's Navegationi of 1556, Hogenberg and Braun appear to restrain themselves somewhat and depict only certain buildings as domical. There are no crescents, however, but several of the domes do sport spheres, which, as we have established, appear synonymous with crescents. Several of the domes without spheres have spires with notches on them—possibly the crusader cross, a weather vane or an exaggerated line from the engraving or colouring process. These same features are repeated in various editions of Sebastian Minister's Cosmography, which is republished several times in multiple languages throughout the rest of the century. Like the Mexico City map series, Francisco Lopez de Gomara's work on the Conquest significantly portrays the mean people as Islamic peoples when he raises the crescent over Cuzco while depicting Pizarro's men and their camp in the foreground (Fig 3.4). While this vista lacks domes, its crescents are on long spires extending from typically gothic, conical roofs8. The Islamic architectural features discussed in terms of Cuzco and Mexico are repeated and explored in the architectural drawings of Diego de Landa (1524-1579 AD), who arrived mid-century to the Yucatan Peninsula and later published Relation de las Cosas de Yucatan in 15669. His sketches of the Izamal (Yucatan) temple are telling (Fig. 3.5). He labels the tallest point, which is a domical structure, the capilla, below which is the escalera that leads down to the main Plaza, and below this are even more stairs. While the structure itself is similar to a pyramid or temple structure of the preceding Post-Classic period in the region, it is important to note that the schematic drawing produced by the Spaniard does not reflect this shape whatsoever, and it appears to reproduce on a grander scale the same domical structures drawn by Cortes, Munster and Hogenberg and Braun. Landa adapted how he saw the temple

Francisco Lopez de Gomara. Cuzco. Historia general de las indias. Zaragoza, 1554. Diego de Landa. Relation de las Cosas de Yucatan. Mexico: Editorial Porrua, 1959.

114 ft- u r

- I* • ~ . "o l.-i a •V*. • -• *;

Fig. 3.5: Diego de Landa. Izamal (Relation de Fig. 3.6: Muchitlan, Zumpango. Tlaxcala las Cosas de Yucatan, c.1566.) (Zumpango del Rio, Guerrero). Dated March. 7th, 1582. Benson Latin American Collection (University of Texas, Austin) and its physical features to an Islamic schema in order to understand the people at Izamal. Other similar renderings can be found in Pedro de Cieza de Leon (1518-1584 AD) for Titicaca and Potosi10, among others.

3.2 Maps with non European influence

3.2a Local scale maps by non Europeans With the exclusion of Mexico and Cuzco, local scale maps are almost exclusively created, drawn or planned out by the local population throughout the post-Conquest Spanish Americas. Two styles of maps by non Europeans have surfaced for the 16th Century. These are local scale maps by natives employing non European systems for representing space, and local scale maps by natives employing European systems for representing space. Typically, these two varieties of map form a hybrid style of map, one that includes methods for representing space from both sides of the Atlantic. The two styles are combined in more or less all extant examples of local scale native cartography during the post Conquest decades of the 16 Century. One such example that combines Spanish and native representations of space also has been prepared for a combined readership, as its text has been written in

Parte Primera de la Chronica del Peru (Sevilla, 1553), Fol. 10.

115 Spanish, Nahuatl and regional pictorial glyphs (Fig. 3.6)11. Unlike a European representation, this map has much more blank space. This is one of the striking differences between these two cartographic styles. Europeans fill in as much space as possible when representing land and the relationships between these lands are important, as is that which lies between any given pair of lands. For the American inhabitants, on the other hand, and from a European perspective, much of this space is left blank, uncoloured and it would also seem that the representation of space surpasses the cosmographical, cartographical and representational. The "map" serves a different purpose, being a text in a far more intimate sense than it could ever be to a European of this period. On this particular map are the domical structures that appear to have spherical tops or finials. To the European eye, these conical domes would appear tiled, and the doorway or archway beneath the dome is squared off. This may be a purposeful expression of native style or a reproduction of European style. Nonetheless, the domical structure usually indicates a religious building, and specifically a mosque, but at times an Orthodox, French or Protestant church. The inclusion of this architectural feature carries a predominately religious significance from a European readerly perspective of the period. Another hybrid example, also in Spanish and Nahuatl, has little distinguishable detail and little descriptive text, and details Cholula, Tlaxcala, and its region (Fig. 3.7)12. Rectangular in shape, several villages, or blocks, radiate out from the central and largest rectangular shape, labelled Civdad. S. Gabriel. This is an unusual method for representing space chorographically for the Spanish. The limiting or inclusive geometric shapes as abstract representations for space within an urban or inter-urban representation is a schema that altogether contrasts with the Spanish and European preference for the city, which usually has more realism, acute detail and, above all, ornamentation. This is how we can be sure that a non European planned and drew this map. The church itself, representing St. Gabriel in its rectangle, is highly European, and quite grand, as its scale is such that this building would rival many cathedrals in Spain. To the European eye, it appears that St. Gabriel is

11 Muchitlan, Zumpango. Tlaxcala (Zumpango del Rio, Guerrero). Dated March. 7th, 1582 (Manuscript and ink). Benson Latin American Collection (University of Texas, Austin). 12 Cholula, Tlaxcala (Puebla). 1581. Benson Latin American Collection (University of Texas, Austin).

116 surrounded by several plazas. This is the effect of the non European geometric representation of space. The blank space mentioned above translates into a space that the Europeans already associate with a local scale characteristic, the squared-off empty space within the city, usually labeled as a plaza. Next to the church is a second building, consisting of two towers topped by crosses, in between which lay horseshoe-shaped arches with several domical structures on top. It is labeled cabila in the same hand as the Ancta ygleffia, which leads one to wonder if the author intended to write cabilda or cabildo. Cabila instead refers to a tribe of berbers or Bedouins. A word of Arab descent, it is often employed by the Latin hand to describe certain aspects of the mosque. On a Guatemalan map of Atitlan (Santiago Atitlan), dated February, 8-27th, 1585, a similar space is described Las casas de cabildo , which would support the notion that either the first map includes a spelling mistake or intentionally commits the malapropism. If this is a spelling mistake, then the original author may not have been a Spaniard, as the nahuatl on the Cholula map could easily have been written by a local native; or, conversely, by this time in the century, a Spaniard could have written both, appending the text to the map after it had been drawn.

If

* ip.-rk.iz ^"J&^Zi&t

Fig. 3.7: Cholula, Tlaxcala (Puebla). 1581. Fig. 3.8: Chietla (1579). Cartografia del estado de Benson Latin American Collection Puebla. Sigh XVI. Vol. 3. (University of Texas, Austin).

The local scale map is dominated by the native population, finding Christian spaces is relatively easy, because the church and cross is used as a symbol. Locating native spaces, however, is more challenging. Their religious beliefs were suppressed

1 Benson Latin American Collection (University of Texas, Austin).

117 by the Spanish, and as a consequence of conversion to Catholicism, there is no expectation that a different religious perspective would be expressed by either the native author or his Catholic overseer. It is difficult to determine with certainty how the Spanish viewed the indio as a spiritual entity, given that all sorts of positive and negative attributions have been made. How did the indio express this European perspective of his religiosity upon the map that was commissioned by his Spanish overseer or produced for the Spanish reader?

3.2b European and Non European settlements One of the striking differences of the local scale map can be found in the attributes employed to signify Spanish space and native space. A map of Chietla (Puebla), by Alonso Ramirez de Arellano, corregidor (1579)14, contains text, some roughly drawn roads, two edifices, and the church of Chietla (Fig. 3.8). The church is topped with the cross and bisects the East-West road below the Rio Grande. The symbol that indicates North points downward on the map, and is similar to the Fleur de lis, whereas at the top of the map, above the uncrossed church of San Nicolas, is the symbol for South, which bears reference to medieval cosmographical techniques for indicating the south. Below San Nicolas are the Sementeras de los indios que estdn junto al camino. The allotment is noted by quadrilateral parcels that line the eastern edge of the map, beside the Camino de San Nicolas, and stretching the distance between this town and Chietla. This map represents non-European space in two significant ways. First, it demonstrates that the squared-off parcel of land is employed to represent native space. This probably echoes the native technique for representing space using geometric shapes while also coinciding with the actual shape of the allotment itself. Second, the allotments are on the outskirts of town, and the indigenous inhabitants may have had their own church, which suggests that the converted native population worshiped apart from the Spanish, and we can see this is represented on the map itself. The location of indigenous settlements to outside of the community where Spaniards live is an adaptation of how Jews were confined to a district just outside of

Cartografia del estado de Puebla. Sigh XVI. Vol. 3.

118 the city before their expulsion from Spain in 1492. Hispano-Muslims also lived in aljamas outside of the city walls up until their expulsion in the 17th Century. Another illustration of these distinct characterizations of space can be found on a map in indigenous style, complete with squared-off medieval- style buildings topped off with small bell towers and crosses (Fig. 3.9. In the map's center, and beside a cross-topped fuente, is the church S. Juan cuz catlan, and it is at this point that several paths converge from area villages. Unlike other examples of pathways, these have no footprints, but rather depict exclusively the repeating Spanish horseshoe. One exception, however, is apparent at the southern-most point of the map, below the church San Geronimo. Inside the medallion glyph, some indio footprints surround a three-tiered monument or pyramid. In the area around San

Fig. 3.9: Cuzcatlan, Tlaxcala (Coxcatlan, Puebla). Fig. 3.10: San Bartolome Teontepeque, San October 26th, 1580. Benson Latin American Cristobal and san Juan; Tehuacan (Jose" Andres de Collection (University of Texas, Austin). Zamudio, escribano). 1591. Mercedes Meade de Angulo. Cartografia del estado de Puebla. Sigh XVI. (5 Vols) Vol. 5.

119 Geronimo and the medallion, there are several empty squares that we presume are parcels of land given over to the indios for cultivation, a configuration we found above at Chietla. Not only are the natives shown to live outside the city centre, but they are depicted as having both their own church and their own distinct map sign, as it were, to demonstrate their space: the empty rectangle or parcel. The glyph demonstrates that at least partial if not full authorship can be attributed to a native author, despite the Spanish text we also find on the map. This map introduced the last variety of attributes that differentiate between European and non European space on the local scale: the horseshoe, representing the Spanish, and the footprint, representing the indio.

3.2c The horseshoe and the footprint On a map that claims to be by a Spanish author, but must have been annotated by him, a much more recognizable variety of sign is imported from the native tradition into the hybrid local scale map (Fig. 3.10)15. Zamudio's map is dominated by the extensive mountain range and a few hills around Tepeatolco, an area in which the towns of San Bartolome Teontepeque, San Cristobal and San Juan are located. To the right side of the map, the text reads "esta es la pintura de los sitios de San Bartolome, las cuales he visto y por tal la firme de mi nombrc.Jose Andres zamudio, escribano". That Zamudio calls the map a painting is not uncommon in manuscript maps of this period, and indicative of his claim that he has seen these lands. It seems that it is for this reason that he signs his name, as if testifying to their layout. The map itself places great emphasis on the road that connects these two towns, and its prominence is also due to the symbols shown to lie on the road: the footprint and the horseshoe16. We encounter indentations of horse hooves along the pathways. These are map signs that have never been used in European graphical representation before this point, but they can be found in various native traditions

15 San Bartolome Teontepeque, San Cristobal and san Juan; Tehuac&n (Jose Andres de Zamudio, escribano). 1591 (Manuscript, ink and watercolour). Mercedes Meade de Angulo. Cartografia del estado de Puebla. Sigh XVI. (5 Vols) Vol. 5. 16 The footprint has become, by the 16th Century, a "conventional" map sign in Aztec (in particular) representational strategies; it normally indicates where man can walk (ie roads, causeways). See Edward E. Calnek. "The Localization of the Sixteenth Century Map Called the Maguey Plan". American Antiquity. Vol. 38. 2, 1973 (190-195), p. 191.

120 descending from Mexico. The footprint represents the bare foot of the native, while the horseshoe represents the Spaniard, on the beast they introduced into the region. Both of these signs have the same purpose and effect. That is, they show economic and demographic patterns according to the population of a given area. However, when placed side by side, a polemic or archived rhetoric seems to grow out of the comparison. Of the many roads represented upon this map, only one contains the Spanish print, and that is the "Camino que sale de Teguacan para la Puebla". From the top-most town of San Juan, the indio path leads down toward the town of San Cristobal, and from there continues to the bottom-most town, San Bartolome. The indio print continues on two roads, the one that leads below San Bartolome and a second that continues to the right of the town, bisecting the road to Puebla. The edifices marking these three towns are medieval in nature, retaining the bell tower and cross. San Bartolome church is the most detailed, having spires topped with spheres, but also its tower is off centre, and sits to the right of its quadrilateral base. The Spanish horse hooves do not lead to any of these towns, but rather pass by all of them. The Spanish path is only once bisected by the indio path at San Bartolome. This difference can be attributed to the volume of traffic either road sees, and also to the small number of Spaniards living within these three towns. This map also supports the division of space as represented on the maps studied in the previous section. The Christianized native population is shown to be more numerous, located in a smaller and less prosperous area in comparison to the Spanish, who prospered in more urbanised environments, such Chietla or Puebla. Several other representative examples can be cited for the horseshoe and footprint sign, including the trilingual map we noted above for its tiled domical roof structures17, and the Cuzcatlan map noted above for its empty parceling of native space. In some cases, only one set of prints appears without the other, which would indicate population and traffic patterns for the represented party. In a map of Culhuacan (Mexicatzingo), the indio footprint is exclusively used, despite its being a

That is, Muchitlan, Zumpango (March 7(, 1582), Benson Latin American Collection (University of Texas, Austin).

121 Spanish language map. The cross tops all its buildings, and this hints that the target reader for this map was a Spaniard, while the author was native (Fig. 3.11) . Another noteworthy example is of the Oztoticpac lands, dated c. 1540, much earlier than those that we have thus far studied19, and not too long after the Mexican Conquest during the 1520s. It has at some point been commented in Spanish (if not done so originally), and the European cartographical convention of the flag is used to represent buildings and entities, so that the top left building has a flag, and several other varieties of flag repeat throughout the map. These are clearly Spanish influences that the author has included on this map. A little further down from the top left corner is a complex divided into quadrants, and in between which footpaths with the indio footprint tell us that these areas are where the natives live. Other than the flags and the Spanish language, however, there is very little evidence of Christian representation on this map, but also very little appears to indicate Aztec beliefs or spiritual concerns. The map's absence of Christianity is conspicuous next to all other examples we have thus far encountered20.

3.3 Regional scale maps by Europeans

3.3a Manuscript maps The majority of maps of the Americas that are not on a world scale are hand drawn local and regional scale manuscript maps. The intended readership would have been limited as they are not distributed throughout the general population, and were probably never intended to be seen by more than a handful of people. Unlike local scale maps, the regional or medium scale map is almost always drawn by a

Culhuacan (Mexicatzingo), Mexico. January 17 , 1580 (Manuscript and ink). Benson Latin American Collection (University of Texas, Austin). 19 The Oztoticpac lands map (Mexico), c. 1540 (Manuscript and ink). Library of Congress. G4414.T54:209 1540 .09 20 As a counterpoint to an absence of Christianity is the twinning of Aztec and Christian symbols, as found on the Mexican glyph map of Cempoala (Zempoala), Veracruz, dated November 1st, 1580 (Benson Latin American Collection, University of Texas, Austin). This Mexican glyph map has incorporated some aspects of European cartography, such as the crosses that dot the map, and too the cononical towers below the crosses. The mountain behind Cempoala resembles a common motif on European navigational charts and medieval world maps, that of the Virgin as patron. The town itself was were Cortes planned his attack on the Aztec capital, and he returned to it after the Conquest to fight off Panfilo de Narvaez. The Totonacs who occupied Cempoala before and after the Conquest were overcome by the matlazahuatl epidemic (1575-1577) that swept the entire area, and it is in this environment that this map was produced.

122 Spanish author, and its style is almost always distinctly European. The purpose of these maps is multiple, but in general they are intended to show the expanse of land

Fig. 3.11: Culhuacan (Mexicatzingo), Mexico. Fig. 3.12: Mario general de todas las Mas del January 17th, 1580. Benson Latin American mundo dirigido a la S.C.R.M. del Rey Don Collection (University of Texas, Austin). Phelipe Nuestro Senor por Alonso de Santa Cruz su cosmographe. 1545. Eduardo Acevedo Latorre. p. 41.

dominated or conquered by the Spanish. These regional scale maps may describe the interrelationships of various towns to one another, or at other times, they are examples of some of the first Spanish maps of a particular area. The Central American map by Alonso de Santa Cruz (c. 1545), which stretches North to Florida and southward into South America (Fig. 3.12)21 is a fine example. This map marks Cuzco, a well-known and popular city throughout Europe by this time, and the upper part of South America is labeled La nveva Granada, which will later be placed more to the West on maps of this region, toward Peru. To the East, we see New Andalucia, and it is this particular tension, between the Old World and the New World that is mirrored so extensively in these regional scale maps. Like the local scale map, the regional scale map can show extensive detail such as city and architectural vignettes and textual details, including place names. Unlike the local scale map, however, the regional scale is not dependent upon a local and non-Spanish author for sufficient geographical and topographical knowledge. The regional scale is an expression of a Spanish 's own topographical and geographical knowledge of the area. When a Spaniard produces a regional scale

In Mario general de todas las Mas del mundo dirigido a la S.C.R.M. del Rey Don Phelipe Nuestro Senor por Alonso de Santa Cruz su cosmographe. 1545 (Manuscript and Ink). Eduardo Acevedo Latorre. p. 41. Acevedo's dating is problematic, given the dedication to Philip.

123 map, and when he includes Andalucian toponyms, this invokes nothing than the Peninsular Reconquest of the preceding century. The rhetoric and language of the Reconquest is, without a doubt, reproduced within the New World. The New World becomes a new spatial referent for this Old World rhetoric designed around conquest. On another map by Alonzo de Santa Cruz (1505-1567 AD), of Mexico and the Gulf region, the cartographer is primarily concerned with laying out some basic cartographical information such as landmarks and town names, particularly North of Mexico (Fig. 3.13)22. Many of these names are adapted from the native languages. However, Santa Cruz has paid special attention to places of economic value. For example, north of Mexico, there are "en estas montanas ... mjnas de plata". Across from what Santa Cruz has labeled the Rio Polo, which feeds into the Gulf of Mexico, is the only religious representation clearly labeled on this map. Contained in a box or rough cartouche is an angel, with two wings. The figure lies above the Cape of

Fig. 3.13: : Mapa del Golfo y costa de la Nueva Fig. 3.14: Joannes Doetecum. Americae Perui Espana: desde el Rio de Panuco hasta el cabo de aque ita ut Postremum de Tecta traditor recens Santa Elena...Alonso de Santa Cruz, pub. c. 1572. delineato. 1578. National Maritime Museum, LOC, G3860 1572. S3. P/6(2).

Mapa del Golfo y costa de la Nueva Espana: desde el Rio de Panuco hasta el cabo de Santa Elena...Alonso de Santa Cruz, pub. c. 1572 (Manuscript, ink and pencil). Library of Congress, G3860 1572. S3.

124 Bacalao, and just above appears the text prouincia del paul. The region of Paul is usually associated with the East, because that is the direction in which Paul went after Christ's death when all the apostles separated to spread Christianity23. In this sense, Santa Cruz is comapring the fabulous wealth of the Far East with that which he hopes to find North of Mexico. Santa Cruz's reference also directly transplants Paul's travels from the Far East to the Americas, thereby legitimizing the Christian occupation of that space through the disperio apostolorum. Santa Cruz refers textually to the Polo River, which has been since of Marco Polo an oriental reference commonly found on world maps, and so named after the medieval explorer. These attributes of Easterness are more commonly found on world scale representations of the New World.

3.3b Map text and the Islamicised place name The medium scale map uses more text than that which we would normally find on the local scale of map, in part because the chorographic detail is reduced. On the other hand, the medium scale map covers more territory, and in lieu of graphic representations, it will use more descriptive text in order to fit the information into the space provided. On a world map, text is not necessarily employed in the same way, which is to say, as a decorative or descriptive augment. The difference between local and world scale maps is vast in terms of usage and design. The regional scale can take into account the micro and macrocartographies relevant for the region, and include elements from both scales as cartographic referents that add profound context to the regional scale map. The regional scale map affords more room for ornamentation, such as borders, cartouches or sea monsters. This feature is used more extensively on the world or hemispheric map. We will also find chorographic details such as windmills, towers, and some topographic features unique to local scale representations on the regional map. An example of a text-and-graphic combination occurs in Joannes Doetecum's 1578 map of Meso- and South American territories,

23 It is debatable how far east Paul traveled. Acts keeps him within Asia Minor and the Mediterranean Basin for all of his travels. Similarly, the tripartite division of the world initially was scaled to the east of Africa, the Levant and the east of Europe, and in fact, did not reflect the world as such. The expansion of the tripartite division to account for the entire world is a corollary that would also push Paul more eastward in his discipling.

125 where beneath the city of Temisticam, or Mexico City, and above the erupting volcano so commonly represented below the capital, is La Vera—, which is followed by the sign of the cross, to signify Veracruz (Fig. 3.14) . In another example, text is used to project the geography of the Reconquest into South America. The North Pacific side was known as New Granada, and the North Atlantic side was known as New Andalucia25. This configuration reflects an inverted adaptation of Spain's reconquest geography. The Kingdom of Granada occupied the South Mediterranean side of Spain, while Andalucia occupied the lower Atlantic side and abutted Portugal. Similarly, New Andalucia abuts Portuguese territory within the Americas. South of Spain is the kingdom of Morocco, whereas north of the South American version of the reconquest geography, we find North African toponyms. In fact, Eastern Andalucian towns once located in Spain's Reino de Granada are found along the South America's West coast. This flipping of the regions of the Peninsular Andalucia, where Granada is an Eastern territory along the southern littoral region, occurs when it is transported to the New World, and recreated so that the Eastern Iberian territory is a Western New World territory. The structure is maintained along both coasts of the Atlantic, which is framed by Portuguese territory. For Spain, Portugal meets its western border, near Sevilla, while Granada was, in the previous century, the eastern-most area requiring reconquest. In South America, the situation is the same: Brazil flanks the eastern-most border with Spanish territories, meeting up with Nova Andalucia. The extreme West is flanked by New Granada, which contains the city of Cuzco. Unlike Mexico City, Cuzco was neither firmly conquered nor at peace until the 1570s. This inverted Andalucia within South America also carries with it Andalucian and Granadine toponyms. Mendoza's 1584 map of South America, published by Ortelius (Fig. 3.15)26, uses several toponyms between Quito and Cuzco that represent during the last century in Spain some of the most difficult cities to conquer for the Catholics. Called the Pervvia Regio, these

Americae Perui ague ita ut Postremum de Tecta traditor recens delineato. Joannes Doetecum, 1578 . National Maritime Museum, P/6(2). 25 Barbara Fuchs discusses the representation of the Reconquest in the Americas in her book, Mimesis and Empire. New York: University of Cambridge Press, 2001. 26 Pervviae avrifery regionis typvs (in the Theatrum orbis terrarum, 1584). University of Florida, George A. Smathers Library, UF90000034.

126 Fig. 3.15: Perwiae avrifery regionis typvs (in A. Ortelius. Theatrum orbis terrarum. 1584). University of Florida, George A. Smathers Library, UF90000034.

cities are: Velez, Merida, Logroho, Zamora, Loxa and Jaen. Cuenca is also included in this series of cities, although it was reconquered much earlier. Nonetheless, Cuenca hosted a large population of moriscos and had a known community of reformists calling it home during the 16th Century. North of Peru, there are several African toponyms throughout the Regio Bogota, including Marequita (Marraquesh), Tunxa (Tunisa/Tunisia). This is significant in supporting the theory that the Spanish superimposed the geography of the Reconquest throughout the New World as part of their rhetoric for Conquest. The adapted geography also supports the comparison between indio and moro, or non-Catholics in general, and this is at the crux of carto- religious signs throughout the Americas as a whole. A coreferentiality has developed between how the Aztecs and means are represented toward in the Americas and how the Ottoman Turks were represented in our Africa map selection. Map signs such as the sphere, the crescent and the dome are supported by text on the map (i.e. placenames) that as a whole coalesced in a rhetorical strategy that supported conquest.

127 3.3c Other signs for Islam Several manuscript and printed maps use the signs for Muslim space that we encountered earlier in the Mexico City and Cuzco, and throughout Africa. At times they are mythologically Far Eastern in nature, and at others, they are more Mediterranean in nature. Consider a manuscript map detailing the waterworks employed throughout the towns neighbouring Izucar, featuring the river Atoyac, the Malinche's volcano, a windmill, the towns of Izucar, Xoxuma and Atlixco, and the surrounding countrysides27. The top most legend reads "Nicolas dezamudio En Virtud de mandamiento, del Exmo. Sr. Virrey de la Nueva Espafia de la saca de Agua del Rio de At oyaque quepasa. serca dela ciudad de los Angeles, Para el Balle de Yzucar". The map is East-oriented, so that the text Norte is indicated at left, as is Camino a Puebla, above which sits the city of Angeles (Puebla de los Angeles). To the right, or Sur, the other towns are marked, including the Mar del Sur. A building in Puebla de los Angeles, at the North East area of the map can be identified. It is rounded, with no discernable square base, and it is flanked by two upward-reaching spires, in between which sits an onion-shaped bulbous finial upon a comparatively shorter spire. This vignette is similar to an Eastern European mosque or Orthodox building. No other building on the map has either the spires or the rounded top as architectural characteristics, and none have crosses. By itself, this particular architectural feature may seem anomalous. We do have several other similar indications for Muslim architecture within the Americas, including the local scale map of Muchitlan, Zumpango (Tlaxcala), studied above, which features domed roofs. On the regional scale map of Ixcatlan, (Oaxaca), which is East-oriented and by a Spaniard, the buildings shown are all churches that indicate settlements (Fig. 3.16)28. They differ in terms of their towers. The towns with cross- topped churches include Quicatlan (crosses on the church walls, a common motif for reconquested space in representation) and Ixcatlan (two crosses on towers). Ixcatlan is the largest city and church on the map. The towns with a trefoliated finial on top

Mapa de la saca de agua del Rio Atoyac, quepasa cerca de la ciudad de los Angeles para el voile de Izucar. Anonymous. 1533 (Manuscript, ink and watercolour). Copy of original. Cartografia del estado de Puebla. Sigh XVI. Vol. 2. 28 Ixcatlan, Sta. Maria (Santa Maria Ixcatlan, Oaxaca). October 13th, 1579 (Manuscript and ink). Benson Latin American Collection (University of Texas, Austin).

128 Fig. 3.16: Ixcatlan, Sta. Maria (Santa Maria Fig. 3.17: J. Martines. Carribbean and American Ixcatlan, Oaxaca). October 13*, 1579. Benson Coasts map, 1572. National Maritime Museum, Latin American Collection (University of Texas, P/6(5). Austin).

of their churches include Cocolan and Agtatl; both are situated toward the North. The towns with churches topped by spheres include Teotitlan, Coyula, Nocpala, Teopatongo, Tecomabaco, Coulula, Macatlan, and Tecuctapec. Three towns appear to have churches topped with ramparts, indicating a fortified structure, and these include Quauhtla, Quextlauaca, and Atlatlavca; all are situated toward the West, and surround Ixcatlan. The town of Teclictepec is to be topped by a crescent, while the town of Quiotepec is topped by a flag and the town of Tuxtla is topped by an onion- shaped bulbous dome and spherical finial. These distinctions are important because a Spaniard has purposely drawn all these buildings differently. Some fall within clearly European ideas for Islamic heretical space. The towns outfitted with ramparts are bellicose or somehow aggressive, and the name Quextlauaca recalls part of the name for the indigenous deity Quetzlecoatl, with which the Spanish are familiar. Another example of map signs for Islamic space occurs in Joan Martines' inset map of Mexico City, which depicts the city topped by the Spanish flag (3.17)29. The buildings of Mexico City have bulbous red tops similar to Persian buildings

The Mexico City inset is found on Martines' Carribbean and American Coasts map, 1572 (Manuscript and Ink). National Maritime Museum, P/6(5).

129 represented by Europeans during this era. There are no crosses. Similarly, in a map of the New Granada region, also full of graphic detail given the scale of map, to the bottom right is a vignette of the city of Sancta fee Bogota30. The city's towers do not feature crosses, and there is a flag with a right-opening crescent moon immediately below the g in Bogota. This particular map also features a sea monster at top left, below which a red coloured devil appears on land. In a unique calendar map series , a map of the Strait of Magellan includes a vignette of Cuzco where the buildings are topped with domes and spires. Below a second vignette that occupies a large space, there are several tents and a nude man with a spear (Fig. 3.18). Given its location above the Strait, it must refer to the usual settlement of Giants that we encounter in this region. A second map detailing the Rio de Plata region (Fig. 3.19)33, illustrates the town of El Asengydn, in which one of the buildings has a conical roof with sphere and spire finial. Despite the town's name, it

Fig. 3.18: Anon. Estrecho de Magalhanes. National Maritime Museum, P/14 (11R).

Mapa de todo el cur so del rio Magdalenay trozos de costa de Nueva Granada en el Paciflco. 1570 (Manuscript and ink). Eduardo Acevedo Latorre. p. 46. This series is by an anonymous Portuguese artist or cartographer, working for a Spanish client. Each map also is a monthly calendar. 32 National Maritime Museum, P/14 (11R). 33 National Maritime Museum, P/14 (1IV).

130 Fig. 3.19: Anon. Rio de Plata. National Maritime Fig. 3.20: Anon. Rio de Janiero. National Museum, P/14 (1IV). Maritime Museum, P/14 (12R). bears no cross, except that which coincides with the placement of a window, and is most likely a window frame. A third map in this series, illustrating the area from Rio de Janiero to the Amazon River34, and representing the months of November and December, features a red flag with a blue crescent moon extending on a pole from a Cross (Fig. 3.20). The blue and red are Portugal's colours, and the crescent is the sign Christians use to signify Islam. By placing the crescent in Brasil and by using Portuguese colours, the comparison between Muslim territory and Portuguese territory is made. This comparison is facilitated by the religious map sign and the national colours of Portugual. However, the representation itself is not of religious space. Rather, the author is representing space that is outside of Imperial Spanish control during this period of the 16th Century. Other referents for Muslim space used on this map include the beveled edged blue flag with five dots. The beveled edged flag is employed to make the flag appear to be flapping in the wind. There is another instance where the beveled edged flag has been used in association with Islam at the regional scale, aside from the previous example, and that of the Santa Fe de Bogota example. The Dourado atlas is a collection of several regional scale maps that illustrate various parts of the world, and it is unique for

National Maritime Museum, P/14 (12R).

131 overtly illustrating non-Catholic space . Two symbols are predominately used, the first being the crescent moon. Variations on the crescented flag and armorial shield are found from Africa to the Pacific at Borneo on Dourado's maps. The second symbol is the Fleur de Lis, which is found in France, Africa and the New World. The linkage between Africa and France, given that the Fleur de Lis is the only symbol employed on Dourado's Mediterranean map to illustrate Northern Africa, substantiates Dourado's use of the symbol within coreferential environments. Dourado purposely shrinks Spanish territory on his map of the Northern continent horizontally, so that the Gulf of Lawrence falls just above the Florida peninsula. In the very last map, of South America, Dourado has given Brazil most of the continent. Unlike most representations of the Southern continent, Dourado's version lacks the Giants settlement, Cannibals and negative depictions of space within Brasilian territory (Fig. 3.21). The one exception is the flag held by the cherub and containing the coat of arms employed by Dourado to signify Hispanic land. The shape of the flag is triangular, flapping in the wind. The only example of such a flag design in Dourado's work is found throughout Turkish, Muslim and 'other' African and Pacific regions. And in all of these regions where the beveled-edge flag is used, it is crescented and within Muslim territory. In this case, there is no crescent, even while the shape of the heretical flag would seem to characterise the space. Identical flags are found within our Africa map selection. This Islamicisation may be associated at times with the mythological Far East commonly found throughout representations of North America. European representations for the East are overt, while Islamic references are subtle. Gastadi's La Nvova Francia is one of the more overt examples of a Far Eastern North America (Fig. 3.22) . The most striking attribute of this map is the empty upper left corner, labeled Parte incognita, because it is so large, and because phsyical features (i.e. rivers) abruptly end at the blank space. The North-Eastern corner, Terra de Labrador, is supported by several native and European boats in the coastal waters,

35 Atlas. Fernao Vaz Dourado, c. 1576 (Illuminated manuscript). Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal, IL. 171. 36 La Nvova Francia. Giacomo Gastaldi, 1556, in G.B. Ramusio's Navigationi et Viaggi, Venice (1556). Canada: cartes historiques. Association des cartotheques canadiennes. Ottawa: 1'Association, 1980,map#49.

132 Fig. 3.21: Fernao Vaz Dourado. Atlas., c. 1576 . Fig. 3.22: Giacomo Gastaldi. LaNvova Francia. in G.B. Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal, IL. 171. Ramusio. Navigationi et Viaggi, Venice, 1556. Canada: cartes historiques. Association des cartotheques canadiennes. Ottawa: 1'Association, 1980, map #49.

whereas the island below the boat vignettes is called Isola de Demoni. This island features devils dancing at its northern tip, a settlement of natives at its centre, and some wildlife and an indio pointing a bow and arrow at the mainland at its southern tip. The configuration suggests that the natives live alongside the devils. The mainland across from this island contains several natives in various domestic occupations, including hunting, and there are white polar bears in the North behind these vignettes close to the frontier into the unknown. Below the island of devils is Terra nvova, followed to the South by the island of Baccalaos, below which rests an island on which a cross topped with a Fleur de lis stands. To the south of New France, within the Terra de Nvrvmbega, is a peninsula labeled Le paradis, which hosts a bay, Port Real. The European boats featured on this map have sails printed with the Fleur de Lis, with the exception of the Northern-most boat, which has a Spanish sail. Gastaldi is arguing that all of this territory is French (or will be French once their boats arrive), with the exception of the North. We can also speculate that Gastaldi is hinting at the Spanish interest in discovering a North West Passage. A second, more polemical example, also of Maritime Canada, was produced in 1556, the same year that Gastaldi's map was published (Fig. 3.23)37. This map of Eastern North America, from Florida to Labrador and terra incognita, is covered with

Carte de Terre-Neuve. Cosmographie Universelle de Guillaume Le Testu, 1556. Christian Jacob, L 'Empire des cartes. Fig. 21.

133 crescented blue flags. At the Coste de la Flovride three of these flags appear; one with four smaller golden crescents, the second with a much larger crescent, and a third with small stars. In present-day North Eastern United States at the centre of the map, there are several Fleur des Lis, also in blue and gold, and above which a blue flag, distinguished by two upward-opening crescents, and between which a crescented triad consisting of three interlacing crescents, forms the flag's feature. The Fleur de Lis also appear on the compass rose (a tool for navigation and measurement), and these crescents appear in and near French territory, in French colours. Le Testu is probably striking out against Catholic French territory in the New World (he was a

Fig. 3.23: Carte de Terre-Neuve. Cosmographie Fig. 3.24: Mappamundi of Juan de la Cosa [Juan de la Universelle de Guillaume Le Testu, 1556. Christian cosa lo Fizo en el Puerto de Santa Maria. Ano de Jacob, L 'Empire des cartes. Fig. 21. 1500]. Atlas de mapas antiguos de Colombia, s. XVI- XIX. Bogota, 1986. Lam. VI (p. 26-28).

Huguenaut), and he employs the Islamic crescent moon to do his bidding in this respect. Diane de Poitiers used the crescent moon as a symbol, and Le Testu could be illustrating these territories as belonging to his patron. When this symbol is matched with the beveled edged flag, a negative connotation must be implied, for it has never

134 been found in any other context. This example also illustrates how Europeans depict other Europeans within the New World.

3.4 World and hemispheric scale maps by Europeans

3.4a North American and World representations North America refers not to the present day division of continents but rather a generic division found on 16th Century maps. The northern territories include as the southern extreme parts of Mexico and Florida, and at times some of the Caribbean islands. South America may extend as far north as the present-day southern United States, and it is not uncommon to find eastern Canada as a northern boundary. Just as Africa acquired Eastern characterisations before and throughout the 16th Century, so does the New World. In part, this is because, like Africa and the Orient, the New World has unknown and unknowable regions. It lies to the West of the Iberian Peninsula, which, in a spherical world, indicates that it is also to the East of the Iberian Peninsula. These qualities of Easterness and of unknowable territory are first ascribed by to the American territories and inhabitants. He discusses the Americas and its contents in terms of the Terrestrial Paradise38, which is at the far Eastern-most extreme of the world at this time. He situates the Americas within the Far East, and employs terms of wonder and marvel, which is how the medieval travelers and historians discussed the Orient. He inserts these two rhetorical referents (biblical and historical) into the figure that is the Americas while adding the physical referent of calling it the Indias, where the indios live, a region that also lies to the East of Europe. Columbus arrived in 1492 at Cipango and he cited mappamundis for getting him to that place39. These mappamundis told him and the world that he was

Several are the references to New World wealth, and to various characteristics associated with the Garden of Eden and the Terrestrial Paradise. See, for example, Columbus' fourth voyage, in which he describes in his usual way the land and peoples he had discovered: "Dos indios me llevaron a Carambaru, adonde la gente anda desnuda y al cuello un espejo de oro, mas no le querian vender ni dar a trueque. Nombraronme muchos lugares en la costa de la mar, adonde decian que habia oro y minas". In Los cuatro viajes del almirante y su testamento. Ed. Ignacio B. Anzoategui. Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1991, p. 191. 39 [24 October, 1492] "Y yo asf lo tengo, porque creo que si es asi, como por seflas que me hizieron todos los indios destas islas y aquellos que llevo yo en los navios, porque por lengua no los entiendo,

135 in the East. Columbus' discovery became much larger than first thought , and once the Indias had been abandoned as an Eastern territory, the Americas as named still continued to retain these socially-embedded ideas of Easterness41. From the plan Columbus lays out for his future after he moves on from the Americas, it is clear that his overall program of conquest is influenced by religion and apocalypse. Not only does he justify the occupation and naming of the New World (ie Indias) with language that describes the lands of and near the Terrestrial Paradise, but also, his next conquest will be Jerusalem42, which is occupied at this time by the Ottomans, and it is here that the final battle will occur during the Apocalypse. This preoccupation with Jerusalem and the Apocalypse is expressed in his writings, which suggest that the Apocalypse was commonly thought to be near. The tension between Jerusalem and the Far East, or between Christians and Gog and Magog, is an expression of the conflict between good and evil. Good and evil attributes sourced to the Apocalypse (and especially to biblical treatments of the Apocalypse) were found in the New World43. Columbus started this trend for the Americas in his initial letters. There are biblical, and biblically-interpreted, historical indications that connect the New World and the East through various scenarios.

es la isla de Cipango, de que se cuentan cosas maravillosas, y en las esferas que yo vi y en las pinturas de mapamundos es ella en esta comarca." In Los cuatro viajes, p. 47. 40 See Columbus' own admissions that he erred in originally thinking he had discovered an island, in his famous letter to D. Luis de Santangel, in Relacionesy cartas de Cristobal Colon. Madrid, 1892, p. 184-194, esp. p. 186. 41 This is explored by several authors, including Ballantine Perera, Jennifer. "Rhetoric of the Discovery of the New World: Images of an Unknown World/ A Real World Disregarded". Postcolonial Forum. University of Kent, 2001; Enterline, James Robert. Erikson, Eskimos and Columbus: Medieval European Knowledge of America. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2002; Flint, Valerie I.J. The Imaginative Landscape of Christopher Columbus. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992; Hart, Jonathan. Representing the New World: The English and French Uses of the Example of Spain. New York: Palgrave, 2001; and Reinharts, Dennis and Saxon, Gerald D. Eds. The Mapping of the Entradas into the Greater Southwest. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1998. 42 Columbus writes several times that his next intended project would be the reconquest of Jerusalem. In part, this might explain the rather overt and Edenic language he employs to describe the lands and peoples he encounters throughout the New World, in part because the Catholic Kings appear to respond to this type of language. For example, see his first voyage, in Los cuatro viajes, p. 114; and his Will, p. 214-215. 43 This is still evident in Magog, Quebec.

136 One such scenario plays out in Juan de la Cosa's c.1500 manuscript world map which features the new territories (Fig. 3.24)44. The two continents are divided by a compass rose, upon which a vignette depicts the Virgin Mary atop a crescent moon45. This vignette doubles as a compass rose. North America extends from Mexico to Labrador, and is attached to the Far East as one landmass. Like the Gastaldi map, there is a settlement on the top right of strange, unknown beings. The topography of North America varies greatly according to de la Cosa, and such as he has depicted several scalloped half circles, representing hills throughout these territories. Each of these has a point or dot, which is be another reference to Paradise. Columbus writes that Paradise is located as a nipple upon the woman's breast; this is in reference to Eden being located upon a mountain46. Columbus also links the Terrestrial Paradise with the Amazon River47. The Amazons themselves are usually depicted on medieval maps as being located in North Eastern Europe along Russia's northern border with the polar sea or, conversely, north of Mongolia, also bordering the polar sea. The Amazons are also usually placed as a vignette or textual toponym, next to Gog and Magog48. Thus, they are relevent to the location of Paradise, in that they are considered to be an Eastern people. We have encountered both Amazons and the Terrestrial Paradise in the south-eastern corner of Africa, which implies that these two continents have common referents that facilitate the representation. According to Bartolome de las Casas (1484-1566 AD), who compiled these writings and diaries of the Admiral, Columbus believes Paradise to be located in the East:

Mappamundi of Juan de la Cosa [Juan de la cosa lo Fizo en el Puerto de Santa Maria. Afio de 1500]. Atlas de mapas antiguos de Colombia, s. XVI-XIX. Bogota, 1986. Lam. VI (p. 26-28). 45 The image of the Virgin and the crescent moon will be discussed in the chapter on Europe. 46 During his third voyage, he writes: "Yo siempre lei que el mundo, tierra e agua, era esferico, e las autoridades y experiencias que Tolomeo y todos los otros escribieron de este sitio daban e amostraban para ello, asi por eclipses de la Luna y otras demostraciones que hacen de Oriente fasta Occidente, como de la elevation del polo de Septentri6n en Austro. Agora vi tanta disconformidad, como ya dije, y por esto me puse a tener esto del mundo, y falle que no era redondo en la forma que escriben; salvo que es de la forma de una pera que sea toda muy redonda, salvo alii donde tiene el pezon, que alii tiene mas alto, o como quien tiene una pelota muy redonda yenun lugar de ella fuese como una teta de mujer alii puesta, y que esta parte de este pezon sea la mas alta e mas propinca al cielo y sea debajo la linea equinocial y en esta mar oceana en fin del Oriente." {Los cuatro viajes, p. 180-181). 47 Los cuatro viajes, p. 184. 48 More on the Amazons will be explored in the Chapter on Europe.

137 ...dice el Almirante que bien dijeron los sacros teologos y los sabios filosofos que el Paraiso Terrenal esta en el fin de Oriente, porque es lugar temperadisimo. Asi que aquellas tierras que agora el habia descubierto es -dice el- el fin del Oriente.

Bartolome de las Casas has clarified that, even after the Americas are named, the connection between them and the Far East as a spiritual geography is maintained decades into the 16th Century. The referent that justifies Eden in the Far East (i.e. in Indonesia or Trobana), Africa or the Americas is the 'temperate climate' mixed with terra incognita, and either the notion of East or origin from the . On Martin Waldseemtiller's 1507 Ptolemeic world map (Fig. 3.25)50, the Americas are shown separate from the Far East. An island of idolaters has been included on his map off the Pacific coast of Canada. The text reads Habitatores sunt ijdolatre, and this is a reference to the inhabitants of Trobrana, a commonly represented island upon which, or near which, Paradise can be found on many medieval maps, and where some textual reference to idolaters is often made. He renders North America as a slice of land, most of which is unknown. Waldseemuller is the first to have this configuration for the unknown, and we will see it repeated throughout the century as one of two configurations for North America.

V ^ " M, Hi

IPliPtS; -*"^r -".! ^\^~ ;^0^>*?*^\

o

Wm !v...^...

Fig. 3.25: M. Waldseemuller. Universalis Fig. 3.26: Mathias Quad. Novi orbis pars borealis Cosmographia Secundum Ptholomei Traditionem et (1600). Hargrett Library, Map 1600 Q8. Americi Vespucci Aliovofmjque lustratione. St. Di6, 1507 (LOC).

49 Los cuatro viajes, p. 147. 50 M. Waldseemuller. Universalis Cosmographia Secundum Ptholomei Traditionem et Americi Vespucci Aliovofmjque lustratione. St. Die, 1507 (Library of Congress).

138 C 1 Interestingly, Matthias Quad's 1600 Novi orbis pars borealis (Fig. 3.26) commits to a similar division of the unknown. Based on de Jode's 1593 map, all the North American territories are crammed into a rectangular space in order to fit the map's paper, while using no projection to regulate matters of scale or distance for travel. At the very top of the map is a thin landmass, divided in two, and labeled Incognita. To the left, the land is described as unknowable due to the cold, being situated to the right just above Greenland. Near here is the North West Passage, below which is the Arctic Circle. The eastern half of North America is called Nova Francia. The island of Demons is situated in the Maritime region off Labrador, and the territory called Baccalao is defined as British territory and occupies much of the known region. The North West Passage describes a passage running between the Atlantic and the Pacific or to the north of the Far Eastern landmass, thus bypassing North America. This route was highly sought-after and thought to be a lucrative trade route. Gerard

Fig. 3.27: Orbis terrae compendiosa descriptio. Fig. 3.28: Quarte partie du monde (from La (One of two sheets) 1587 . Hagrett Library, Map cosmographie universelle d'Andre Thevet, 1587 M4. cosmographe du roy...chez Pierre l'Huillier, 1575). In Canada: cartes historiques. Association des carotheques et archives cartographiques du Canada. Ottawa: l'Association, 1994 (Vol. IV), carte no 147.

51 Hargrett Library, Map 1600 Q8.

139 Mercator was one of the most well-known cartographers to deal with its location. In his 1587 world map52, nearly half the map is dedicated to illustrating the New World territories (Fig. 3.27). He has named the North American continent America sive India nova, above which is situated the Artie Circle running through Canada. Mercator has placed the Kingdom of Anian on the North American continent, to the West. Normally, this territory is found on Asian maps53. This placement is surprising, given the time period in which the map was produced, and given the overall accuracy of the New World's coastline, dimensions, and the textual details Mercator provides. It is also surprising that Mercator decides to leave most of North America blank, especially around the more Eastern and explored areas. Mercator carefully left enough space between the North Pole and the North of Canada, producing the North West Passage. In John Dee's 1577 General and rare memorials pertayning to the perfect arte of navigation, Dee transcribes a letter written by Gerard Mercator shortly beforehand describing the Arthurian source for the Polar Regions on his 1569 world map (most known today for the introduction of the ). Mercator's 1554 map of Europe depicts an English ship sailing toward the North West Atlantic, while his 1572 edition appends three ships on this route. This entire series by Mercator highlights the competition for, and potential political value of, the North West Passage, in particular between England and Spain under Philip II. Like the North West Passage, much of the northern continent was unknown during much of the 16th Century. A common representation for unknown space is blank space. On Andre Thevet's 1575 map of the new territories (Fig. 3.28)54, Thevet also includes, to the top left, the Far East, and to the top right, Greenland. At top right below Labrador, there exists the I. des diables. To the West, Thevet situates the Royaume d'Anian just below the Artie Circle, not unlike Mercator's 1587 map.

52 Orbis terrae compendiosa descriptio. 1587 . Hagrett Library, Map 1587 M4. 53 Not too long before Mercator made this map, and with the support of Hernan de Cortes, Francisco de Ulloa attempted to find the mythical Strait of Anian. Andre Thevet's 1575 map shows this Strait. Quarte partie du monde (from La cosmographie universelle d'Andre Thevet, cosmographe du roy...chez Pierre I'Huillier, 1575). In Canada: cartes historiques. Association des cartotheques et archives cartographiques du Canada. Ottawa: l'Association, 1994 (Vol. IV), carte no 147.

140 However, unlike Mercator, this map appears to not support the existence of the North West Passage, since Terre Neveve is landlocked to the North. Diego Gutierrez, as many others before and after him have done, also leaves this space blank55. Closer to Mexican territories, one can see a distinct architectural representation at Mefchite, where the tower is cylindrical but not topped by a finial, dome, sphere or cross, and above this we return to the blank space filled in with occasional mythological references, as is the case for the Anian region. Diego Gutierrez's map places a cartouche over the Americas that reads:

Quarta hec orbis pars geographis omnibus usqu in annum 1497 incog nita permansit, quo tempore inssu Regis Castelle ab Americo Vespucio in uenta est, a quo tanquam ab inuentore etiam nomen obtiunit.

To the right of this text are Greenland and Labrador, below which lies the Tierra de Baccalaos. Off the coast of this region is a grouping of islands referred to as Onze mi Ivirgines, which appears to coincide with present day Nova Scotia, but in actuality, this grouping of islands has a medieval history. Usually placed on the Eastern-most region of the medieval mappamundi, off the coast of England, these islands are associated with the Christian princess and her ladies—all virgins—who were slaughtered by the Huns when she refused to marry their leader. The Huns are associated with the pre-Islamic and later Islamic traditions from the Christian perspective. Reaching the most North-Western point of the map, Gutierrez concedes that VLTERIVS HEC TERRA INCOGNITA PERMANSIT. Toward the South, below Chichi Mechi territory, is a vignette for Mexico City, below which a volcano is erupting. It is notable that the 1572 Santa Cruz map names a Province of Paul north of Mexico City, and that here on Gutierrez's map we have, below the Rio de palmas and Mexico City, a second river named S. Pablo.

See his 1562 Americae sive Qvartae orbis partis nova (Library of Congress, G3290 1562 .G7). Also see Jean Bellere's Brevis Exactaque Totius Novi Orbis in Pedro de Cieza de Leon's Parte Primera de la Cronica del Peru (Antwerp, 1554).

141 Ruysch's 1508 world map, however, is probably the most concise summary of medieval oriental transpositions into the New World (Fig. 3.29)56. His map is centered on the Atlantic, which has become a convention of our time, instead of Jerusalem. Almost all the sources he cites on the map are Spanish or are bottlenecked through sources cited by Columbus in his writings. Asia and North America are joined on Ruysch's map, and the Arctic Circle runs through them, unlike the Waldseemliller map, where the Arctic Circle did not pass through North America. Greenland is attached to the North Eastern coast of Canada, and like Gastaldi's map, he includes the Demon islands on his eastern coast. In the mid northern region of the Americas, one will note the term Iudei inclusi51, meaning enclosed Jews, a reference to one of the nations shut-in by Alexander the Great behind mountains in the Far East. Waldseemuller include the references in his version of Asia, and it is later repeated in Ortelius. Gog and Magog are among these Shut-in Nations, and the fact that the Jews are included in this group is an anti-Semitic reference that suggests a connection with the Lost or migrated Tribes of Israel. Gog and Magog are often described as the immundae gentes on medieval maps, such as the 13th Century Ebstorf mappamundi, which places Gog and Magog North of the Caspian Sea. They are moved to the north

Fig. 3.29: Vniversalior Cogniti Orbis Tabvla, Ex Fig. 3.30: Vniversale descrittione di tvtta la terra Recentibvs Confecta Observationibvs, 1508. conoscivta fin qvi. (Venice: F. Berteli, 1565). LOC, G3200 1565 .F6.

Vniversalior Cogniti Orbis Tabvla, Ex Recentibvs Confecta Observationibvs, 1508 Martellus' c. 1490 map of the world uses the term Judei Clausi, as in Shut-in Jews.

142 eastern extreme of the world on the 1375 Catalan Atlas, probably due to Marco Polo's writings58. A topographical feature often found near the Shut-in Nations is the Mountains of Imam, located on Ruysch's map at the North Pole. They consist of the magnetic substance by that name and this magnetism causes the Sugeno Sea to whirl. References to Imam can be found in several north Asian mountain ranges, almost all of them in Ottoman and Mongolian territories on Ruysch's map. This Shut-In Jewish nation is, for Ruysch, located above the Arctic Circle and just to the West of Greenland, and below the Mare Svgenvm that encircles the North Pole on all maps since Ptolemy59. Most notable is the comparison between this Enclosed Jewish nation and its counterpart on the other side of the Sugenum Sea, over Russia, the regio obscuritatis, cited by Marco Polo. The centre of northern landmass, which extending south toward the gulf shared with Florida, is Gog, and below this, Magog. In fact, the region of Magog borders a Caribbean sea that includes Cuba and Hispanola, but not Mexico. A river named after Marco Polo feeds into this sea, and the map by Santa Cruz showed in Northern Mexico the same river feeding into the Gulf of Mexico. This river is on most medieval representations of Asia, normally feeding into the Pacific Ocean. The Demon Islands, off Canada's East coast, has a legend that reads "when mariners arrive to these islands, they are mocked by the demons, and they don't escape without danger"60. This is similar to the island of Idolaters we noted above. A similar map by Forlani61, published in 1565, shows Asia and North America joined by way of a landmass that extends from the current mid-Pacific United States (Fig. 3.30). It arches up toward present-day British Columbia, and connects with the shapeless and then relatively known continent of Asia. This extra landmass is labelled Terra Incocnita, and it is filled with monsters, but no place names. It

Edward Heawood. "A Hitherto Unknown World Map of A.D. 1506". The Geographical Journal. 1923 (279-293) p. 285 59 Transcribed as the Absorbant Sea, it is always labelled on the North Eastern parts of medieval mappamundis, and while encircling the North Pole, it also contains four islands. These islands have their own mythology. Apud has insulas quando naute perueniunt, illuduntur a daemonibus ita ut sine periculo non euadunt. Vniversale descrittione di tvtta la terra conoscivta fin qvi. (Venice: F. Berteli, 1565). Library of Congress, G3200 1565 .F6.

143 extends from these regions into much of the United States and Canada. On the Asian side of this cultural vacuum—around modern-day Mongolia or Northern Russia—is Amagog, which lies just south of the Arctic Circle, according to Forlani. Amagog is where Magog, or the people of Gog, live.

3.4b South American and World representations Despite the Spanish and Portuguese having conquested and settled the Southern continent over the course of the 16th Century, very little religious representation is employed upon larger scale maps during this era. This may well be because there is less perceived conflict throughout these regions, especially throughout Spanish territory. More importantly, the Southern continent is more knowable and it is also smaller than North America, which boasts multiple mountain ranges and the Great Lakes region as temporary physical barriers to exploration. The north also offers some striking climate differences, and thus limited exploration. For these reasons, South America has less blank space because it is more thoroughly known. Much of the South America map selection is unimportant, therefore, from a religious sign perspective, because few contain the signs and vignettes, especially when place names and topographical features fill in the continent.

When terra incognita disappeared from the map, so did the possibility of locating Eden in that territory. Similarly, Gog and Magog do not exist in the South, even while, in theory, they could at the very southern tip where it is sufficiently cold and inhospitable to suit the medieval tradition for representing them. We only find errant referents for Apocalyptic and Spiritual geography in the south. One such example occurs on Minister's Tabula nouarum insularum (Fig. 3.31)62. Dating from 1550, he has made the Yucatan into an island near Cuba, and Mesoamerica has been greatly exaggerated, as have the natural resources such as gold contained therein. The Western coast of South America, or Nouus orbis, is marked by the city Catigara, which is usually labeled on pre-Columbian Ptolemaic maps as the most Eastern city of Asia, often associated with the Garden of Eden as the most Eastern place in the

Hargrett Library, Map 1550 M8.

144 Fig. 3.31: Tabula nouarum insularum. Hargrett Fig. 3.32: La herdike enterprinse faict par le Library, Map 1550 M8. Signeur Draeck D'Avoir cirquit toute la Terre. Nicola van Sype. Antwerp, 1581. LOC, G3201. S12 1581 .S9.

world. Despite including in his map parts of eastern Asia, Miinster has removed the city from Asia and placed it in the New World. 's 1499 letter may have convinced Miinster that Catigara was in fact part of the Americas. If this is the case, then Amerigo would appear to be the source of the representation, and not Miinster, who simply reproduced it. Miinster has also rendered a few different names for the New World regions, including Infula Atlantica, Brafllia or Americam. To the right of this text, where Brazil normally is found, is the Canibali vignette, complete with severed leg and pyre. To the south, the Regio gigantum sits above the Magellan Strait. These two indications—vignettes of Cannibals and Giants—are absent from de la Cosa (1500), Cantino (1502), and Waldseemuller (1507)63, which suggests that the political tension that they reflect later in the century were not present during the first decade of the 16th Century. Before these names for South America existed, and before Amerigo Vespucci became the authority that Miinster, and others, has made of him, the New World went by another name. Commonly referred to as Mvndvs Novvs, and later as America, Ruysch's first term reads Terra Sancte Crucis on his 1508 map. By the following decade, variants on America became more popular, as did New World, its generic form. Minister's representation of Brazilian land, and of the Southern Giant settlement, also became quite popular, as his map was frequently reproduced. He was possibly influenced by Apian's map. His map notes Mexico City, but not Florida;

Waldseemuller nonetheless indicates cannibals in Brazil using text.

145 Cuba, but not Mexico proper; Hisspinola, but not Brazil. South America, or Americam as it is called, contains a vignette for Perv, and another where Brazil should be labeled, using the text Canibali. In the southern-most region, there is the Kingdom of Giants, below which Apian has noted the Strait of Magellan. In Diego Gutierrez' 1562 map, throughout South America, Nova Andalvzia appears just below Venezuela, and Brazil is only somewhat reduced in size, but is nonetheless filled with representations of cannibals, and vignettes of natives starting fires, cutting a corpse, and cooking meat on a spit. The typical Gigantvm regio vignette is reserved for the tip just above the Magellan strait. In another example, Langren's 1595 West- oriented map shows the tip of Florida and South America, but not Mexico64. The northern region of South America is titled Andalvsia Nova, just south of which lie the provinces of Omagva and Pagvana. Throughout Brasilia, several vignettes for cannibals can be found. In one instance they have human limbs hanging from the branches of a tree (after Miinster or Apian), a table on which a body is cut apart by two people, and beside which a fire cooks meat, and a group of naked people fighting each other. These particular vignettes differ somewhat from Peter Apian's map, because they are more negative representations. The Southern-most region is occupied by Giants, and additionally there are montahas de Gigantes along the Pacific coast. By itself, the representation of Giants is not an attempt to signify any sort of spiritual or religious corollary relevant to the area. Although, one does presume that, when referring to the Patagonians, which have a mythology not unlike that of the Amazonians, the author is attempting to fill in blank space. Amazons and Patagonians share similar environments. Giants, as in our Africa map selection, will be found in places where humans cannot live, and it is for this reason that we find them in the southern mountains of the Americas. The Amazons, between Russia, Africa and the Americas, settle on great bodies of water, rivers, and are proximate to the unknown and monstruous. In Russia, these monsters include Gog and Magog. In Africa, these range from Cyclops to big-footed creatures, and near-by features

Eduardo Acevedo Latorre. Atlas de mapas antiguos de Colombia. Sighs XVI a XIX. Bogota: Litografia Arco, 1971. p 38-39.

146 included Prester John, the Garden of Eden, and the Rivers of Paradise. In the Americas, the Amazons are near the great river later named for this tribe of women; we also find cannibals, giants and territory that is impossible to access (the Patagonian region and the South Pole). The characterization of these giants within the vignettes themselves as being indigenous in terms of dress and physical features is important in describing the relationships of power throughout the region as a whole. On the other hand, the occasional Eastern representation does influence how the Giants in these vignettes are illustrated. One such example is the big-footed Giant, often found in the extreme Far East on medieval maps, encountered in Africa's interior, emphasizing the coreferentiality of these spaces.

3.5 European maps for Euro-American spaces For the most part, representations by Europeans of Euro-American spaces are negative throughout this map selection, exemplifying the level of competition for power, wealth, land or extension of dominion during this period. We have already seen examples of this throughout the regional scale and world map selections, and for this reason we include this particular category of map for its global perspective to this work as a whole, and one that we will focus on in the Europe and Spain map selections. The countries competing for New World resources at this time are England, France, Portugal and Spain, these being the main countries that had established settlements in the New World. During this century, Spain was part of the Catholic empire united under Ghent-born Charles V, who, by mid-century, cleaved the empire in two. His son, Philip II, became king of Spain and the Spanish territories. The dominion of the Spanish king in either part of this century is much larger than Spain itself, and includes several other countries and languages, and at times Spain is at war with these regions in an effort to include them more appropriately in its domain. This is an important detail, for example, if we consider a Dutch cartographer who appears to illustrate Spain at a disadvantage on a map. Spain under both Charles V and Philip II attempted multiple incursions into the Low Lands in an effort to gain political and economic control of the region. The Reformation was popular throughout Germany

147 and the Low Lands, but also—by the end of the 16 Century—England had converted to Anglicanism and Calvinism was popular in Scotland. European representations of other Europeans may include religious symbols in a geographical context to express an Old World scenario within the New World. Consider the issue of the North West Passage the developed between Gerard Mercator (1512-1594 AD) and John Dee (1527-1609 AD). Mercator illustrated the passage and provided an explanation for so doing, and furthermore depicted English ships sailing toward the entrance. John Dee published the information Mercator communicated about his sources for the Passage in a letter, for the betterment of his countrymen. This information would have helped Francis Drake (1542-1596 AD), for example, in his explorations of the Americas, and is expressed on a map of his expedition completed in 1580 (Fig. 3.32)65. Cutting-edge for its time, and published less than a year after the information became available, the placements of North and South America had already been well established. For this reason, it is surprising to find Nova Hispanie directly across the sea from Japan and Asia. The map maker has contracted these spaces, making them appear smaller and in different locations, while emphasising British territory. Gastaldi's mid-Century map of New France does something similar, although he rather hints more subtly at the Spanish holding the northern-most region above the French region, which would suggest that if the northern passage exists, that it would be in Spanish territory. We have noted several times the representation of Brazilian territories, within which the cannibal vignette is exclusively found, despite other regions, such as the Caribbean, in which tales of cannibalism have been popularised. A similar rhetoric is employed by an anonymous Portuguese author working for a Spanish client, when he dispenses with any nationalism he might have felt and places a crescented flag in Portuguese colours on one of his maps. This signifies Portuguese land negatively by employing the religious symbol for the contemporary Imperial Catholic's greatest enemy, the Turk, while introducing to the symbol Portuguese colours, and then further placing it within the New World context, because Brazil is situated within a

La herdike enterprinse faict par le Signeur DraeckD'Avoir cirquit toute la Terre. Nicola van Sype. Antwerp, 1581 . Library of Congress, G3201. S12 1581 .S9.

148 continent of almost-exclusively held Spanish territory. This would seem to, yet again, replicate an historical scenario built upon the rhetoric of conquest, one that has been employed by the Spanish in two separate incidents over the last century. For the first campaign against the Spanish Muslims the argument was built upon nationhood, crusade and Catholicism, and the three unite against the Muslims of Granada. For the second campaign, against the indios, the rhetoric has greater emphasis on Christianity, and rested on the notion that the entire world had been exposed to Christianity, with the exception of the Americas, and it behooved the Spanish and the American inhabitants, to acquire more souls for Christianity. This is expressed multiple times throughout the 16th Century as a universal justification for conquest that no good Christian could deny. As a counterpoint to this Spanish rhetoric, the Dourado atlas has employed a similar tactic in Spanish lands by placing the beveled-edge and heretical flag within Spanish lands. Even while the flag itself has no crescent or heretical meaning, the flag becomes associated with such a symbol. The Portuguese cartographer only employs it in the Islamic context throughout other maps of his atlas, and in these other cases, the flag is crescented. We have also seen a French example of this, most probably expressing the Protestant-Catholic conflict within France, and for all of North America. Guillaume Le Testu has placed the crescent and the Fleur de Lis throughout the Eastern seaboard, signifying not only French lands, but Catholic ones. An example of Europeans representing Europeans in the New World occurs throughout South America, on two maps engraved by Joannes Doetechum (c. 1530- 1608 AD). The first is dated 1585 (Fig. 3.33)66, and the second 1590 (Fig. 3.34)67. The 1585 map of South America is of a similar shape, with a popular inset city map of Cuzco in the lower left corner. By this time, the provision of scale for measuring distance has become relatively accepted cartographic practice, and this map in particular anticipated its readership to include , Spaniards and Germans, according to the three mile measurements given bottom centre. This map, then, is intended for Philip IPs subjects. The map contains all the commonly-found

Meridionalis Americae pars quinque regiones ab Hispanis dividitur. 1585 . Nettie Lee Benson Collection (University of Texas, Austin), M 980 1585. 67 National Maritime Museum, G279:4/40.

149 mythological components for this area, including the vignette of cannibals, the giants and some dancing devils. Normally these appear much closer to the Tierra de Fuego. The map has cut off this lower point, redistributed some of the territories, and placed

Fig. 3.33: Meridionalis Americae pars quinque Fig. 3.34: National Maritime Museum, regiones ab Hispanis dividitur. 1585 . Nettie Lee G279:4/40. Benson Collection (University of Texas, Austin), M 980 1585. the mythological components a little higher up and toward the Atlantic coast, despite this being a well-known and accepted coastline for the period. The placenames are out of date and do not acknowledge the treaties between Spain and Portugal. Andalusia nova occupies the upper Atlantic coastal region, where present-day Brazil and Venezuela are located. Peruana covers almost the entire continent and Brazil is limited to the cannibal vignette. Clearly, the map favours Spanish land, and attempts, due to the fact that the Magellan strait is omitted, to dissuade or prevent the map from being used to plan navigation around the southern tip. The second map is dated 1590, and is almost identical. It is of a regional scale, focusing on the tip of South America and includes an inset map of South America south of the Equator. The shape of the main map is pre-Drake, while the inset map itself shows the new shape that was established after Drake's voyage. Doetechum, in this sense, still prefers to focus on the historical map of the South,

150 rather than the technological map of Drake, even while he presents both in this seemingly imbalanced fashion. It appears that Doetechum's nostalgia has gotten the better of him, as he seems to place history over technology and discovery. It could be argued that this map disparages the Empire. The distance scale is again given in Spanish, Italian and German miles, which informs us of Doetechum's intended or expected readership. The inset map's cartouche begins:

Haec pars Peruvianae, regions Chicam & Chile complectitur, & Regionem Patagonum, cujus incolae flatura reliquos totius orbis populos superant, ex quo Gigantum nomen fortiti sunt [...]

Despite his describing the settlement of Giants, there is no mention of them on the southern most area of this inset map. Doetechum has also placed territories such as Omagva, the Amazons, and even Cuzco over toward the Pacific coast, whereas most maps predating this one show all to be more central and eastern territories. On the main map, toward the southern tip and above the Giants vignettte reads: Patagonum Regio, usri incolae sunt Gigantes 9. et ad summum 10. pedeslongi; fades suas varijs coloribus ex diversis herbis expressis pingunt. This is a typical description of the Asian giants that have been displaced because these lands were developed in the European imagination. More interesting is the vignette itself. Doetechum has drawn representations that make the Giants appear to be European men, bearded and balding, wearing tunics with collars, even while having a bow and arrow, a staff and bare feet. He is expressing a comparison between Giants and Europeans if not Spaniards directly, and the indio, as this vignette often features native physical characteristics. On the same map, to the left of the Strait and within the Pacific Ocean is a shaped compass rose. Normally, the Fleur de Lis employed in this context points North, and has two petals curling downward. In this case, however, two horns reach out between the petal and the lily on either side. The effect, at first, might appear similar to the stamens one often finds on the Florentine lily or Fleur de Lis. But upon closer examination, these curling arches are horns, an unusual form of compass rose that is not seen elsewhere.

151 Conclusions Throughout our Americas map selection, we have seen lands represented as if they were extensions of the Far East in the work of Ruysch (1508), Miinster (1550) or Forlani (1565). The Far East shares categories of the terra incognita, and biblical and mythological land and peoples, with spaces such as Africa. A referentiality between the Americas and Africa develops based on the monstrous unknown, the notion of Terrestrial Paradise, an enemy resistant to Christianization, among others. As a consequence of this coreferentiality, references to the expansive unknown only occur on hemispheric or world maps, because this scale can accommodate such an argument.

An exception to this rule of scale, however, and one that envelopes all of these indications for unknown land populated by non-Christians, can be found in a French regional map of the South Pole, c. 1540 (Fig. 3.35)68. The Egerton Atlas contains a south-oriented, regional scale map of the land below the Tierra de Fuego. It illustrates three ships at varying stages of circumnavigating the Americas from the Atlantic Ocean; they are Nauves decouverans les terres. The waters are rife with sea

68 , Egerton MS 1513, f.36. The British Library dates the map for the late 1500s, however, an earlier dating seems more plausible according to E.C. Abendanon. "An Important Atlas in the British Museum". The Geographical Journal. Vol. 57:4, 1921 (284-289) p. 284.

152 monsters, and the land offers several mythological components, among them, place names such as Terre Platte, or Cap. sanct germaie. Most of the basic referents for indicating the Terrestrial Paradise are present: naked humans peering out from behind trees as if aware of their nudity, fantastic beasts such as the unicorn, large plumed birds (birds of paradise), and trees and rivers that converge near a hill. The map is unfinished and details such as colour and text in the cartouche are absent. However, between the trees a flag flaps in the wind, revealing between its folds the crescent moon. The Egerton Atlas illustrates the South Pole as Paradise. It also represents this territory as Muslim space when it inserts the crescent moon. If we look back over our map selection for the Americas, we can observe two types of coreferential crescent moon within the Americas. At the local scale of map, we find the crescent moon used exclusively within Spanish territory to illustrate Aztec and Incan peoples. This is particularly true for the Mexico City and Cuzco map series, and for the manuscript map of Bogota. At the regional scale of map the crescent moon is found exclusively within non-Spanish European territory. Aside from the Egerton Atlas' South Pole, we also have Le Testu's North America and the Portuguese calendar map of Brazil as examples of the crescent moon at the regional scale of map. We can conclude by comparing the local and regional scales that the crescent within the Americas signifies space in conflict with Spain. At the local level, this conflict is combative as a result of conquest, whereas at the regional level, this conflict describes space outside of Spain's control. In a wide variety of chorographic maps, we see Old World map signs, such as the crescent moon, applied to New World spaces and peoples. In Table 3.1, these have been summarized, as has an important secondary characteristic in the representation of negative religious space: the beveled edged flag. In the Europe and Spanish map study, the beveled edged flag will become an important marker of non- Catholic space, used to signify Protestant and Muslim peoples.

153 Table 3.1: Americas Map Signs SIGN SCALE DESCRIPTION

Local scale, as an architectural a. Mosque and Muslim Authority vignette This sign may be used arbitrarily to indicate Muslim space, isi rather than a Muslim place of worship.69

The crescent moon at any scale b. Crescent Moon and Resistance The crescent is used exclusively to indicate non-Catholic, non-Muslim space at the Chorographic level70, and non- Spanish, non-Muslim space at the Regional level71. Regional Scale a. Schismatic Bishopric According to Dainville72. t 73 Cupola and Sphere at any scale b. Non-Catholic City

Secondary Characteristics (at any scale): a. Bevelled-edgedflag74 b. Footprint and Crescent, where the footprint indicates ^^ a. . -b. indigenous space and/or movement and the crescent indicates Spanish space and/or movement75. Primarily chorographic signs, and occasionally at the regional level.

Delano-Smith, illustrating Gerard de Jode. Hungary (Antwerp, 1578). In David Woodward, Ed. Vol. 3, p.565. 70 Cuzco (Lopez de Gomara, 1554) Bogota (Anon, 1570) Mexico. (Hogenberg and Braun, 1570) 71 South Pole (Egerton Atlas, c. 1540) Terre-Neuve. (Le Testu, 1556) Rio de Janiero (Anon, c. 1550-1560) 72 Dainville, p. 308 " Mexico (Bordonne, 1528) Izamal (Landa, 1566) Cuzco (Hogenberg and Braun, 1572) Muchitlan (Anon, 1582) 74 South Pole (Egerton Atlas, c. 1540) Cuzco (Lopez de Gomara, 1554) Terre-Neuve (Le Testu, 1556) Rio de Janiero (Anon, c. 1550-1560) S. America (Dourado, c. 1576) 75 Oztoticpac (Anon, c. 1540) Ixcatlan, (Anon, 1579) Cuzcatlan (Anon, 1580) Culhuacan (Anon, 1580) Muchitlan (Anon, 1582) San Bartolome, Teontepeque, San Cristobal, San Juan (Zamudio, 1591)

154 4 Europe: Reformation and the Emergence oileyenda negra

Under Charles V (1500-1558 AD) and Philip II (1527-1598 AD), Spain found itself leading an empire united under both the king and his religion. Charles V descended through the Hapsburg line. He was born at Ghent, inherited from his mother's side the Netherlands and he led the most expansive empire Christianity has ever seen. However, much of Charles V's time was spent at war. He found this empire unmanageably large, and divided it. To his son, Philip, he gave Spain, Italy, the Americas and the Netherlands, while the rest of the territory returned to the German Hapsburg line. Despite the efforts of his father, Philip II—the first of the Spanish Hapsburgs who would rule Spain for nearly one and a half centuries—spent much of his rule in conflict. These kings and their empires were confronted with a tide of resistance throughout the Spanish Netherlands. Historically, and from a contemporary perspective on the culture of empire, the Low Lands' resistance to Spanish control connects itself with religious differences among Christians of this epoch. At the same time, however, the reformation and the ensuing counter- reformation, do not sufficiently explain uprisings such as those that rocked the region in the 1530s, when Charles V made examples out of Munster and Ghent. These two cities attempted to fight the Empire after choosing to endorse Protestantism even while Charles V was surely more concerned by the desire of these cities to decrease the amount of money they contributed to his coffers. Charles V needed to make examples of these cities in order to prevent other towns and cities from following suit. The situation is presented in a 1593 English translation and interpretation of Ludovico Guicciardini's description of the Low Lands:

The Emperor Charles had an intention, to erect the Low countreys into a Kingdome, but the difficulty consisted herein, that euery of these

155 Prouinces being gouerned by proper Lawes, prerogatiues, and peculiar ancient priuileges, would neuer haue yeelded to one Royal Law common to al, especially those that had the largest priuileges...

Later in his history of the Low Lands, Guicciardini's description of religious difference becomes quite subtle. In Ghent, there are in the second half of this century "Churches great and small, monasteries, hospitals, and other places ofDeuotion there are in Ghent 55 (emphasis added)"2. The representation of conflict, where Charles V and Philip II find themselves aligned against certain cities of Germany, the Netherlands and Belgium for what are often economic reasons, happens to coincide with patterns for conversion from Catholicism to one of the Protestant systems of worship. Protestantism is a form of heresy according to Catholic language and doctrine. As a defence, Luther attempted to spin this particular appellation and conceptualization of non-Catholic Christianity by turning the tables on the Papacy. He managed to represent the Papacy as heretical by employing the same language and doctrine that the Papacy used against heretics as propaganda against the Church. This served as an instructive tool, so that those who encountered his pamphlets could clearly see the differences between Luther's teachings on the nature of Christ, and those of the Catholic Church. Luther also distributed this information in the regional languages, thereby not limiting the possible exposure of his work to those who could read Latin. It is for these reasons that ideas by men such as Luther or Calvin spread rapidly throughout Europe of this period. Also, we see an economic disconnect between the city and its immediate municipality or county, and the empire at large. In part, this occurs because one of the primary controlling factors for Charles V and Philip IPs empire, Catholicism, has indeed ceased to unite these peoples. Moreover, the emergence of spiritual ministrations published in the regional languages promoted this division between Catholics and Protestants. The texts that might convince an individual to convert would be available in a local language.

Ludovico Guicciardini. The Description of the Low Countreys and of the Provinces thereof gathered into an Epitome out of the History of Lodovico Guicchardini. [1561] (London: Peter Short, Thomas Chard), 1593. p. 8. 2 L. Guicciardini, p. 87.

156 There was a demand for books in the local languages, especially in the international market, which demonstrates the pockets of Spanish, French, German, English, Portuguese, Italian or Dutch peoples working or living outside of their own nations. The earlier Index of 1546 {Index Purgatorius) banned many texts, but it was not until the 1571 Index Expurgatorius that books published in Spanish outside of Spain would be included3. If an international market existed for perceived heretical texts written in the Spanish language, we can presume that there were pockets of Spaniards living in exile within communities where these books could be sold, namely, in Italy, the Netherlands, or other regions that permitted comparative religious freedom. These non-Catholic Spanish texts also were smuggled into Spain via the Antwerp-Cadiz shipping route, as will be discussed in our Spain map selection. When commentaries or spiritual texts written by Spaniards in Spanish or Latin were translated into English, as is the case with the works of Juan de Valdes (1509-1541 AD), the content of these works raised some negative attention4. Therefore, there is a relationship between language, space and religion. Much of this describes a rhetorical strategy behind these conflicts, one that emphasizes its dependence upon language and religion as unifying cultural characteristics that can at once be used to unify a people, or to conquer a people . Robert I. Burns, in his study of Valencia, affirms the notion that language is the "primary perceived difference and alienating factor between Muslim and Christian in conquered Valencia"6. Given the increased ability to circulate text, due to the printing press, and with the reintroduction and subsequent translation of the classics into the vernacular languages, "prophesy and profit were married by the enterprising printing-house"7. When religion and language are used to divide space, one becomes associated with the other, such that it is usually assumed that texts written in Spanish have a Catholic bent behind them, whereas texts written in Dutch or English would have been suspicious at first glance for content on Reformation. Dutch was a popular

3Stoughton, p. 43. 4 Stoughton, p. 51. A general introduction to rhetorical strategies behind the Wars of Religion can be found in Peter Matheson. The Rhetoric of the Reformation. Edinburgh: T and T Clark, 1998. Robert I. Burns. Muslims, Christians and Jews in the Crusader Kingdom of Valencia. Societies in Symbiosis. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984, p. 192. 7 P. Matheson, p. 4

157 regional language, referred to as Flameng by the Antwerp printer Christopher Plantin, which emphasizes the ability that language has to represent both nationality and space8. This relationship in turn came to characterize the space where frontiers are defined by religion, and consequently, by language or vice versa. Such a conclusion affects how the multi-scale model will need to be adapted for the European map selection, in particular since regional groupings would reflect both language and religious denomination. For this reason, the map study will precede regionally, beginning with Eastern Europe including the Greek Church and the Turkish Empire, the United Kingdom, and finally the Spanish Netherlands and Germany. The relationship between space, religion and language is, in part, reflected in the inclusion of maps in non-Catholic bibles. Protestants made great use of maps in this respect, while Catholic bibles continued to reject the publication of maps in Bibles and in the vernacular language until later in the 16* Century . The map as a technological device—authorized by the most up-to-date information, or by the most advanced and decorated scholar—legitimates the Protestant sacred text, and may indeed induce conversion, if only by associating the biblical text with aspects of local nationalism by way of language, religion and the representation of space. It is also clear that maps within or without bibles were used as propaganda for the same end: conversion to Protestantism, independence from the Empire and/or from Catholic government in general, and the consequential national and economic freedoms that would ensue. The Italian Jean-Baptiste (Giovanni Battista) Trento and the French engraver Pierre Eskrich, both of whom converted to Calvinism, produced a view of Rome situated within the devil's mouth10. Titled Mappe-monde nouvelle Papistique

C. Plantin's letter, dated 1-7 of November, 1583, is addressed to Benito Arias Montano, and concerns the texts of Paul Hiel, traduittes du Flameng, titled in general the Sendt-brieven and containing Hiel's non-Catholic discussion of the Apocalypse, among other scriptural commentaries. See Antonio Davila Perez (Ed). Correspondencia conservada en el Museo Plantin-Moretus de Amberes.Q. Vols.) Madrid: Institute de estudios humanisticos, 2002. On the topic of maps and Bibles, see Zur Shalev. "Sacred Geography, Antiquarianism and Visual Erudition: Benito Arias Montano and the Maps of the Antwerp Polyglot Bible". Imago Mundi 55.1 2003 (p.56-80); Elizabeth M. Ingram. "Maps as Readers' Aids: Maps and Plans in Geneva Bibles". Imago Mundi. Vol. 45.1, 1993 (p. 29-44); and Catherin Delano-Smith & Elizabeth M. Ingram. Maps in Bibles, 1500-1600: An Illustrated Catalogue. Geneva: Droz, 1991. 10 For a general introduction to this map, see Frank Lestringant. "Une cartographie iconoclaste: La Mappe-Monde Nouvelle Papistique de Pierre Eskrich et Jean-Baptiste Trento (1566-1567)", in

158 (Geneva, 1566), this map attempts to promote an apocalyptic view of Rome as a worldly city, thereby situating Protestant cities that observe iconoclasm to the extent that Calvinists prefer within the zone of the spiritual city of Jerusalem. Catholics eventually began to use maps more explicitly for propaganda outside of bibles. The Galleria delle carte geografiche, constructed between 1578- 1581 at the Vatican Palace, provides a series of cartographic depictions in the sense of Ptolemy's chorography and Vitruvius' ideas on adornment of interior spaces, and the gallery. Organized by a "cartographic advisor", a Dominican by the name of Ignazio Danti (1536-1586 AD), a team of mural painters created regional views that were intended to use the form of cartographic representation as a "well-argued response to the Protestant use of cartography in religious debates"11. Another example can be found on Jesuit maps of 16th Century Japan and 16th and 17th Century China, where Jesuits intentionally exaggerated the representation of Christian space. On these maps, Christian space signifies the conversion efforts put forth by the Jesuits, and more universally suggests that the Catholics have a well-anchored presence throughout the area12. This is not unlike how we saw the Americas represented. A second perspective on the propagandistic use of maps can be found in Hogenberg and Braun's intention behind the inclusion of figural representation in the foreground of the maps of the Civitates orbis Terrarum. According to Thomas Frangenberg, this type of representation was intended to prevent attacks on Christian cities such as Florence13. Hogenberg and Braun claimed that by illustrating people going about their daily activities, the cultum and habitum of the locals would be demonstrated. They also admitted to using figural representation as a means of

Monique Pellier. Geographie du Monde au Moyen Age a la Renaissance. Paris: Editions du CTHS, 1989 (p.99-122). 11 Francesca Fiorani. "Post-Tridentine Geographia Sacra. The Galleria delle Carte Geografiche in the Vatican Palace". Imago Mundi. Vol. 48.1, 1996 (p.124-148), p. 26-28 and 137. Also see Walter Goffart. "Christian Pessimism on the Walls of the Vatican Galleria delle carte geografiche". Renaissance Quarterly. Vol. 51.3, 1998 (p. 788-827). 12 George Kish. "Some Aspects of the Missionary Cartography of Japan during the Sixteenth Century". Imago Mundi. Vol. 6, 1949 (p. 39-47) and John D. Day. "The Search for the Origins of the Chinese Manuscript of Matteo Ricci's Maps". Imago Mundi. Vol. 47, 1995 (p. 94-117). 13Thomas Frangenberg. "Chorographies of Florence: The Use of City Views and City Plans in the Sixteenth Century". Imago Mundi. Vol. 46.1, 1994 (p.41-64), p. 47.

159 dissuading Muslims from using the information contained within the vistas to attack these cities. Hogenberg and Braun, surely not unlike their contemporaries, thought that Muslims avoided all images, and they depended upon the stereotype of iconoclasm in order to keep the information from enemy eyes. This is why, in part, Catholics needed to stop shunning certain types of representations, such as maps in bibles. By including them from the 1570s onward, Catholics find themselves on even footing once again with Protestants with respect to the representation of space, and the use of the map as a representation of language and religion, two principle factors for the reign of one culture over another. One of the first indications we have for identifying Protestant spaces on maps of this period is language, because often Protestants are indicated using text. In lieu of text, however, a symbol may characterize Protestant space. These symbols will typically become antithetical to how Catholic space is indicated. Catholic and non- Catholic space is discerned by the contrasting measures used to identify both. It is the contrast of like space that reveals to us the graphically-expressed difference produced by the cartographer or engraver. We should also note that the terms Protestantism and Reformation are used here as generic terms that counter Catholicism within the realm of Christian Europe, and in fact may refer more specifically to any number of non-Catholic or reformist groups that swept through the Europe during the 16* Century. However, Protestants are not represented generically at all turns in history, nor can we assume that a nation, city or household was evenly saturated with Reformation. This is seen after the break between the Catholic Church and England, which does not have an effect on the nation as a whole until the reign of Elizabeth I, with Scotland converting to Protestantism in 1560. England and Scotland did not identify themselves with the Spanish Empires. However, several attempts were made throughout this century to connect England with Spain and the Empire, particularly through Mary (1516-1558 AD) and her brief marriage to Philip. At other times, England and Spain found themselves in competition with one another, be it for American resources and territory, or for historical relationships and benefices within the Low Lands. This tension culminates in the to-and-fro attacks between Spain and England in the last part of this century

160 and into the 17 Century, the effects of which are still seen today in Gibraltar. These relationships and conflicts were illustrated in the works of many cartographers that we will examine here. The Spanish commissioned maps for its planned attack on England. Luis Teixera produced a map of the Strait of , or the Mar antre Dobra e Cales, the year before the Spanish Armada attempted to conquer England in 158814. Dover was often minimized or exaggerated on maps, as it was a fortified position for the English and a place the Spanish would need to be familiar with if they were to be successful. Ortelius' 1570 version minimized Dover, and barely managed to fit the text he used into the Strait15. This emphasizes either the lack of importance Ortelius associated with Dover—which is unlikely, as it was one of the most important defensive positions England had—or the attempt by the cartographer to minimize this importance (to the benefit of England, so that Spain would not know how strong Dover was, or for the indulgence of Spain, so that England appeared weak). During Ghent's conflicts with Charles V, Pieter van der Beke's 1538 separatist map of Flanders illustrated Dover as the second largest city on the map— next to Ghent—which emphasized the historical relationship between the British and the Dutch. It was for this reason that Gerard Mercator was commissioned a year later to revise this representation so that city sizes would appear more balanced and the historical ties deemphasized16. Therefore, England and Scotland are highly informative spaces for our study of Spanish space, not because they were intended to become Spanish territory, but because England and Scotland are valuable to us for being Protestant lands that have been independent of the Spanish empire in a way that Ghent or Munster never were. It is in this vein that we hope to uncover some basic strategies used to represent Protestant land outside of the Spanish and Catholic empires, so that when we do arrive in the Low Lands, we will have a greater context for representing Protestant space.

Luis Teixera. Mar antre Dobra e Cales (Strait of Dover). 1587 (NMM G218:6/21). 15 A. Ortelius. Theatrum orbis terrarum. Antwerp: A. Diesth, 1570. Library of Congress G1006 .T5 1570b Vault 16 L. Beck. "Pieter van der Beke: the Man and the Map." Dutch Crossing 31.1,2007 (111-130).

161 A similar tactic lays behind our examination of eastern European space and the representation of the Turk in Europe. It is only upon learning of how Christians represent European Muslim space that we will be able to see variations of it within the Spanish Low Lands. The methodology for our Europe map selection is somewhat adapted to accommodate the differences we see panoramically from the west (ie the United Kingdom) to east (ie Turkish Europe), in order to empahsise this diversity. These regions are furthermore examined at multiple scales of map, and, where necessary, comparisons between these scales and between these regions are performed (ie Rhodes and the United Kingdom with respect to the use of the Crusader cross).

4.1 Eastern Europe, Orthodoxy and the Great Turk We cannot compare the portrayal of Orthodoxy and Protestantism—both non- Catholic denominations—in the same light. The absence of the Greek Church from maps is reflective of the Turkish occupation of that space, particularly after 1453. The occupation of Greek space imposed upon Europe an encroaching frontier that approached from the east, one that was joined from the northern regions of Africa later in the 16th Century, and one that frequently reached the northern edge of the European or world map. The tension of this environment was increased by the extraordinary loss of the Orthodox Church, a constant bastion in the face of Islam's growth. Catholic Europe held its breath since 1453, when Constantinople fell to the Ottoman Turks, despite having made several requests for Catholic support. It felt intimidated by the Turkish victory at Constantinople. Islam had Europe almost surrounded, and many cartographers were forced to deal with this reality. Some contemporaries of this period, such as Andrea Navagero (1483-1529 AD) expressed admiration at this Turkish growth when comparing the people of the New World to the Circassians (probably of the Caucous). The native inhabitants looked "casi como los circasianos", a population that were conquered by the Ottomans in the late 15l Century . Navagero's comment was a compliment to the successes of Spanish

A. Dominguez Ortiz. "La imagen exterior de Andalucia". Historia de Andalucia. Barcelona: Cupsa, IV, 1980 (p. 365-375), p. 369.

162 conquest. Navagero also created the comparison between two distinct non-Catholic peoples, and for the Americas, he contributed another referent to an organized representation of the Americas as a Muslim and/or heretical space. Eastern Europe is the focus of many Mediterranean maps by he Catalan School of navigation. These navigational charts used iconography to decorate the comparatively irrelevant landmasses around which the waters are marked with rhumb lines intersecting the compass rose. A typical regional scale representation of the Mediterranean region emphasized the spread of Islam on land, where the only ornamentation other than the compass rose will be found on a navigational chart. One such example of the Central Mediterranean and Adriatic Seas decorates Africa and Eastern Europe with map signs, including an inset world map positioned between

10 Tripoli and Tunis. However, no flags decorate Italy or the Mediterranean islands . Freducci follows the Catalan example in his 1555 chart19. In his 1550 chart, Freducci has not only cleared Italy of vignettes and iconography, but also he places a crescent moon over Jerusalem (Fig. 4.1)20. A c.1600 French map of the region ignores Constantinople altogether and instead places several crescented vignettes around Greece, specifying Dalmatia and Romania under Turkish control (Fig. 4.2), while Italy is again empty of representation21. The absence of details and signs in Italy follows a typological association that suggests that regions that are not under dispute or otherwise occupied by Muslims require or attract no ornamentation. Is it possible, then, that on navigational charts, we see more representations of Islamic space than Catholic space because of the expanding Turkish fleet and the issues that Spain in particular was having with pirates? This explains the absence of representation for most Christian territories compared to the quantity of signs for Muslim space.

18 Anon. Central Mediterranean and Adriatic Seas c.1600. NMM P/l 1 (3). 19 Angelo de Conte Freducci. Mediterranean, Black and Caspian Seas. , 1555. NMM P/36 (C- D). 20 Angelo de Conte Freducci. Mediterranean, Black, Caspian Seas and North East Atlantic. Ancona, c. 1550. NMM G230:1/6 21 Anon. Mediterranean, Black and Caspian Seas, c.1600. NMM P/l 1 (5).

163 Fig. 4.1: Freducci. Med, Black, Caspian Seas and Fig. 4.2: Anon. Med, Black and Caspian Seas. c. NE Atlantic. Ancona: c.1550 (NMM G230:l/6). 1600 (NMM P/l 1(5)).

Constantinople is only exempted from this typology because it is a cherished city throughout the Christian world, which refused to acknowledge the successful conquest of the city in 1453. Bernardino's late 16th Century writings published the following century go even further than a denial that the Ottoman conquest happened. He claims that Constantinople was catholicized in the 14th Century by the Friars of the Minor Observance22. The desire to solely represent Constantinople positively requires that it is either ignored on the map, or that other Muslim cities are emphasized far more greatly by comparison. This seems to be supported by the anonymous French author's large flags and city views inset beside Genes () and Vinesi (Venice), two cities that historically cooperated with the Muslim world for the purpose of commercial venture, and the former becoming rather famous for its skill at piracy (Fig. 4.3)23. Genoa is distinguished by its rounded domes and tower, while Constantinople is unsignified. Turkish Dalmatia is represented similarly, which suggests that these two cities share coreferential aspects in common: rounded domes and tower, and affiliation with the Turkish Empire.

Fra. Bernardino Amico. Plans of the Sacred Edifices of the Holy Land. Trans. Fr. Theophilus Bellorini and Fr. Eugene Hoade. Jerusalem: Franciscan Press, 1953, p.40 (Preface). 23 Anon. Mediterranean, Black and Caspian Seas, c.1600. NMM P/l 1 (5).

164 J '- ^ -.«, m

S I

Fig. 4.3: Anon. Central Med and Adriatic NMM Fig. 4.4: Joan Martines. Med, Black and Caspian P/l 1(3) c. 1600. Seas. Messina, 1572 (NMM P/6(9)).

Universal signs also represent Christian space to the exclusion of Muslim space on some portolans of this period. In a Portuguese map prepared for a Spanish client, only Christian symbols are used throughout Africa, Spain and France, to the exclusion of all other religious signs24. Most of these examples follow the Catalan School of maritime mapping and for this reason focus on European trade waters, such as the Mediterranean. There are more maps that indicate Muslim space to the exclusion of Christian space, including maps by Jacobus Russus (Carta nautica de la Mediterrdneo. Messina, 156325; similar to his 1535 portolan), who used several crescents on flags throughout the region identified as that of the Gran Turco. The crescented flags extend into Europe well beyond the landmass identified as Greece. Joan Martines' Atlaes ndutic del mon (Messina, 1570) repeats this configuration. The most common symbol for indicating Turkish European space is the crescent moon at various scales, the tower with rounded dome with or without sphere, and at times a combination of these two symbols. Joan Martines, for example, employs numerous varieties of crescented flag for smaller cities, and architectural

Anon. Western Mediterranean [August]. 1550-1560. NMM P/14 (3R) 25 Portolans procedents de collecciones espanyoles. Segles XV-XVI1. (Cataleg de la exposition) Barcelona: Institut Cartografic de Catalunya, 1995 p. 100 (#18)

165 crescents for larger cities throughout Africa, and continues this signing at Lepanto (Fig. 4.4) where he places a crescented flag over the city's place name .

Fig. 4.5: Joan Oliva. Central Med. Fig. 4.6: (Battle at Lepanto 1571) Miracvlosa victoria a Messina, 1592. (NMMP/22(3)) Deo Christianis contra Tvrcas Tribvta (1575-1600) BN de Portugal E. 1727 V

Moreover, Joan Oliva uses the same vignette to represent Lepanto. He includes a red flag with a black crescent opening upward over a city vignette with red, conical roofs and some blue steepled roofs (Fig. 4.5)27. A local-scale context for these representations is provided in an Italian representation of the 1571 battle at Lepanto, when several Turkish ships are illustrated sinking into the sea, with crescents extending from their bows, jutting out from below the water's surface (Fig. 4.6) . Maggiolo's map of the region distributes throughout the north east tents topped by crescents, combined with the beveled edged flag (Fig. 4.7) just north of Velachia (Valachia), or the border between Muslim and Christian space of north eastern Europe29. These tents are repeated along the North African coast and throughout Arabia Felix and the Levant, recalling the use of tents to represent Muslim and Pre-Muslim peoples in maps of Jerusalem, and North African Muslims in cities

Joan Martines. Mediterranean, Black and Caspian Seas. Messina, 1572. NMM P/6 (9). 27 Joan Oliva. Central Mediterranean. Messina, 1592. NMMP/22(3). 28 Anon. Miracvlosa Victoria a Deo Christianis contra Tvrcas Tribvta (c. 1575-1600). Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal E. 1727 V 29 Vesconte Maggiolo. Mediterranean, Black Seas and North East Atlantic. Genoa: 1548. NMM G230:l/4

166 under siege in Africa. Tents also recall the Mongolian ancestry related to the Ottoman Turk. The configuration of the beveled edge flag in Dourado's Atlas supports the beveled edge as a negative graphic element that he applies to space30. This is evident in a map that includes North Africa, the Eastern Mediterranean and Asia Minor, where the beveled edged flag begins at Rome, sweeping eastward around the Mediterranean, through Macedonia and north-eastern Europe, into Armenia and Tartaria. Crescented shields also fill these regions, all in black and red with gold crescents. Local scale representations follow suit. Camocio's Dardanelles, the strait separating Asia Minor from Eastern Europe, depends exclusively upon the crescent and beveled edged flag in order to signify Muslim territory. Camocio's precursor,

Fig. 4.7: Vesconte Maggiolo. Med, Fig. 4.8: Hartmann Schedel. Liber Chronicarum. and NE Atlantic. Genoa: 1548. (NMM Nuremberg: Antonius Koberger, 1493. CXXIXv G230:l/4). (Constantinople) U of Sevilla, A 335/107.

Sebastian Munster, illustrates Turkish ships in the strait, each with long beveled edged flags emblazoned with crescent moons31. In a second view by Camocio, these

Dourado Atlas. Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal, IL-171 (fl. 16-17). 31 Sebastian Minister. Constantinopolitanae urbis effigies. In Cosmographiae Universalis (Latin Ed.) Basel: H. Petri, 1550.

167 signs are combined with a battle scene . This is suggestive of the Catholic

•IT perception that Ottoman Turks in particular are a bellicose, warrior race . These examples are further complicated by the city that often accompanies a local or regional scale view of the Dardanelles: Constantinople. The shield for Constantinople is used by many cartographers who wish to ignore its fall to Muslims, when they signify—even on the world scale—the city using its shield, divided with a cross, and within which each quadrant has a B. This symbolic B has its roots in Byzantium, but also was a symbol of the Orthodox Church, being a baculus. This is the configuration that Waldseemuller uses in his 1507 Universalis Cosmographicae Descriptio. In the aforementioned map of Munster, however, the four Bs of Byzantium have been exchanged for four crescent moons nestled within the original quadrants. Following Hartman Schedel's vista of the city (Fig. 4.8)34, Minister's shield is located in numerous spots along the city wall, loaning physical referentiality to this adaptation of Christian history. By exchanging the crescent for the B, by employing both in the same context, and to represent two peoples occupying the same city, coreferential meaning develops between the Greeks and the Ottomans that occupied the city. Representations of the Ottoman leader are usually labeled Turkish Emperor, as Battista has done on his 1554 map of Europe near Constantinople, which retains this name throughout all Christian cartography for this century (Fig. 4.9) . Freducci's 1550 Mediterranean map, however, situates the Turkish emperor in Greece, but he is also surrounded by mountains and holding a crescented shield (Fig.4.10), as if suggesting he should be walled in or held back36. Freducci is picking

See Camocio's two versions, titled Dardanello, in hole famose, porti, fortezze, e terre maritime (Venice, 1572), in which the architectural dome, sphere and crescent are then combined with the flag and crescent combination, flapping in the wind. In a second representation, Camocio includes a battle scene. 33 The beveled edged flag is also used to indicate relatively unreligious conflict, such as that which transpired during the Northern Seven Years' War between the Danish and the Swedish. In a plate by F. Hogenberg (May 30*, 1564), long beveled edged flags fly above burning Swiss ships while they attempt to approach Rostochium (Rostock), which appears to be in Danish hands. Newberry Library Case folio F0975.42 [p. 87]. 4 Liber Chronicarum. Hartmann Schedel. Nuremberg: Antonius Koberger, 1493CXXIXv (Constantinople) U of Sevilla, A 335/107 35 Agnese Battista. Europa (NMM P/24(8)) Venice: 1554 36 Freducci. Med, Black, Caspian Seas and NE Atlantic. (NMM G230:l/6) Ancona: c.1550.

168 up on medieval representations of Gog and Magog, which are typically located in one of three regions: the Far East, the northern extremities of Asia, or eastern regions of

^5 -AV \

vnwf f<%eM"Hwc*Ma: ^•v

* Y* A, -fe r ,,,-r- "'A • *SKE" Fig. 4.9: Agnese Battista. Europa. Venice: 1554 Fig. 4.10: Freducci. Med, Black, Caspian Seas (NMM P/24(8)). and NE Atlantic. Ancona: c.1550 (NMM G230:l/6).

Europe. On the 12th Century Sanley world map, Gog and Magog are illustrated as being surrounded by three flanks of mountains, with the Caspian Sea forming the fourth wall. Similarly, the c. 1265 Psalter World Map uses a crescent to emphasize Gog and Magog's walled-in area, located in Armenia, the same location in which the Anglo-Saxon/Cotton world map (c. 1025-1050) situates Gog and Magog37. Ultimately, the comparison references mythologies surrounding the shut-in nations and Gog and Magog, and this junction between the lost Jewish Tribes that we have encountered in our Americas map selection and Islam is no coincidence in this space. Associating the Jew with the Ottoman is a common hybrid representation. Hartmann Schedel's 1493 illustration of the Ottomannus accompanies a description of this enemy of Christendom. Schedel describes him as 'now being called the Ottoman Turk', and Schedel has given him the style of hat we normally see on medieval Jews (Fig. 4.11)38. Is it possible that he purposely associates the Ottoman

'A. Scafi,p. 139. 38 Hartmann Schedel. Liber Chronicarum (Nuremberg: Antonius Koberger, 1493) CCXXVIII. University of Seville A 335/107

169 Turk with the medieval Jew, especially given the Sephardic exodus to Muslim territory that occurred in 1492/3 after the Edict of Expulsion was read in Spain? Furthermore, the exile and the return of the Ten Tribes of Israel according to II Kings 17.6 and I Ezra 39-50 are often confused with the apocalyptic story of Gog and Magog. Between Josephus and the medieval world maps cited above, the Ten Tribes and Magog had fused together, becoming particularly joined by the legends of Alexander the Great, who enclosed Gog and Magog behind mountains. These enclosed nations, often referred to as the enclosed Jewish nations, or as Gog and

Fig. 4.11: Hartmann Schedel Liber Fig. 4.12: Gerard Mercator. Scotia Regnum. Chronicarum.. Nuremberg: Antonius Koberger, Duisberg, 1595. National Library of Scotland. 1493. CCXXVIII (U of Sevilla, A 335/107). Marischal 5

Magog, are generally referred to as the immundaes gentes, or unclean peoples, while Josephus refers to them as /eras gentes, or wild peoples39. These are the same mythic peoples that we encountered in North America. In Europe, however, they are found in Ottoman territory near the Caspian Sea. This chain of representation, from medieval times to the late 16* Century, highlights a shift in the strategy behind cartographic representation that can be sourced to the reintroduction of Ptolemy during the 15th Century. Ptolemy separates

39 Andrew Colin Gow. The Red Jews. Anti-Semitism in an Apocalyptic Age. 1200-1600. New York: E.J. Brill, 1995, p. 23-25. Gow points out that, ironically, Sura 18 supports Alexander's role in walling in the monstrous races (p. 25).

170 geography from history by emphasizing a science for geography that depends upon mathematical methods for cartography. These practices confront the expansion and development of the known world as a whole, and as a consequence, representation turns away from the historical and/or mythological meanings that once filled the blank world map, and provides the map with, while limiting it to, contemporary information. Nonetheless, we still encounter historical sources that help legitimate the map. When the Turkish Emperor appears walled in by three mountains (a configuration that is reserved for the monstrous races) and, moreover, when he is located in one of the three most common regions for the representation of monstrous races, the association between Gog and Magog—the helpers of the anti-Christ, the army that would defeat Jerusalem, the monstrous race walled in by Alexander the Great—and the Ottoman Turk is striking. This association legitimizes Freducci's attempt at accuracy, at having a technologically advanced and current map. It depends upon the mythological strategy from medieval representations in order to illustrate the spread and the threat of the Ottoman Turkish Empire during his life. Freducci used both technology and tradition to legitimate his map.

4.2 Map Signs for Scotland, England and for Spanish Protestantism Patterns and lessons for the representation of Spanish space emerge from Scottish and English maps during and after the Reformation. Gerard Mercator seems to respond, not unlike cartographers of the Low Lands and Spain, to the Reformation by distinguishing between Catholic and Protestant space. In his 1595 Atlas40, three maps of Scotland are published, and nearly four decades after the initial publication, some of Mercator's maps are republished with legends, which assist in identifying map sign meanings. On one of these three Atlas maps for Scotland, Mercator represents the towns of Dunblane and Dunferm (Fig. 4.12)41. Dunblane was an established bishopric, and the Dunblane cathedral in particular fell into disrepair after the Reformation, when it was seized by the Protestants of this city. Mercator has labelled Dunferm as having an Abbey, which is important because it shares a map

Gerard Mercator. Atlas, or A Geographicke Defcription [...] reprefented by new and exact Maps. (1595) Trans. Henry Hexham. 2nd Ed. Amsterdam, Hondius, 1642. 41Gerard Mercator. Scotia Regnum. Duisberg, 1595. National Library of Scotland. Marischal 5.

171 symbol with Dunblane—an angled cross extending from the side of the town marker, probably indicating Protestant space. In a similar map of Mercator's, he illustrates the Abbey of Pluscarden using the typical cross with a circle (Fig. 4.13)42. This is not surprising because the Pluscarden Abbey, despite the Scottish Reformation, permitted Benedictine monks to remain until shortly before Mercator's death. It was bought and maintained as a private venture, rather than remaining a property of the Catholic Church. It was sold in 1586, and the sphere atop the map sign—which would normally have the sphere as a base to the cross—suggests that Pluscarden was intended to be represented as a Protestant or, alternatively, a heretical space. There is a possible affiliation within the genealogy behind the bishop's staff or crosier that may explain this relationship. A variety of staff topped with a ball, sometimes topped with a cross (the bourdon), is used by the Pope in non-ecclesiastical occasions43. The map sign in question located a non-Catholic Bishop. Other maps from this Atlas contain legends, and we see the same symbol for a monastery or convent (Cenobia /Coenobium) in Nassau (Fig. 4.14) and

Fig. 4.13: Gerard Mercator. Scotiae Regnum [north Fig. 4.14: Gerard Mercator. Nassovia Comitatvs sheet]. Duisburg, 1595. National Library of (Nassau region), in Atlas, or A Geographicke Scotland. EMS.s.4a. Description [...] represented by new and exact Maps. Trans. Henry Hexham. 2nd Ed. Amsterdam, Hondius, 1642.

Gerard Mercator. Scotiae Regnum [north sheet]. Duisberg, 1595. National Library of Scotland. EMS.s.4a 43 Egerton Beck. "The Crozier in Heraldry and Ornament". The Burlington Magazine for Connoisseurs. Vol. 24.132, 1914 (p. 335-340), p. 335 and 336-337. 44 Gerard Mercator. Nassovia Comitatvs (Nassau region), in Atlas, or A Geographicke Description [...] represented by new and exact Maps. Trans. Henry Hexham. 2nd Ed. Amsterdam, Hondius, 1642

172 Paletinatus of the Low Land. These legends, however, have been added by Jansen and Hondius in editions that date from 1630, representing their interpretation of Mercator's symbols, but also any modifications they made to the Mercator's originals45. These legends, and Jansen and Hondius's role as interpreters, can be classified into two predominant groups. Either they combine at the regional level architectural and non-architectural (abstract) signs to indicate the nature of the places that Mercator has illustrated (as in Nova Alemanniae), or they depend exclusively upon the architectural vignette as a map sign. More than one map sign exists to signify the monastery, and hybrids and variations of these map signs might be found, or interpreted by the map reader as indicating a monastery, even if the specific sign is missing from the legend. A third method for identifying abbeys and monasteries within Mercator's Atlas is the use of the letters A and H, as is the case on his map of the Duche de Bretaigne (Fig. 4.15)46, posthumously engraved by Jansen and to him we will credit this particular legend47. None of the legends encountered so far applies to our Scotland map selection by Mercator. According to Dainville's encyclopaedia of map signs, the nearest match for Mercator's Scotland map sign occurs in G. Mariette de la Pagerie's 1689 map of the Diocese of Coutances, in which the Chapelle ruinee has been indicated with an angled cross with a circle for a base48. If Mercator's angled cross carries this particular meaning, then Mercator paired the ruined church with Protestant space in Scotland, a relationship that has historical precedence in the fact that, after 1560, many Catholic churches fell into ruin or disrepair in cities that had embraced Protestantism. We can conclude that throughout Protestant space, a map sign suggesting that the city's religious infrastructure is in ruins will be found.

For a preliminary study of Saxton's and other influences on Mercator's maps of this region, see J.H. Andrews. "Unidentified sources for Mercator's Regional Maps of Engalnd". Imago Mundi 59:1 2007 (96-99). 46 Gerard Mercator. Duche de Bretaigne. in Atlas, or A Geographicke Description [...] represented by new and exact Maps. Trans. Henry Hexham. 2nd Ed. Amsterdam, Hondius, 1642 47 At the earliest, see Mercator's map of Flanders (1539-1540), which responds to P. van der Beke's map of Flanders (1538). On these maps, the abbeys and monasteries are noted using corresponding letters that are introduced within the text of the cartouche. 48 F. de Dainville, p. 61, Fig. 10 Carte du Diocese de Coutances (de la Pagerie, 1689).

173 In England, we see Muslim and Flemish-style architecture used to indicate towns. Christopher Saxton (c. 1543-1610 AD) prepared a map of the southern English county of Hampshire (1575), made at the request of Elizabeth I (1533-1603 AD). In this map we see a bulbous type of tower signifying towns such as Portsmouth (Fig. 4.16)49. This is curious as this style of tower is not commonly found in England, but is common throughout the Low Lands. It cannot signify market town, because other market towns such as Christchurch and Aldershot have unremarkable architectural vignettes. It cannot indicate religious difference, as the entire county is subject to Elizabeth I in this time. This feature is likely a beacon or a defensive tower;

Fig. 4.15: Gerard Mercator. Duche de Bretaigne. Fig. 4.16: Christopher Saxton. Hampshire in Atlas, or A Geographicke Defcription [...] (1575), in Jean and Martin Norgate. Old reprefented by new and exact Maps. Trans. Henry Hampshire Mapped (1996-2006). Hexham. 2nd Ed. Amsterdam, Hondius, 1642. the former explains its shape, whereas the latter is an inference based on a modern map sign manual50. A similar tower appears at Lumps Fort, near Portsmouth and is labelled The blockhowse. The tower is repeated in Netley and St. Andrew's Castles, and in Calshot and Hurst Castles, all of which are situated on water. In fact, the two castles that do not have a bulbous tower are landlocked (Odrian and Porchester castles). Could this map sign, when found throughout the Low Lands, also signify fortifications, and be reflective of how combatant Protestant towns are represented on maps that delineate Catholic and Protestant space? Religious representation does not play a factor in Saxton's map, while the same cannot be said throughout the Spanish

Christopher Saxton. Hampshire (1575), in Jean and Martin Norgate. Old Hampshire Mapped (1996- 2006). Geography Department, Portsmouth University, www.geog.port.ac.uk/webmap/hantsmap. 50 For example, see an Argentine manual still in use today. Ej^rcito Argentine Signos cartogrdficos. Argentina: Instituto Geografico Militar, 1977. See Number 28 (Baliza).

174 Low Lands. The tower at Portsmouth is identical to the bulbous, Flemish-style tower. We believe that in Saxton's 1575 map, it indicates a fortified space, and this may reflect the town's location on water. It is also a characteristic shared with the Low Lands cities that use this tower, highlighting the coreferentiality of fortifications for this type of tower between England and the Low Lands.

Fig. 4.17: John Norden. Hampshire (1595), Jean Fig. 4.18: John Norden. Hampshire (1595), Jean and Martin Norgate. Old Hampshire Mapped and Martin Norgate. Old Hampshire Mapped (1996-2006). (1996-2006).

A later map of Hampshire seems to confirm the association between fortified space and the bulbous tower, because in the tower's absence we find the outline of artillery fortifications, which is how they are more commonly represented. We also see that the bulbous tower itself is replaced by a tower topped with the crescent moon, and this recalls coferential aspects of representation that we have seen in the Americas and Africa between bulbous towers and crescented towers. John Norden's 1595 map (Fig. 4.17)51 illustrates Portsmouth as having artillery-style fortifications. Because Norden (1548-1625 AD) eliminates the Flemish-style tower, and rather uses the geometric, polygonal outline indicating the artillery fortification, it is surprising that he does not define this relationship on the legend he provides with his map, one

51 John Norden. Hampshire (1595), Jean and Martin Norgate. Old Hampshire Mapped (1996-2006).

175 of the first detailed legends in English Cartography (Fig. 4.18). Unlike Saxton's map, Norden provides no continuity between locations of similar function. Other forts and castles are signified with flags and two towers, as indicated in the legend. We can assume that these towns had fortifications, but not artillery. Using Portsmouth as our example, we have not only seen it represented as an important fortification in 1575 with the use of the bulbous tower, but we also see it represented more traditionally as having artillery fortification in 1595. This artillery is not new. John Leland's travels through England (c. 1535-1543) significantly predate both maps. He notes that Portsmouth has "gunnes to defende entre into the toun by land", and observes that Portsmouth had two towers facing the harbour for defence . Therefore, the bulbous tower in England is associated with fortification in general, an important observation for our study of how the Low Lands are represented. The legend on Norden's map sparks another point of interest, as it is here that he defines the upward-opening crescent upon a staff and tower to signify a market town, such as the one found at Christchurch. A similar version of this architectural vignette is found in an accompanying illustration to Aldus Manutius' c. 1494-98 Hero and Leander text for the Egyptian city of Abydos53. The Egyptian example, however, combines the crescent and the sphere. Norden's crescented tower could be an attempt to imply a chorographic symbol on a regional scale of map; the crescent and the rooster share an identical function at different scales. The rooster by itself is a common feature atop any building in the 16th Century, and even today. In representation, however, we do not find the rooster within Catholic space; rather, the rooster is only found in Protestant space. At the local scale, the rooster is figurative—we could identify the wings and the head of the bird. At the regional scale, however, these details are not available, and therefore the crescent moon may be used instead. This type of crescent is not used to imply Musim space; yet, we see it used only within Protestant space at the regional level, and where the rooster is also

In Jean and Martin Norgate. Old Hampshire Mapped (1996-2006). Aldus Manutius. Musaei opusculum de Herone & Leandro, quod & in latinam linguam ad verbum tralatum est (c. 1494-1498), reproduced in Boutcher, Warren. '"Who Taught Thee Rhetoricke to Deceive a Maid?': Christopher Marlowe's Hero and Leander, Juan Boscan's Leandro, and Renaissance Vernacular Humanism". Comparative Literature, Vol. 52.1,2000 (11-52), p. 22, Fig. 5.

176 exclusively used at the local scale. A local-scale example can be found at St. Andrews in a map by John Geddy in 158054.

Fig. 4.19: John Geddy. S. Andre sive Fig. 4.20: Vesconte Maggiolo. Med, Black Sea and Andreapolis: Scotiae Universitas NE Atlantic. Genoa: 1548 (NMMG230:1/4). Metropolitana. National Library of Scotland. MS. 20996.

Geddy's map provides for the appearance of buildings that have not survived into modernity; however, some of the architectural detail—such as the number of windows—may not be trustworthy, in part due to aesthetic exaggerations and the limiting paper size that Geddy used55. Geddy illustrated St. Leonard's College Hospital (Fig. 4.19) with a rooster. This example demonstrates the possibility that, between the scales, the crescent and the rooster occupy the same spaces within Protestant territory. Our Portsmouth map series substantiates the coreferentiality of the rooster, crescent moon and bulbous tower or sphere used to communicate a city's ability to defend itself, or the town's commercial strength. The relationship of the rooster or weathercock to religious space seems to have its root in medieval maps, such as the Evesham world map (c. 1390-1415), where the rooster appears atop Jerusalem's highest tower. During this period, Jerusalem is in Muslim hands56, and we also see the rooster throughout Al-Andalus

John Geddy. S. Andre sive Andreapolis: Scotiae Universitas Metropolitana. National Library of Scotland. MS. 20996. 55 N.P. Brooks & G. Whittington. "Planning and Growth in the Medieval Scottish Burgh: The Example of St. Andrews". Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers. New Series. Vol. 2.3 (Change in the Town), 1977 (278-295), p. 279. 6 Moreover, Jerusalem is the third most important sanctuary to Islam, following Mecca and Medina. For more on Muslim perspectives on the religious city, see Oded Peri. "Islamic Law and Christian

177 during the late Middle Ages, which suggests the rooster occupied Muslim space. Late 16th Century Spanish and Italian artists depict a Jerusalem similarly hostile to Christ. In Pellegrino Tibaldi's preparatory sketch for his work at the Escorial (c. 1587), he uses Jerusalem as a background for Christ's journey to Calvary57. The rounded dome and cupola extending from the city is topped by a sphere, and Tibaldi is clearly articulating a minaret, an architectural structure that does not yet exist during Christ's time period. Tibaldi associates Christ's persecutors with the Ottoman Turks. Not unlike the rooster in place of the cross, the minaret replaces pre-Islamic and Roman architecture in a transposition that depends upon coreferential meanings. Aside from this representation is the very practical application for the rooster, one that survives until today: the weathercock displays the direction of the wind. The rooster as a map sign designating religious space will probably require a second referent in order to verify the meaning of the sign—practical weathercock or an indication of heretical space. Two secondary referents that we will continue to look for throughout the Low Lands are the Flemish-style tower and the sphere. The representation of England by other Europeans, such as Mercator, is another perspective that, unlike the Norden and Saxton examples, lacks partialities of patriotism, and may be infused with political agendas from afar. Historically, England as a Crusading nation has often united under its patron saint, St. George. For this reason, it cannot surprise us that Vesconte Maggiolo (c. 1475-1550 AD) uses the flag of St. George, shaped as England, to mark the country and its neighbour, Ireland (Fig. 4.20) . The same system for identifying Rhodes as being the base for the Knights Hospitaller of St John occurs in a subsequent map by Freducci (Fig. 4.21)59. We know that the cross emblazoned across Rhodes does not reflect who controls

Holy Sites" Jerusalem and its Vicinity in Early Ottoman Times". Islamic Law and Society. Vol. 6.1, 1999 (p. 97-111). 57 Angulo, D and A.E. Perez-Sanchez. A Corpus of Spanish Drawings. Vol. 1 (1400-1600). London: Harvey Miller, 1975, Plate LXVIII, Fig. 240, p. 58. A second example by an unknown artist depicts Samson triumphant with the city Lehi commemorating the victory framing the scene (Plate XCVIII, Fig. 429, p. 80). 58 Vesconte Maggiolo. Mediterranean, Black Sea and North East Atlantic. Genoa, 1548. NMM G230:l/4 59 Anon. Mediterranean, Black and Caspian Seas (c. 1600). NMM P/l 1(5) and NMM P/l 1 (1)

178 Fig. 4.21: Angelo de Conte Freducci. Med, Fig. 4.22: Agnese Battista. Europa. Venice: 1554 Black and Caspian Seas. Ancona: 1555 (NMM (NMM P/24(8)). P/36(C-D)). the island, because it is held by the Ottoman Empire . A similar comparison can be made between England and Ireland under the flag of their patron saint and banner, respectively, as the flag seems to be used in the same manner in which the flag at Rhodes was used. England is represented by Maggiolo's use of its Catholic standard in defiance of it having been conquested by Protestantism, just as Rhodes was conquested by the Ottomans, but is shown defiant of this conquest. Both examples use Crusading banners to illustrate these former Catholic spaces. The representation of England as being in the hands of Catholics has a rich history, particularly surrounding Mary, who married Spain's next king in 1554, becoming Queen of England (Fig. 4.22). It is this occasion that Agnese Battista (c. 1500-1564 AD) illustrates on his 1554 map of Europe61. He signs and dates the map above Ireland, citing the 4th of May, 1554 as the date that this map was made, filling his work with the most current of events. He legitimizes himself as a cartographical authority with respect to how he represents these and other lands on this map. As if to highlight the lack of cooperation from the French, he has represented Cambrai with

Not falling until 1522, the Ottomans tried several times to conquer it. Fernando del Pulgar narrates one such attempt in 1479, titled "De como los turcos cercaron la ciudad de Rodas, e lo que ende paso". In Fernando del Pulgar. Cronica de los Reyes Catolicos (2 Vols). Ed. Juan de Mata Carriazo. Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1943, p. 411-412 (Chapter CXII). 61 Agnese Battista. Europa (NMM P/24(8)). Venice, 1554.

179 a city vignette of domical rooftops (Fig. 4.23). Situated near Protestant territory, one might confuse Cambrai for a Protestant city. A similar representation can be found at Paris. These examples are different from the vignettes that Battista used throughout much of Europe, including Saxonia, Germany, Italy, and North Eastern Europe, as most of these spaces consist of squared off buildings with skinny spires. These squared off vignettes are not found in Poland, Greece or Bosnia, where the domical building is used. Battista's treatment of Europe is meant to align, at least in representation, the French with Turkish Europe. In contrast, Joan Oliva also emphasises France in his map of Europe and the Atlantic, but diminishes all other nations. Shields are used to represent the other nations—one each to Spain and England, while France has numerous ones62. Political agendas must be reflected in these maps by Battista and Oliva, as France is represented differently by both cartographers.

Fig. 4.23: Agnese Battista. Europa. Venice: 1554 (NMM P/24(8)).

4.3 Protestant Europe and the Spanish Empires

Early in the 16 Century, the Low Lands had a number of important and powerful governments, including those of Utrecht, Antwerp and Ghent. Bordering to the west of this region is France, and present day Belgium is the territory that separates these two regions, a testament to France's claim and influence on the western Low Lands. This claim, and the intermingling of culture and language that occurred throughout this area, is in part due to the historical inclusion of Flanders and

62 Joan Oliva. North East Atlantic, Spain to Iceland. Messina, 1592. NMM P/22 (5).

180 Belgium within the remnants of Charlemagne's empire . Guicciardini divides Flanders into three parts: Flemish Flanders {Flanders Flamada/Flamingante), Walloon territory {Flanders Gallicane), and Imperial territory {Flanders Imperial) that fell to Charles V during his reign. Using the past tense, Guicciardini notes that the latter Flanders was "so named because many yeares it was vnder the obedience of the Empire"64. The author feels strongly that "Flanders is the mightiest Countie in Christendome, as Milan is the mightiest Dutchye, and France the mightiest realme"65. This region is bordered to the north east by Germany, such that Protestant Europe by mid century reaches into the south of France, up toward Paris and east of here into Germany66. Other than France, Imperial Spain remains the only organised political force of multi-national scope in this region, until the 1560s when the Prince d'Orange (1533-1584 AD) began organising cities and municipalities against the aggressive tax and religious programmes that had infiltrated the Low Lands late in Charles V's reign and early in that of Philip II. The Low Lands united under a Protestantism that may or may not have been stronger than the sense of nationalism that emerged among this people as a contrasting point of identity with their Spanish rulers. The representation of non-Catholic space in the Spanish Low Lands had some unique characteristics that are infused with aspects of Muslim or heretical referents that we have already encountered in the Americas, Africa and Eastern Europe. A singular example of this can be found on a regional scale map of Emden and the North Sea prepared for Bernardino de Mendoza (c. 1540-1604 AD)67. The artist places off the coast of Emden sea monsters reserved for open waters (as opposed to the bay that contains the monsters here), and more commonly seen on any map of the Atlantic, the Americas or Africa.

Jean Decavele. Vlaanderen. Ghent: Studio Claerhout, 1990. 64 L. Guicciardini, p. 85. 65 L. Guicciardini, p. 101. It is interesting how Antolinez de Burgos characterizes these nations as heretical Christian nations, and provides for each a figurehead (ie Calvin in France, John Huss in Germany, etc), p. 249-250. Bernardino de Mendoza. Comentarios de Don Bernardino de Mendoca, de lo fucedido en las Guerras de los Payfes baxos, defde el Ano de 1567 hafta el de 1577 (Madrid: Pedro Madrigal, 1592). Book III, Fol. 64r.

181 In a little known collection of F. Hogenberg's engravings (, c.1558- 1600)68, three plates are dedicated to the French city of Amboise, known for its midcentury Huguenot uprising against Francis II. One of these plates shows the hanging and burning of Huguenots (dated 21st of December, 1559)69. Amboise is featured as having a dome70, and in another plate the action has progressed to the hanging and the beheading of these Protestants71. The neighbouring city of Tours suffers through a similar ordeal, where Protestants are attacked by Catholics . Dated July of 1562, Tours has several domes topped by spheres. Spheres can sometimes be replaced by ovoids, bulbous or not bulbous. In either case, when the dome is combined with a sphere, it indicates non-Catholic space. A similar scene unfolds during the massacre of Huguenots at Cahors. Dated Novermber 19th, 1561, Hogenberg represents Papists burning the city in an attempt to cleanse it of its heretics73. The same sort of cleansing occurs at Bovrgongne, however this plate emphasises that Catholics will harm Protestant women, whereas in representations of battle with Muslims, women are never illustrated74. The French action culminates in Paris in August of 1572, when Admiral Coligny—with whom d'Orange had aligned in order to return enforce to the Low Lands—or, Der Admiral, is hunted down and killed. The Catholic masses then openly persecuted the Huguenots75. These views of French and Low Lands cities and the historical events that occurred therein are instructive of how Protestant-Catholic conflict was seen and represented during this period (visually and textually). From the perspective of Antolinez de Burgos at the end of this century, Paris and Basil, "ciudad[es] de hereges calvinistas", were filled with heretics76. The Spanish theologian later directs his writing toward the King of France: "le supplied mirasse las calamidades de

68 Containing a total of 354 of his engravings, most depicting the conflicts of this time period between Protestants and Catholics of the Low Lands, at Newberry Library Case folio F0975.42 69 Newberry Library Case folio F0975.42 S3.3 70 Newberry Library Case folio F0975.42 S3.4 71 Newberry Library Case folio F0975.42 S3.5 72 Newberry Library Case folio F0975.42 S3.13 73 Newberry Library Case folio F0975.42 S3.8 74 Newberry Library Case folio F0975.42 S3.11 75 Newberry Library Case folio F0975.42 S3.33 76 Antolinez de Burgos, p. 250-251.

182 Alemania e Inglaterra y volviesse los ojos a su reyno y viesse el miserable estado de los catolicos [of France]"77. In a regional vista of the region around Paris78, Hogenberg uses Flemish-style towers to illustrate Laigny, Chartres, S. Germain, and Meaux, all of which have been locations of Huguenot-Catholic conflicts during this period. Both the map scale and the armed conflicts of these cities remind us of how Saxton represented Portsmouth using a bulbous tower to illustrate its fortifications and lookout, suggesting a connection between Protestants and urban nation-states at war over independence from the Empire in representation. These cities are represented this way not because they are Protestant; rather, they are in conflict with the Empire, and it is for this reason that Hogenberg and Braun give conflicted French cities the bulbous tower. We will see this continued in the Low Lands. Cornelius de Hooghe's 1565 map of Holland79 forms part of a map cycle where successive cartographers have reproduced variants of his map while making minute modifications to their respective versions. The map is based on Jacob van Deventer's 1537 map (Fig. 4.24)80, in which Deventer makes use of new land surveying techniques. Deventer's Holland illustrates s'Hertogenbosch (Bvscomdvcvm, or Bois-de-Duc) with a vignette featuring Flemish-style towers, the style for which is inspired by Muslim architecture, and it is the only architecture to be so distinguished81. This 1537 version of a Dutch city is identical to Ortelius' 1570 Jerusalem (Fig. 2.41), studied above. De Hooghe's map, while covering the north and south of Holland, Utrecht and Gelderland, is dedicated to Prince William I, who in 1544 united the houses of Nassau and Orange, and surely lived up to the family motto ofje maintiendrai. William worked closely with Charles V and Philip II up to 1567, and breaks away from the Catholic empre, partly due to the increasing

77 Antolinez de Burgos, p. 252. Titled Descriptio de la ville de Paris avecq les Villes Citez et Villages Circomoifins. Newberry Library Case folio F0975.42 S4 79 Cornells de Hooghe. Hollandiae quae olim Catthorum sedes fuit nulli regioni fertilitate cedit dividtiis abundant. Antwerp, 1565. University of Amsterdam, UB: Kaartenzl: O.K. 188. This map may well be by Cornelis de Horen, as the author of this map identifies himself as CDH. Furthermore, it is thought that de Hooghe might be the illegitimate son of Charles V. Jacob van Deventer. Hollandiae Batavorum veteris insulae et locurum adiacentium exacta descriptio. Rome, Venice: Michaelis Tramezini formis, 1558. University of Amsterdam, UB: Kaartenzl: O.K. 206. 81 Jacob van Deventer was commissioned between 1535-1547) by Charles V to survey the Netherlands. H.A.M van der Heijden. The Oldest Maps of the Netherlands. Utrecht: HES Publishers, 1987. p .24

183 persecution of and intolerance toward Protestants throughout the Spanish Low Lands. The lower left cartouche on de Hooghe's map identifies the Prince of Orange in possession of Breda, Holland, Zeeland, and Frisia by this point of turmoil throughout the region. These regions combined consist of an area of the Spanish Low Lands that was aggresively disputed for decades. Johannes Keuning reminds us that de Hooghe

Fig. 4.24: Jacob van Deventer. Hollandiae Fig. 4.25: Cornelis de Hooghe. Holland. Batavor[um] veteris insulae et locorum adiacentium Hollandiae quae olim Catthorum sedes fuit exacta descriptio. Roma ; Venezia : Michaelis nulli regioni fertilitate cedit divitiis abundant. Tramezini formis, 1558. University of Amsterdam (Antwerp?, 1565). University of Amsterdam, UB : Kaartenzl: O.K. 206. UB : Kaartenzl: O.K. 188. not only lived in England for a while, but also was imprisoned for being a Spanish spy in 1583, and was decapitated and quartered March 29 at Leiden . The configuration of this map is further complicated toward the top (east) by the Spanish and Catholic imperial signs present in Frisia (top left) and Brabant (top right), clearly balancing out the western half of the map which consists of Nassau- Orange territories of Holland. Buildings distinguished by bulbous Flemish towers as architectural vignettes include: [Frisia and Brabant] Leeuwarden, s'Hertogenbosch, and Buren; [Holland and Germany] Seven.Bergen (probably the fortified town of Montz83 or Bergen, near Cambray), Deist, MontFoort84, Gouda, Hague, Amsterdam, Monnickendam, Harlem, and Alkmaar. Utrecht and Harlem are indicated as bishoprics by the bishop's hat and cross (Fig. 4.25). However, in Utrecht, the hat sits

82 Johannes Keuning. "XVIth Century Cartography in the Netherlands: Mainly in the Northern Provinces" Imago Mundi, Vol. 9, 1952 (35-63), p. 53. 83 L. Guicciardini, p. 108. 84 A 'frontier' town, according to L. Guicciardini, p. 78.

184 above a gothic tower with the archbishopric cross, whereas in Harlem, the hat floats independently off to one side of the Flemish tower, topped with an ordinary cross. A Catholic diocese was likely placed there in the first place in 1559 to oversee and control any reformers within the city's walls. Gerard de Jode's 1593 reprint of his 1578 version of this map85 converts the Flemish vignettes into normalised, squared- off city and town markers in the style of Ortelius, such that no differentiation based on religious affiliation can be detected in the later map. Quite the opposite is true for Langren's 1594 version of de Hooghe's map86. He has placed numerous Flemish towers throughout the region, and has also inverted some of de Hooghe's stampings, so that the Haarlem bishopric stamping is inverted. The bishop's hat that floats off to the left (1565), appears in Langren to the right of the city. Following Deventer more than de Hooghe, Matthias Quad (1592) and Joan Bussemacher (1597) have exaggerated s'Hertogenbosch by its unequally large vignette (Fig. 4.26) . This is because s'Hertogenbosch is situated on the frontier between Catholic Brabant and the bulk of Protestant Holland. This regional Holland map series demonstrates how the Flemish-style tower that we will see at the chorographic scale within these cities is illustrated at the regional level to indicate cities not under Catholic imperial control. Haarlem was a Protestant city. In July of 1573, the Flemish-style tower with a spherical body is portrayed as Haarlem's tallest tower, confirming it to be a Protestant space88. But Haarlem was about to fall to the Spanish, after eight months of skirmish. A similar tower can be found in an engraving of Alkmaar, dated September 1573, when Don Friderico's troops stormed the city89. When Don Frederico attacked Haarlem, F. Hogenberg captured some of these events in his engravings, including a scene where Protestants and city officials of Haarlem are hanged, and another where they are beheaded while a Catholic priest looks on from the foreground90. Hogenberg

Gerard de Jode. Kaart van Holland. (Doetecum, 1578). University Library of Utrecht Kaart HOL-10 (same as Kaart HOL-14, or thel593 Edition) 86 Henricus Florentius van Langren. Hollandia quae olim Cattorum sedesfuit nulli regioni fertilitate cedit divitijs abundant (1594). University of Amsterdam, UB: Kaartenzl: O.K. 19 87 (Matthias Quad) Hollandia. Henricus Nagel fecit, 1592 University Library of Utrecht Kaart HOL- 16. 88 Newberry Library Case folio F0975.42 S.6 [p. 137] 89 Newberry Library Case folio F0975.42 S.6 [p. 140] 90 Newberry Library Case folio F0975.42 S.6 [p. 138]

185 and Braun's 1575 view also attempts to portray the city's diverse population

Fig. 4.26: Henry Nagel (Matthias Quad). Hollcmdia Fig. 4.27: Hogenberg and Braun. Harlem.. 1592, reprinted by Joan Bussemchr (1597). Civitates, Vol. 11(1575), map 26. Universiteitsbibliotheek Utrecht: Kaart *Blonk* HOL- 16.

Haarlem hosted the Minnerbroers, or Minor Brothers, is a Catholic order, not unlike the Augustinian order, and the Catholic churches labelled St. Anne, St. Catherine, and St. John are indicated with crosses above conical, gothic-style towers that Hogenberg and Braun typically use in Spanish cities. Certain parochial churches, the Tsyl closter, an unnamed clooster behind the cathedral, and the main cathedral St. Margaret (Fig. 4.27), are illustrated with Flemish-style towers, emphasised further by the sphere and finial. The placement of the gothic tower and the Flemish-style tower within Haarlem contrasts Catholic and Protestant space. A more pronounced division of religious space occurs at the Hague92, a city divided in two parts, the Protestant area and the Spanish area. The division is also an indication of activity on the part of the Protestants, who had to live with the Spanish when they decided to make the Hague their base camp in 1574 for reconquesting the surrounding region93.

Hogenberg and Braun. Haarlem. Civitates orbis Terrarum. (Vol. 2, map 26) 1575 The Hague under conflict is described by L. Guicciardini, p. 74. Newberry Library Case folio F0975.42 S.6 [150]

186 Leeuwarden, on the other hand, is a different story. When de Hooghe illustrated it with a Flemish tower, he was responding to the populous movement toward Reformation in that area. In a local scale view of the town dated 1580 , the cartographer includes no bulbous towers in the vista, and in fact he promotes the smaller, gothic and conical towers that suggest it is a Catholic town. But a year later, one year before the Prince d'Orange formally took Leeuwarden, Hogenberg and Braun included a bulbous, onion-shaped tower in their vista, which suggests the likelihood that the author of the 1580 map did not include it so that Leeuwarden would appear to be loyal to the Emperor95.

Fig. 4.28: A. (Melius. Belgii inferioris descriptio Fig. 4.29: Sebastiao Lopes. Med, Black and emendata cum circumiacentium regionum Caspian Seas with NE Atlantic. 1555 (NMM confinijs. 1575. University of Amsterdam, G230:l/12). Kaartenzl: O.K. 30

Ortelius's map of Belgium reflects a smaller area that is also included in de Hooghe's Holland map96, and he uses the architectural vignette to illustrate more important or populous towns instead of the dot for smaller towns. Covering the greater part of present day Belgium, this map notes the conflicted regions between

Anon. Leeuwarden. Koln, 1580. University of Amsterdam, UB: Kaartenzl: O.K. 90 95 Hogenberg and Braun. Leeuwarden. In Civitates orbis Terrarum (Vol. 3, map 36) 1581. 96 A. Ortelius. Belgii inferioris description emendate cum circumiacentium regionum confinijs. 1575. University of Amsterdam, Kaartenzl: O.K. 30

187 Catholics and Protestants. Many cities, including Antwerp (Fig. 4.28), are depicted with the Flemish-style tower97. Here, the bulbous tower is not coloured in red like the gothic towers that are used in other city vignettes. The bulbous tower found throughout Flanders, Brabant, and even in Munster is not the only indication of religious affiliation that we might encounter on the regional scale map. Dourado, for example, uses the Prince d'Orange's shield to identify Flanders on his map of Northern Europe98, and Sebastian Lopes combines the stripped flag with a bevelled- edge to mark Flanders, but also to mark Constantinople. Lopes' Rome, Portugal and Spain are marked without the bevelled flag (Fig. 4.29)99. Freducci's map of Europe uses text to characterise Catholic Brabant, which he labels Barbantia instead of Brabantia100. Other cities marked by Ortelius with a Flemish tower include: [Bottom-Centre] Mainz, Nassau, Namur, Maestricht, and ; [Centre-Top] Ghent, Antwerp, Deventer, Utrecht, and s'Hertogenbosch. The local scale representation of these cities proves interesting. Becoming a bishopric in 1559, s'Hertogenbosch is not shown on de Hooghe's map as having a bishop's seat. Hogenberg and Braun's local scale view depict both sides of the Reformation conflict as having a presence within the city (Fig. 4.30)101. The main cathedral appears to be Protestant with a bulbous tower, beside which the order of Minor Brothers is represented with a conical, gothic tower. Guicciardini's observation that "the people are very warlike102" supports the relationship between territory under dispute and the contrasting gothic and Flemish-style towers in these views. Another example of such a town split apart by the Reformation is Arras. There is a wall separating the district of Catholics observing the bishop from the district of non-Catholics supporting the Prince d'Orange103.

On Protestantism throughout late-century Antwerp, see Guido Murneff. Antwerp in the Age of Reformation. Underground Protestantism in a Commercial Metropolis, 1550-1577. Trans. J.C. Grayson. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996. 98 Dourado Atlas. Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal, IL-171 (Fl. 12-13) 99 Sebastian Lopes. Mediterranean, Black and Caspian Seas with north east Atlantic c. 1555 NMM G230:l/12. Angelo de Conte Freducci. Atlantic coasts of Europe and West Mediterranean. Ancona, 1555 NMM P/36 (E-F). 101 Hogenberg and Bream, s'Hertogenbosch. In Civitates orbis Terr arum (Vol. 1, map 18), 1572. 102 L. Guicciardini, p. 46. 103 This is explored by L. Guicciardini, p. 102.

188 A town better known for its history of conflict is Munster, the site of the 1534- 1535 Anabaptist riots.The town was referred to by the Anabaptists as New Jerusalem,

Fig. 4.30: Hogenberg and Braun. Fig. 4.31: Hogenberg and Braun.. Munster. S'Hertogenbosch. Civitates, Vol. 1, (1572) map CMtates, Vol. 1, (1572) map 22. 18. and when it was rebaptised Catholic later that decade, brutal persecution of the Anabaptists ensued. At far left of Hogenberg and Braun's 1572 version of Munster is a windmill just outside the city, topped with a long finial and rooster (Fig. 4.31). Like many roosters of this sort, it lacks detail and is shaped rather like an upward- opening crescent moon. As we saw above in our analysis of the United Kingdom, the coreferentiality of the crescent moon at the regional scale, and the rooster at the chorographic scale, characterises this example at Munster. The windmill topped with a crescent is positioned farther away from the city, which explains the abstraction of the sign in this instance. Munster's churches of St. Jacob and St. Lambert each have ungothic towers (Fig. 4.32) topped by roosters, which suits the Anabaptist and Calvinist preference against most religious symbols and iconography.

Hogenberg and Braun. Munster. In CMtates orbis Terr arum (Vol. 1, map 22), 1572

189 Conversely, Hogenberg and Braun's 1575 version of Namur is under the control of Philip II, as indicated by the shields across the top of the map. Guicciardini notes that shortly before Hogenberg and Braun's Namur was published, the city received a Bishop and boasted a Cathedral Church106. On the map, it is labelled "S. Aulbaien egliese Cathedralle" and has no towers. In contrast, at least three Flemish- style towers can be found on this map. One is at the map's centre, which appears to be part of the old city wall, and another can be found along the bridge in the foreground, topped with a cross and functioning as a crucero of sorts. The last example is a bulbous tower named Cordeliers for the Franciscans who lived there.

Fig. 4.32: Hogenberg and Braun. Minister. Civitates Fig. 4.33: Middleburg. Middelburgum Vol. 1, (1572) map 22. Selandiae opp. situ opere et mercimonijs florentiss. Before Guiccardini, after 1550. University of Amsterdam, UB : Kaartenzl: O.K. 96.

By reconfiguring the town to emphasise the Flemish infrastructure, the map makers effectively minimize the appearance of Spanish control over that city. This is also accomplished by Guicciardini in his description of the city. While clearly stating that the town is Catholic107, he glosses over the fact that the soldiers stationed at Munster were French and supported the Prince d'Orange. He elaborates upon his position: all nobility in this city "descended of great princes though the moste part by

Hogenberg and Braun. Namur. In Civitates orbis Terr arum (Vol. 2, map 20), 1575 L. Guicciardini, p. 119. "Thefe [cities] before defcribed are all the low countrey Prouvinces fubiect to the kinge of Spayne".

190 bastardie" . Unlike Namur, Middleburg (Zeeland) is shown on a mid-century local scale map as having its main cathedral topped with an abstract rooster (Fig. 4.33)109. Amsterdam attempted to be neutral in the conflicts throughout the Low Lands, but in Sebastian Miinster's 1550 local scale view of the city110, Amsterdam is occupied by Protestants and under attack by Catholics (Fig. 4.34). This map is predated by a less political map by Cornells Anthonisz (published in 1544), which is based on a painting by the same author, dated 1538111. Anthonisz's representation

Fig. 4.34: Sebastian Munster. Amsterdam. Cosmographiae Universalis (Latin Ed., Basel: H. Petri, 1550). of Amsterdam is uninteresting and neutral in terms of religious iconography, which supports Amsterdam's attempted neutrality at this time. Guiccardini publishes a version of this work in his book on the Low Lands in 1567; Hogenberg and Braun then publish this map in the first volume of the Civitates orbis Terrarum in 1572, highlighting the relevance of a neutral Amsterdam nearly 35 years after this representation was initially conceived. Antwerp, the centre of commerce after the city of Ghent fell earlier this century, is also immersed in religious conflict. F. Hogenberg's illustrations of this time period include Antwerp in numerous instances. In fact, he records the iconoclastic fury that struck the city during this period, involving the cleansing or

108 L. Guicciardini, p. 119. [Before Guiccardini] Middelburgum Selandiae opp. Situ opera et mercimonijs florentiss. (after 1550). University of Amsterdam, UB: Kaartenzl: O.K. 96. 110 Sebastian Munster. Amsterdam. In Cosmographiae Universalis (Latin Ed). Basel: H. Petri, 1550. 111 Cornells Anthonisz. Die vermaerde Coopstadt van Amstelredam (1544). University of Amsterdam, UB: Kaartenzl: W.X. 015

191 dismantling of church ornamentation according to Calvinistic practices. Hogenberg's example is dated August 20th, 1567, the same year in which Philip IFs programme to reunite his empire is put into practice112. Philip IPs primary enemy during this time period is the Prince d'Orange, who attempts to resist Catholic rule, and gathers the support of several cities under his own banner113. The only reason Calvinists were able to dismantle churches in August is because the Prince d'Orange resecured the city. In April, however, he left to continue this work in Breda. F. Hogenberg records this trip from Antwerp to Breda, such that both cities are included within the vista114. The Antwerp that he leaves behind has several Flemish-style towers, and many with onion-shaped finials that sit atop towers as the sphere usually would. Breda appears to have several as well, indicating its Protestant population. The Spanish siege of 1577 which follows their brutal siege of 1574 is also recorded by F. Hogenberg. His engravings attempt to represent the atrocities committed by the Spanish soldiers, much of these in anticipation of the Leyenda negra that proliferated during this time period outside and inside of Spain's borders. In this sense, Spanish soldiers are depicted suspending a woman by her breasts and a man by his testicles and penis. Similar atrocities occur on the same engraving, lining Antwerp's main street with a cabinet of horrors115. In the background, Antwerp's tallest Flemish-style tower climbs over the city116. It is labelled Oosters Ham111 and belonged to a large, squared off municipal building. In a fascinating comparative view of Maestricht and what Hogenberg calls "Hispanigscher nation aufszug aufs Brabant", the Protestant city of Maestricht, not reconquered by Parma (one of several successors to the Duke of Alba) until 1579, has the Flemish-style tower, whereas the Spanish region does not118. It is not surprising that Antwerp's onion-shaped finials reappear in his 1580

112 Newberry Library Case folio F0975.42 S.5. Also see [p. 107] 113 This includes a plate for Berga, which features an onion-shaped tower. Newberry Library Case folio F0975.42 S.6 [130]. 114 Newberry Library Case folio F0975.42 S.5 [p. 110] 1,5 Newberry Library Case folio F0975.42 S.7.11 116 This is repeated in Newberry Library Case folio F0975.42 S.7.10 117 Newberry Library Case folio F0975.42 S.8.4 118 Newberry Library Case folio F0975.42 S.7.20

192 vista of Antwerp, particularly as Protestant power was restored in Antwerp shortly after the 1577 sack119. Numerous cities have been represented at the local scale level by employing either the Flemish-style tower with a spherical body, or the Flemish-style tower with the oval or onion-shaped body. Mechlin has the spherical sort of Flemish-style tower according to a 1572 vista, the same year in which the Spanish sacked the city120. These architectural indications are further supported by other forms of figural representation. In a view of depicting events of 1569, F. Hogenberg chooses to depict the encroaching Catholic force as the Grim Reaper, who is accompanied by a skeleton, carrying a scythe121 and proceeding into Brussels. We can add to this Antwerp's cabinet of horrors, all of which provokes the popular Leyenda negra of this time period. Protestant cities emphasise their desire for independence from the Catholic empire by creating comparisons using Muslim representations for space. Leiden makes this perfectly clear when, in 1599, the new town hall tower became inscribed with Liever Turksch dann Paapsch, a motto that had survived from the early years of the Wars of Religion and one that was also inscribed on medallions and badges that survived the war122. It was an indelible and, no doubt, irresistible attempt by Leiden's Protestants to differentiate themselves from Catholics. This supports Andrew Wheatcroft's opinion that the language used to describe Muslims came to be "common tokens of abuse" between Christians123, such that Protestants of all sorts felt quite natural in suggesting that converting to Islam and/or living under the Sultan would be better than converting, and/or living under Catholics. A third method by which figural representation characterises both Protestant and Muslim spaces occurs during the evening battle, or night attack. In F. Hogenberg's representation of Ordingen, some Calvinists under the long, bevelled

uy Newberry Library Case folio F0975.42 S.5 [p. 125] 120 Newberry Library Case folio F0975.42 S.6 [p. 132] 121 Newberry Library Case folio F0975.42 S.5 [p. 122 ] 122 The National Maritime Museum preserves one of these badges (NMM E2327-1). It is in the shape of the crescent moon and has the motto inscribed upon its face (dated 1574, Leiden). 123 Andrew Wheatcroft. Infidels: A History of the Conflict Between Christendom and Islam. New York: Random House, 2004 p. 36.

193 edged flag of the Prince d'Orange are seen to arrive at night by boat . They row ashore, and enter the city through its main doors. The moon shines brightly over Ordingen, revealing its gothic towers and the invading force. As a result of this moonlight, the Catholic townspeople are able to rid themselves of their attackers, who madly run for their rowboats in their attempt to escape. The attack at night has a fascinating mythology, one that is employed to describe attempts to take Constantinople during the middle ages. Such an attempt is explored in Discurso de los prodigios y maravillosas senates que se han visto en Constantinopla... (1619) . At one point, the author attempts to integrate the physical light of the moon as having a refracting affect on the crescent moon finial that is above the main mosque:

Entre las senales que aparecieron en el cielo, la mas notable, y que causo mas miedo, fue, que de vna nuue salia vn braco, con vn punal ensangrentado, que con la punta parecia tocaua en la media Luna, que estaua en lo mas alto de la torre de la gran Mezquita, que en tiepo de Christianos era la Iglesia mayor, del titulo de Santa Sofia, parecia en punto de la vna despues de media noche, y duraua tres horas en esta forma, [...] hasta que al salir del Sol no se via mas.

A related image involves the Virgin Mary triumphant over the crescent moon. Revelations 12.1 describes the Virgin clothed in the sun with a moon under her feet, while St. Michael the Archangel prepared for combat, configuring Mary as protector of the Church. Several commentators including Bede and Gregory of the biblical text believe the moon to be a symbol of corruption, and it is triumphed by the Virgin . The 14th Century interpretation by Nicholas de Lyra (d. 1349 AD), whose text Postilla Super totam Bibliam was widely read during the 16l Century, champions the metaphor of Mary standing on the crescent moon as a symbol for the Church's victory over heresy. The crescent moon becomes polemicised as a celestial figure that indicates a Muslim space by occupying the top-most point of a building. At the same time, the Virgin descends from the Heavens, appearing victorious above the heretical space. The moon is also linked within other Western traditions to the figure

124 Newberry Library Case folio F0975.42 S.9.76 Anon. Discurso de los prodigios y maravillosas senales que se han visto en Constantinopla... (Sevilla : Juan Serrano de Vargas), 1619. Universidad de Sevilla, A 109/085(043) 126 This is explored in Ostrow, esp. p. 233.

194 of a woman (including Fatima), and as a Greco-Roman motif shared by pre-Islamic cultures that appears throughout Spain as an amulet against the mal de ojo, shaped as a hand that bares resemblance to the crescent moon. As an alternative reading for the night attack involving the crescent moon, a Turkish writer describes the light of the moon and sun as having a role in conquest:

The light of the most luminous sun of Islam and the shine of the bright moon of the book of canonic law of the master of mankind [Muhammad] reached many of the [Mediterranean islands] and into a certain number of them the Rule of the [Ottoman] Sultan entered...128

These referents all play some role in the night attack scenario that is applied to conflicts between Catholics and Turks during the 16th Century. Ralph Abercromby relates the popular legend that "when the Turks were driven from the gates of Vienna there was observed in the sky a crescent reversed, with a sword through the centre"129. When the Marian imagery is filtered through this legend, the Virgin appears to be the bearer of arms in her attempt to protect the city of Vienna as a Catholic space. The night attack and the role of the moon share a mythology that is renovated in particular to serve Constantinople130 and Protestant space. The proclivity to connect Muslim and Protestant space is demonstrated in rumours about relations between Protestants and Turks during Philip IPs reign. Correspondence dated sometime in 1574 attempted to establish an espionage network between Muslim Spain and Algeria. The correspondence requested the moriscos help the Lutheran cause against Catholicism in the Low Lands131. Andrew C. Hess describes a Turkish letter sent to the Protestant leaders of Flanders and to other areas seeking an alliance that would be supported by moriscos in the south132, and particularly in Valencia, thought by the Spanish to already be allied with North

Azarpay, G and A.D. Kilmer, p. 366. 128 Cited in Goodrich, p. 115. 129 Abercromby, Ralph. "Cloud-hand in Folk-Lore and in Science". The Folk-lore Journal. 1988 (94- 115), p. 109. 130 The night attack is explored for Constantinople (Byzantium) in Ridgeway, p. 241. 131 Andrew C. Hess. "The Moriscos: An Ottoman Fifth Column in Sixteenth-Century Spain". The American Historical Review. Vol. 74.1, 1968 (p. 1-25), p. 17-18 and notes 65-67. 132 A. Hess, p. 19-20.

195 African pirates and the Ottomans. F. Braudel also puts forward that the moriscos of Aragon are suspected for their proximity to the natural border between France and Spain, and thus predisposed to align with the Huguenots133. The moriscos at Granada appear to have attempted to build upon the advantage afforded to them by the environment of suspicion and rumour when, during the second revolt at Granada (1569), some dressed as Ottomans so to inspire fear in the Christians . The Venetian ambassador, Leonardo Donato, remarked that if the moriscos had actually received the Ottoman help, and should the conflict spread outside of Andalucia, that surely the French Protestants would have flanked them from the north135. There was a deliberate representational strategy that affiliated the Protestants and the Muslims as common enemies for Catholics in general, and for the Spanish in particular. Leonardo Donato's comment demonstrates a coreferentiality between French Protestants and Ottoman Turks. The coreferentiality of distinct cultural groups is also to describe reformist communities of Geneva. Here, the so-called Group of Exiles, of which many were Spaniards, made their home as expatriates136. Geneva became a popular city for these reformists, particularly as it attracted Calvin himself for a number of years mid- century. According to Stoughton, by 1559, reformed religious services could be heard in Spanish in Geneva, which speaks to the size of the presumably exiled Spanish population living there137. Stoughton included "converted Mussulmans and Jews" within this "one congregation of Protestants" located in Geneva during this period. Stoughton's association suggests, at least historically speaking, that there was a relationship between Protestants and 'converted' Jews and Muslims. In contrast, when we think of 'converted' Jews or Muslims living with Catholics in 16th Century Spain, we often assume that they are only acting as if they were Christians. Even the Inquisition and contemporary Catholics thought this. We can attempt to lay bare a pattern of association that has stretched over many centuries. The rabble finds itself

F. Braudel. The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip II. (2 Vols). Berkley: University of California Press, 1976-1982. Vol. 1, p. 376-82. 134 A. Wheatcroft, p. 142. 135 A. Wheatcroft, p. 143. 136 Stoughton, p. 281. 137 Stoughton, p. 283.

196 attached to similarly categorized groups, irrespective of the sizeable differences in core religious philosophy behind these minority groups. So-called converted Jews, Muslims and Protestants are characterised as outsiders by the order of Catholic Europe. They are lumped together into one congregation that, according to Stoughton, met at Geneva. This is indicative of a rhetorical programme that existed as much during the Inquisition as during Stoughton's time frame, one that may yet play a role in how we understand other cultures today.

Conclusions By the 1540s, "for a Spaniard to be charged with Lutheranism was quite a new thing", and many of those who were charged had direct connections with reformers of French or Netherlandish origin138. Consequently, Belgium and the Low Lands in particular host a significant amount of negative religious representation. This leads to the exaggeration that describes home-grown, Spanish followers of Luther's teachings as rare, in contrast to French or Netherlandish Lutherans as being the norm, as historians such as Hughey, Stoughton and Wright have maintained. Nonetheless, Spanish authors and humanists such as Juan Luis Vives (buried in , Flanders139), Juan de Valdes or Francisco de Enzinas would spend a good portion of their lives living abroad where reform was accepted. This helped maintain the image that Spain was a Catholic country, while the Netherlands was not a Catholic region. Similarly, the Inquisition helped enforce the image of Spain as a Catholic nation, and outside of Spain's borders, this image was reinforced through reputation. This balance is further emphasised through issues around translations of religious texts. Guicciardini's observation that in the Low Lands, there are many who speak their "owne language, [they] fpeake French, and manye Allemaine, Italian, Englifh, Spanifh140", illustrates the diversity of expatriates who collated in the Low Lands, and the subsequent diversification of language in this area. Guicciardini elaborates that "there are more Spaniards in Antwerp than of anie other Nation,

us Stoughton, p. 84. 139 Vives lays at St. Donat. He likely lived among some of his countrymen, as Bruges was the place to distribute Spanish wool during this time. Guicciardini relates this in his description of the area, p. 89. 140 L. Guicciardini, p. 20

197 becaufe diuers of them are married and dwell there" . In the case of Enzinas, who translated the New Testament from Greek into "lengua castellana", the subsequent charges against this apparently unauthorised translation clearly reveal Spain's control over providing these texts in the regional—and more accessible—languages of Europe. Enzinas, despite having presented his translation to Charles V with the support of the Bishop of Jaen, and despite it at first being accepted by Charles V, found himself briefly imprisoned. As a subsequent expatriate , then, Enzinas kept company with all the major reformers of the Netherlands and Germany, meeting Calvin shortly before Enzinas' death143. The relationship that Europe has with Spain during the reigns of Charles V and Philip II is balanced through a porous programme of representation from both sides of the Pyrenees. In Spain, this programme promotes homogeneity, unification through conformity and enforcement, and it is manifested bodily as Limpieza de Sangre (Purity of Blood). From the other side of the Pyrenees, the Leyenda negra circulated, and Spain was characterised as a savagely brutal opponent that demanded and took what it wanted. Especially in Hogenberg's engravings of the events of the latter half of the 16th Century in the Low Lands, the Catholic side of the religious conflict is often referred to most simply as the Spanish, despite the forces that fought throughout the Low Lands consisting of many foreign nationals, as were those of the New World conquests.

As a result of the perspectives offered by the study's organization, coreferential cartographical signs have emerged between the scales and between the regions. Table 4.1 shows that the sphere is used to signify Protestant space, Spanish Protestant Space, and Muslim space across the scales and across Europe. We will continue to explore how contemporary cartographic interpretation has retained this and other meanings, particularly for the lighthouse (or beacon), which—as we have seen throughout England and at Portsmouth in particular—is an association made as early as the 16th Century. Similarly, the crescent moon has a similar function for

141 L. Guicciardini, p. 38 142 It is interesting to note that churches would have attracted potential heretics looking for protection from the authorities. In the Low Lands, one imagines that this service was frequently sought. Ludovico Guicciardini states that, in Antwerp, "Churches and Cloyfters are Sanctuaries for prifoners, except the cafe be haynous", p. 35. 143 This is further detailed by Stoughton, p. 87-9

198 Table 4.1: Europe Map Signs SIGN SCALE DESCRIPTION Local scale, as an architectural a. Mosque and Muslim Authority vignette This sign may be used arbitrarily to indicate Muslim space, U rather than a Muslim place of worship144. In Europe, this is exclusively found in Ottoman Turkish Territory145, whereas The crescent moon at any scale in England it is used to indicate market towns with artillery fortification146.

b. Crescent Moon and Resistance Apart from indicating Muslim space at the chorographic level (above), and the regional level throughout Europe, the crescent moon at the regional scale throughout the Low Lands or the United Kingdom functions as an abstraction for the chorographic rooster147. Regional Scale a. Schismatic Bishopric 8 Y" According to Dainville148. b. Non-Catholic City Cupola and Sphere at any scale, 149 150 alone or combined with rooster or Non-Catholic Christian Cities and Muslim Cities . crescent

Delano-Smith, illustrating Gerard de Jode. Hungary (Antwerp, 1578). In David Woodward, Ed. Vol. 3, p.565. 145 Constantinople (Schedel, 1493) Abydos (Manutius, c. 1494-98) Jerusalem (Freducci, c. 1550) E. Europe (Freducci, c. 1550) Constantinople (Munster, 1550) E. Europe (Lopes, 1555) Mediterranean (Russus, 1563, c.1535) Mediterranean (Martines, 1570) Dardenelles (Camocio, 1572) Lepanto (Martines, 1572) Lepanto (Anon, c. 1575-1600) Lepanto (Oliva, 1592) Greece (Anon, c. 1600) 146 Portsmouth (Norden, 1595) Legend (Norden, 1595) 147 Middleburg (Anon, 1550s) Munster (Hogenberg and Braun, 1572) St. Andrews (Geddy, 1580) s'Hertogenbosch (Nagel, 1592) 148 Dainville, p. 308 149 Middleburg (Anon, 1550s) Cambrai (Battista, 1554) s'Hertogenbosch (van Deventer, 1558) Tours (Hogenberg, 1562) Antwerp/Breda (Hogenberg, 1567) s'Hertogenbosch (Hogenberg and Braun, 1572) Munster (Hogenberg and Braun, 1572) Harlem (Hogenberg and Braun, 1575) Antwerp (Ortelius, 1575) Portsmouth (Saxton, 1575) Venice (Anon, c.1600)

199 Secondary Characteristics (at any scale): 151 s§^ ^¥iv' —# a. Bevelled-edgedflag b. Rooster, where the rooster indicates non-Catholic space ^H r a. ' T^ b. *;J*^' c. and/or movement152. Primarily a chorographic sign, and occasionally at the regional level153. c. Cross, used for noting non-Catholic space that should be reconquested154, or modified to illustrate Protestant space155. indicating non-Catholic space. At different scales, it is manifested as a rooster or windcock, commonly used to signify Protestant and Muslim territories. For Muslim space, we have seen the rooster used since medieval times. Finally, the bevelled edged flag returns as a referent that, in conjunction with another visual aspect (ie the crescent moon, the sphere), indicates non-Catholic space as a whole. When non-conforming Spanish heretics are apprehended or charged in Spain, they find themselves outside of, and processed by, the Limpieza programme spiritually. When they are attacked or accused of being affiliated with foreign reformist culture (ideas, texts, people, and communities who circulate the Leyenda negra), an inherent connection between both programmes is created. One will enforce the other, such that Hogenberg refers to all Catholics in the Low Lands as Spanish, while from within Spain, to be Spanish means to be Catholic. Spain's

Constantinople (Schedel, 1493) Constantinople (Munster, 1550) Dardenelles (Camocio, 1572) Jerusalem (Tibaldi, c. 1587) E. Europe and Levant (Lorich, late 16th Century) 151 N. Europe (Maggiolo, 1548) Constantinople (Munster, 1550) Amsterdam (Munster, 1550) Europe (Lopes, 1555) Rostock (Hogenberg, 1564) Dardenelles (Camocio, 1572) Europe (Dourado, 1576) Ordingen (Hogenberg, late 16th Century) 152 Metz (Munster, 1544) Aries (Munster, 1544) Munster (Hogenberg and Braun, 1572) 153 Jerusalem (Evesham, c. 1390-1415) 154 Constantinople (Schedel, 1493) Constantinople (Waldseemuller, 1507) N. Europe (Maggiolo, 1548) United Kingdom (Maggiolo, 1548) Constantinople (Munster, 1550) Rhodes (Freducci, 1555) 155 S. Scotland (Mercator, 1595) N. Scotland (Mercator, 1595)

200 relationship with Reformist Europe (and vice versa) in part depends upon two cultural and rhetorical programmes that own coreferential meanings. In the 20th Century and today, we conceive of Spain as a Catholic country, and some students and scholars may perceive Spain's practices in the New World or throughout Europe as being brutal or savage156. These two characteristics are linked then as now and maintained by institutions such as the monarchy, the empire, or the Inquisition, despite the fact that they no longer exist as they once did. Stoughton's blending of Spanish, Muslim and Jewish minority groups into a reformist congregation at Geneva is another example of how the Limpieza and Leyenda programmes are combined decades, and centuries, after the institutions that maintained them became defunct. How these rhetorical programmes and strategies have been perpetuated will be explored in our Spain map study.

156 This is seen most recently in the PBS-aired four-part film series Secret Files of the Inquisition (2006), which focuses on the Inquisition as an historical institution, from the middle ages until modern times. An English language film titled Goya's Ghosts (2006) is another example. A New York Times review interprets the film as a critique of the United States' position and reaction to terrorism, thereby comparing the United States' programme to counter terrorism with the Inquisition's programme to uphold Catholicity. Matt Zoller Seitz concludes that "By recreating Inquisition brutality, "Goya's Ghosts" aims to denounce the West's bludgeoning response to terrorism". ("The Inquisition in Spain: Expected and Even Hailed". New York Times. July 20th, 2007).

201 5 Spain: The Blending of Conversos, Moriscos and Luteranos

The study of the 16 Century Spanish Peninsula presents two challenges to the modern-day scholar. First, ever since the Reyes catolicos initiated and executed their plans for unification, culminating in 1492 with the fall of Granada, Spain has been viewed and often studied as if it were an unvaried block of Catholicism . This is especially true in the 17th Century. Within the first three decades, Muslims, British, Scottish, and British Protestants were expulsed from Spain3. Nearly a century after the Council of Trent, an Italian author reasoned that if there were Lutheran books circulating in Spain, it would be residents of Muslim ancestry who would buy these books4, despite the environment of "suspicion of potential heterodoxy [...] among the Old Christians of Spain" having been a reality5. Effectively, Pallavicini refused to suspect Old Christians of reading reformist literature and, instead, favoured the post- expulsion community of Spaniards with Muslim heritage as a likely readership. This perception contributes to archetype for the Spaniard as understood from outside of Spain. The image of the devout Catholic in turn supported the image of Spain and its people as a Catholic nation, which played out within the framework of the period's

1 Or the Catholic Kings, Isabel (1451-1504 AD) and Ferdinand (1452-1516 AD). This is true for panoramic studies of Spain, such as John A. Crow's Spain, The Root and The Flower: An Interpretation of Spain and the Spanish People. New York: Harper, c. 1975, and in Stanley Payne's A History of Spain and Portugal (Vol. 2). Furthermore, Payne mentions several 20th Century attempts to homogenize Spain using Catholicism, including the efforts of Opus Dei (p. 692), which suggests that the desire to present Spain as an unvaried block of Catholicism was popular. 3 For example, the Inquisitor General writes in 1625 that "he ordenado que se publique un edicto en esta corte y en las ciudades y lugares principales de estos Reynos para que todos los naturales delos de Inglaterra y Escocia que no fueron Catholicos y reconocieron a la Santa Iglesia catholica Romana salgan dentre de veynte dias de todos los Reynos y senorios de V. Magd...", in Henry Charles Lea. A History of the Inquisition of Spain (Vol. 3 of 4). New York: Macmillan, 1906-07. p. 572-3 4 Stoughton, p. 37. 5 A.D. Wright. Catholicism and Spanish Society Under the Reign of Philip II, 1555-1598, and Philip III, 1598-1621. Lewiston: Edwin Mellen Press, 1991, p. 194.

202 Leyenda negra for how Spain was viewed by outsiders6. Historians have since characterized Spain as homogenously Catholic, and this is how many of us view Spain today7. This view is propagated by the events of the 20* Century. One Barcelona newspaper stated in a 1949 article that "We had rather have 10 million communists in Spain than one million Protestants. The worst thing that could happen to our country would be a religious division"8. The same views on Spain's history, however, have also fell victim to the Leyenda negra that circulated around Europe, in which Spain's inquisitorial and conquest practices were mythologised and often exaggerated, to the benefit of Spain's competitors in faith and conquest, namely the Dutch and the British. Jose Antonio Vaca de Osma states that

No hay ni hubo nunca leyenda negra antiespaiiola en Italia, y menos aun antes de que nuestros grandes rivales franceses, ingleses, flamencos, empezaron a difundirla mas que a crearla, pues los creadores fuimos los propios espanoles, los fray Bartolome de las Casas, los Antonio Perez.9

The return of the Black Legend to the Spanish, as progenitors and believers of the myth, connects this Legend with the Inquisition as an office, as a tool to enact the outcome intended and/or feared by the Black Legend. Vaca de Osma's reference to Bartolome de las Casas (1484-1566 AD) recalls las Casas' defence of the indigenous peoples during the Conquest of the Americas. Published under the title Brevisima relation de la destruction de las Indias in 1552, it is a text in which las Casas outlined the brutalities of the Spanish against the American inhabitants. During the Counter Reformation, a Spanish administrator by the name of Antonio Perez (1534- 1611 AD) fled to France after several years of service to Philip II. Many of these years with Philip II were spent in scandal. In France he wrote his own expose of

6 Leyenda negra is a term coined by Julian Juderias in the early 20th Century, and a concept that has been highly studied thereafter. One of the most important works on the 'Black Legend' is by Sverker Arnoldsson. La leyenda negra, estudios sobre sus origenes (Gothenburg: Almquist & Wiksell, 1960). The term occurs in historiography within the context of the Conquest of the Americas, and throughout Europe during the Reformation. 7 The effect of the leyenda negra upon Spanish history is discussed by Jose Antonio Vaca de Osma, in El imperioyla leyenda negra. Madrid: Ediciones Rialp, 2004, esp. p. 14. 8 El Correo Catalan (Barcelona, May 29*, 1949), quoted in John David Hughey. Religious Freedom in Spain. Its Ebb and Flow. Freeport, New York: Books for Libraries Press, 1955, p. 1. 9 Vaca de Osma, p. 43.

203 Spanish brutality within Europe, titled Relaciones (1598), and this contributed to how Spain was viewed in the 17th Century when the Relaciones was circulated outside of Spain. On the one hand, we have the Black legend, a propaganda programme that was created by Spaniards at odds with Spanish authorities, and circulated by Spain's enemies. On the other hand, we have an agency of that legend, the Inquisition, the very existence of which confirmed the Black legend. The Inquisition is thought to have been so effective that many historians believe it purged Spain of all heterodoxy. One historian, while refuting the notion that more than 3000 Protestants might have been persecuted in Spain during the Inquisition, suggests that the figure is closer to 200 individuals condemned by the Inquisition in the Autos de fe. The reduction in this number is partly justified by the historian's belief that "it is not likely that thousands would escape [the Inquisition's] vigilance"10. Contemporary scholars are just as subjected to the political agendas behind the Leyenda negra, and behind Spain's own Limpieza de sangre. Limpieza de sangre is the programme that, in its infancy, saw the Jews converted (as early as the 14* Century) and exiled from their homes in Spain through formal legislation spanning 1492-1498 AD. The Jews had to leave Spain if they refused to convert to Catholicism. In Rodrigo Aleman's retablos commemorating the Reconquest (at the Cathedral of Toledo), he illustrates all the Reconquested cities with Gothic towers, as if they were not built for and inhabited by Muslims for centuries. Similarly, he excises the Spanish Muslim, replacing him with a generic image for the Muslim, the same image that he used in his Reyes Magos relief. It is the same mindset that insisted that Muslims convert to Christianity, or that they practice their faith in a certain way and for a certain price. John David Hughey recognizes that during Charles V and Philip IPs reigns, "Spain's era of national greatness coincided with a period of intolerance and religious zeal, and intolerance and greatness have been equated by many Spaniards". Out of this period would develop what Hughey calls a "national policy" dependent upon Catholicism11. This so-called national policy has

10 Hughey, p. 6. 11 Hughey, p. 3.

204 also become an attributed and stereotyped characteristic associated with Spain's population and its history. In terms of the actual demographic breakdown by religion within 16th Century Spain, Leopoldo Torres Balbas reminds us that urban demography and population statistics were and continue to be difficult to apprehend during and after the Reconquest. This is because both Muslims and Christians have propagandistic agencies that, respectively, tried to augment and diminish the perceived presence of the Spanish Muslims12. Evidence of this can be found in early 16th Century texts, such as that of Francisco Guicciardini (1482-1540 AD) and his Description of Spain. Some estimates place the number of Muslims who would later be expelled from Spain at nearly 275 00013. In the 1570s, Philip II attempted to enumerate and collect geographic information about all the towns and cities within his domain including the Americas. He had a questionnaire consisting of between 51 to 59 questions sent to all the alcaides or town overseers. Not all of these questionnaires were filled out or returned to Philip II14, and therefore the attempt at a national demographic survey ultimately failed. Nonetheless, today we have several of these surveys remaining from the regions pertaining to Extremadura, Castilla-La Mancha, Granada and Murcia, these dating from 1575-158115. Estimates alone for the post-revolt ex- Granadine populations living in Castilla surpass 50 000 individuals. This population was severely diminished within the first year, dropping from 80 000 due to disease and hardship incurred during transmigration16. Figures accrued from documents conserved in numerous Spanish archives, and tabulated by Carla Rahn Phillips, confirm on a town-by-town basis the overall populations swelled considerably in this area.

Leopoldo Torres Balbas. "Extension y demografia de las ciudades hispano-musulmanas". Studia Islamica. Vol. 3, 1955 (35-59), p. 42 13 Carla Rahn Phillips. "The Moriscos of La Mancha, 1570-1614". The Journal of Modem History, 50.2, 1978 (1067-1095), p. 1067. 14 The questions, and their variants, are reproduced in F. Javier Campos y Fernandez de Sevilla. Las Relaciones Topogrdficas de Felipe II: Indices, Fuentes y bibliografia. In Anuario Juridico y Economico Escurialense. 2003. Series 2, n. 36,439-573. 15 The total number of relaciones returned is 721. The breakdown by province, is: Albacete, 20; Alicante, 2; Badajoz, 4; Caceres, 35; Ciudad Real, 75; Cuenca, 49; Guadalajara, 175; Jaen, 19; Madrid, 108; Murcia, 3; Salamanca, 2; Toledo, 229. Javier Campos. 2003, p. 495-496. 16 Rahn Phillips, p. 1069.

205 Information about the community of moriscos is provided in only a handful of the returned surveys. Near Ciudad Real (Rahn Phillips estimates 28% of Ciudad Real was ex-Granadine17), Daimiel hosts "ciento y veinte moriscos del reino de Granada"18, whereas Rahn Phillips nearly doubles this number19, equaling 5% of Daimiel's total population. There are 10 moriscos in Alhambra, 30 at Villamanrique, 200 "casas moriscas" in Membrilla, 59 and 300 "vecinos moriscos" at Torrenueva and Villanueva de los Infantes, respectively. Other towns, such as Viso del Marques, Albaladejo, and Alcubillas, acknowledge that there are moriscos, but do not enumerate them . Estimates for Viso del Marques place 55 Muslims in that town, or 13% of the total population21. It is striking that after 1571, both the population of moriscos in Ciudad Real is difficult to assess, and that there is little mention of the La Mancha morisco population22. Clearly, both areas wanted to keep their Muslim populations and/or their economic prosperity secure from authorities. Javier Campos reasons that such a low number of acknowledged Muslim or morisco communities within the province of Ciudad Real alone is not a reflection of the actual number of Muslims thought to have populated the region. Rather, it was a desire to hide the Muslim populations from the authorities specifically, from the Inquisition, and was an attempt to keep the Office away from their towns23. Not unlike the retablos of the Reconquest at Toledo, we see a desire to disguise the 16th Century Hispano-Muslim presence and heritage. The whitewashing of Spain's Muslim heritage and 16th Century reality had more than one application with respect to the Limpieza de sangre programme of the period. It was not an accident that Rodrigo Aleman connected biblical, pre-Islamic personages with Muslims of his time period in his Reyes Magos and Reconquest

17 Rahn Phillips, p. 1073. 18 Reproduced in Amalia Sarria Rueda and Francisco Perez Fernandez. Relaciones topogrdficas mandas hacer por Felipe II, Ano 1575. Daimiel. Ciudad Real-Daimiel, 1961. 19 Rahn Phillips, p. 1073. 20 F. Javier Campos y Fernandez de Sevilla. Los pueblos de Ciudad Real en las Relaciones topogrdficas de Felipe II (2 Vols). Madrid: San Lorenzo del Escorial, 2004, p. XCIII 21 Rahn Phillips, p. 1073. 22 Rahn Phillips, p. 1084. 23 This is evident in the answers to question #40 (Aravaca, Boadilla del Monte, Hueva), question #2 (Aun6n, Marchamalo, Orgaz) and in the preamble to the response of Navas de Estena. See Javier de Campos (2003), p. 44.

206 reliefs. This was a key rhetorical strategy for both the Reconquest and the Crusade, one that reached almost allegorical levels when Justino Antolinez de Burgos compared the spread and dominance of "la perversa secta de Mahoma" during the Muslim conquest and resettlement of Spain to that of "Nabuco Donusor" (Nebuchadnezzar, King of Babylon), whose empire, wrote Antolinez de Burgos, stretched from India to Ethiopia—the same extension of the Islamic world during Antolinez de Burgos' time25. Both of these references, Christian and Muslim, polarize faith and dominion, and as we will see in our analysis of Granada, this is also manifested in how the city is represented as either a worldly Babylon and a spiritual Jerusalem. Practicing Muslims are not common entries in 16 or even 17th Century chronicles for Spanish history, or in Spanish literature. Rather, the morisco who had converted to Christianity is much more common, as opposed to the mow, a term that describes more or less all Muslims outside of Spain during this period. If the morisco was charged with practicing Islam, he was considered a heretic. This distinction is important, as it is by characterizing every soul of 16th Century Spain with the label Catholic that Spain managed to execute its programme of Limpieza de sangre. Any variation within this block of Catholicism would appear in the form of heresy, and would fall within the jurisdiction of the Inquisition. The Inquisition as an institution was feared, and it capitalized on this fear in order to accomplish its aims. Henry Kamen argues that most denunciations were made by "ordinary people [...] taught to recognize the enemy"26, which speaks to the notion that the Inquisitorial programme had saturated Spanish culture of the 16 Century so deeply that even the "ordinary people" knew its aims well enough to ensure their neighbours conformed. This plays into the Leyenda negra that was popularized outside the borders of Spain during and after this period because we see Spaniards working together out of fear to homogenize Spain. The Spanish had

A commonly encountered appellation. Antolinez de Burgos, p. 109. He often contrasts su falsa secta with nuestra sagrada religion. 25 Antolinez de Burgos, p. 24-25. Henry Kamen. Inquisition and Society in Spain in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1985, p. 168.

207 institutionalized "prejudices and attitudes that had previously been commonplace ", and subsequently became enforced culturally. The way Kamen articulates his argument further propagates the homogenization of Spain while providing for the engine of homogeny that is imposed upon the inhabitants of the Americas and the Spanish Netherlands through the Leyenda negra. Kamen insists that the Inquisition's prohibition of certain books was a purposeful filtering process through which "the culture of Europe might be permitted into Spain in a purified form"28. In this way, Kamen links the Inquisition as an actor in both the Black Legend and the Purity of blood programmes at the crux of Inquisitorial control throughout 16th Century Spain. We will attempt to show in the Spanish map analysis that Spain had a more variegated spirit than that which Kamen concedes. While Spain did not necessarily care how other countries portrayed it, we can see the Inquisition joining these two political programmes, each effective in its goal, each still circulating today among the general population and a number of scholars. The Black Legend and Purity of blood programmes obscure our initial attempt to study Spain's religious spaces during the 16th Century, in part because scholars who came before us did not remove these rhetorical screens governing religious and political representation in and of Spain. The resulting body of scholarly work has been "subordinated to easy moral judgments about Spanish government and society" . However, with an admixture of primary and secondary sources, we can attempt to piece together some significant variety within the Catholic block of the period. This relies, as it has in other regions of the Spanish domain, upon the identification of heresy and heretics with non-Catholic space. The relationship between non-Catholic space and heresy is key in Spain, as it is one of the only distinguishing characteristics that differentiate the Catholic block in the 16th Century, where much of the cultural output has been censured and whitewashed of characteristics betraying religious diversity and/or tolerance. We can follow two generalizations for Spanish space and, accordingly, we will see how accurate and inaccurate these may be in painting Spain's geo-religious makeup.

27 H. Kamen, p. 264. 28 H. Kamen, p. 98. 29 Rahn Phillips, p. 1068.

208 To the North, particularly around Barcelona, Aragon, and Navarra, there will be more heretics of Protestant or reformist origin than there might be in other places of Spain. This is due to the French connection on the Peninsula, and the tide of Huguenots sweeping France. Large communities of Huguenots border Spain in French Navarre and the Spanish Netherlands, as we have seen in our study of Europe. This is coupled by the fact that the Pyrenees is the only point of entry by land into Spain. As a result, a natural cultural transfer occured over these mountains by all the peoples of Europe, for the purpose of travel and commerce. This is of particular import for the Pilgrimage of Santiago de Compostela, for it attracted many Europeans in the late medieval period. These pilgrims started the pilgrimage from within Spain, or from France. Accordingly, there were many visitors in the North who were interested in either this pilgrimage, or the infrastructure along it. French Navarre and Spanish Navarra have been linked historically as one kingdom, and despite being annexed by the Spanish crown, Navarra nonetheless corresponded closely to its French counterpart. The Pyrenees divided Navarrese families, and these families traveled back and forth across the mountains. Before being annexed by Spain in 1513, religious reform was brewing in this region. Its Queen would eventually endorse these reforms, and French Navarre became a haven for Huguenots. The Spanish annexed a community of Protestants, or at the very least, family members of Protestants living on the French side of the Pyrenees. Overall, we understand this natural barrier and border that cleaves Spain from Europe to be highly porous both historically and during this period in particular. As we will see, materials and peoples who did not conform to the Catholic standard flowed in and out of Spain in the 16th Century across the Pyrenees. The possible identification of heretics with caves—as being cave-dwellers, primitive, or for taking refuge in caves—may spring from the location of reformed communities along both sides of the Pyrenees. We will also encounter a similar configuration in Granada for the Muslim population that was turned out after the Reconquest. The role of the cave as a holy site is also represented in Vico's Plataforma de Granada.

The second generalized space is in the south and south east, throughout the regions now known as Andalucia, Murcia and Valencia, where the largest population

209 of Muslims have historically lived. Before the Muslim expulsion of the early 17 Century, a quarter of Valencia's population was of Muslim heritage30. In 1563, eleven people were suspected of Lutheranism in Murcia. Even while those that were accused may not have followed Luther or any of the reformers, this charge is sometimes used to describe anybody who challenges the Church or its Inquisition. Later, in 1568, 25 heretics were burned at Murcia31, emphasizing one of two scenarios. Either several reformists lived in Murcia, or moriscos who had converted to Catholicism were labeled heretics instead of Muslim heretics when accused. Stretching from east of Cordoba to Valencia is a corridor that concerned the Catholic leaders of the 16th Century. The concern was over the resources this region contained and the low ratio of Old Christians to Muslims. Consequently, or in step with these concerns, was the suspicion that the naturals of these regions, which face North Africa and the Mediterranean, would collude with Spain's enemies. In an attempt to readjust the population distribution of Muslims, more than once we see Muslims asked to leave their homes and to resettle in a different part of the Peninsula. This distribution follows the Limpieza de sangre programme of homogeny, so that, by spreading out the potential for non-conformity, Spain attempted to prevent a concentrated block of Muslims from becoming conformal in their own right, from (re)forming a community. It was in this spirit that, in 1571, a number of ex- Granadine moriscos were ordered to head north from the La Mancha area32. Ortelius whitewashed this region altogether in an attempt to illustrate Spain as a block, united under one faith33. Demography aside, we see significant suspicion of these moros and moriscos in the 16th Century. This part of our study will combine most of the practices for reading maps that we have used in preceding areas. Accordingly, we will compare at the chorographic level views of cities or towns. These places have been divided between North and South, in order to focus on Protestant and Muslim heretical spaces. Many of these

30 Rahn Phillips, p. 1068. 31 Stoughton, p. 124, 127 320f those sent to Leon, most were refused because there was no labour shortage in the North like there was in the interior. Rahn Phillips, p. 1078. 33 A. Ortelius. Valentiae. Theatro de la tierra Vniversal. Antwerp: Christopher Plantin, 1588. Universidad de Sevilla, Signatura A Res. 73/1/01.

210 chorographic maps have common authors, particularly in the then-unpublished views of Antoine van den Wyngaerde, followed by the Hogenberg and Braun series of Spanish views. The opportunity to compare these contemporaries, where views of Spanish cities date in both cases to respective surveys or drawings from the 1560s, is unprecedented for the study of how non-conformists were represented. Other chorographic views in manuscript form enrich these mass-produced volumes in the context of our study. In Spain, most manuscript maps are authored by Spaniards, whereas most printed chorographic Spanish views are not by Spaniards. We will also attempt to find any differences in representational strategies that might exist between representations by Spaniards and those by foreign nationals. Some exceptions to this rule exist, such as the views that accompany the work of Pedro de Medina (1493- 1566 AD) on Spain. His views, not unlike those published before the second half of the 16l Century, are highly generic. One city is not distinct from another, and the same chorographic view is used to accompany a textual description of various cities in Spain. Resources such as Pedro de Medina's Grandezas can be helpful for any variations that exist from one city to another. The generic view when modified however slightly can be valuable in demonstrating how contemporaries might have viewed the city as a religious space. Where appropriate, inter-scale comparisons with regional, international and world maps will explore the absence or presence of chorographic religious spaces. This will instruct us on how signs and symbols shift in meaning and use between different magnifications of map. We will also incorporate textual sources that discuss these places and will provide a context or dimension not included on the map.

5.1 Spain to the North 5.1a Valsain Situated near Segovia, and not far from Madrid, Valsain features La Casa del Bosco de Segobia in a view by Antoine Wyngaerde34. Becoming one of Philip IPs country residences, it was renovated in the 1550s and 1560s. The ladders on men

34 Wyngaerde's views of Spain, along with many of his preparatory drawings, are reproduced in Richard Kagan (Ed). Spanish Cities of the Golden Age. The Views of . Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1989. For Valsain, see p. 120-122.

211 portrayed in this view are finishing construction on the summer house. This view, dated 1562, shows the influence of the Flemish-style tower, as it comes to denote the style of the Hapsburg dynasty35 rather than a region of Protestants (Fig. 5.1). Another way we could look at the Flemish-style tower in Spain is symbolic. Like the conversion of mosques to cathedrals, the subversion of religious difference can be accomplished by acquiring that difference in the same way that the crecent moon replaced the B on the shield of Istanbul. This is how we should approach the mezquita-catedrales and the alcdzares that were incorporated into the Christian city after the reconquest of Al-Andalus. Furthermore, the Flemish-style tower is identical to the mudejar-style tower we will see the South of Spain. At the regional level, these towers are illustrated exclusively within Protestant space. Therefore, we see coreferential spaces develop where this map sign is used.

5.1b Segovia Segovia is drawn by Wyngaerde more than once36. This city, well known for its Jewish heritage, was not unaffected by the absence of this population, as Wyngaerde notes on his map with Senegoga Antiqui, a plain building undistinguishable from the neighbouring edifices37. A pattern emerges from the sphere as a finial atop an otherwise ordinary building, such as the Monastery of San Antonio . Our attention is called to this combination as San Antonio was renovated in the 16th Century in the Flemish style, both within and without. Flemish and mudejar buildings become interchangeable in representation, especially in the mass- produced work of Hogenberg and Braun, and here in the work of Wyngaerde.. Twenty years before Wyngaerde traveled around Spain, a manuscript map dated 1543 by Alonso Velez was made of the Eresma outside of Segovia. His writing style demonstrates that he was not used to writing with Roman Characters, but rather in

35 Kagan (1989), p. 119. 36 A sketch in Kagan (1989), p. 124-125 and a coloured version at a different perspective, in Kagan (1989), p. 127-129. 37 Kagan (1989), p. 127. 38 Kagan (1989), p. 129.

212 Fig. 5.1: Valsain (Wyngaerde), in Kagan (1989), p. Fig. 5.2: Segovia (Eresma), Archivo de la Real 120-121. Chancilleria de Valladolid, Pianos y Dibujos. Desglosados 0026.

Arabic39. He describes himself as "pintor en Segovia", and notes topographical features and the waterworks along the Eresma (Fig. 5.2)40. Whoever wrote on this map must have been more used to writing in Arabic, and would have belonged to Segovia's Muslim community. A second example of this occurs in a regional plan of Valladolid and Zamora, where the initial drawing (c. 1510) seems to have been later commented in Arabic throughout the countryside41. While we cannot accomplish this here, the study of handwriting on manuscript maps during this time period would provide more evidence of an educated and employed community of Muslims in many more towns throughout Spain. An emphasis on the non-Catholic community is counteracted by an emphasis on the Catholic community. In a manuscript map of the Plaza Mayor of Bonilla de la Sierra (Avila), c. 1510, the gothic spires are used to differentiate the cathedral from the houses and shops surrounding the plaza, and the houses have triangular roofs . This is an ichnographic drawing, so the author has deliberately skewed the angle of the roofs so that their character can be distinguished. As a result, the cathedral appears to have no towers, just gothic spires lining its walls. This example highlights the use of the gothic spire to distinguish Catholic space from secular or non-Catholic space within a Catholic town. A second example of this can be found in a manuscript

An example of this text is provided in Fig. 5.2. Archivo de la Real Chancilleria de Valladolid, Pianos y Dibujos. Desglosados 0026. Archivo de la Real Chancilleria de Valladolid. Pianos y Dibujos. Desglosados 0143 Archivo de la Real Chancilleria de Valladolid. Pianos y Dibujos. Desglosados 0299

213 map detailing the region around Valladolid, dated 1579 , and a third example covering the La Rioja region, dating from 151344.

5.1c Burgos Known to have commercial connections with France and Flanders45, Burgos was a popular spot along the pilgrim route to Santiago de Compostela. Closer to the border with France, some of these roads have become "caminos contenciosos" between those of the Basque region and those of the Navarre/Navarra region abutting the Pyrenees, as illustrated on a manuscript map of c. 155746. It is in this region of Navarra la Alta that Justino Antolinez de Burgos would claim to have seen "predicar publicamente la secta de Luthero a un seglar" during the 1560s47. The spread of Navarrese reform to the south and east is felt at Logrono in 1593, when four Huguenots from Navarra were given Penances by the Inquisition, while five others were burned, and others in effigy48. The spread of Reform is also evident to the south and west of Burgos, although the cause is somewhat altered. Diego de Guzman, Spain's ambassador to London, reported that English were spreading reformational ideas throughout Navarra and Spain in 156849. This is an example of how the British as an enemy of Spain become linked to the reform movement (an enemy of Catholicism), producing the potential for coreferential representations. Antolinez de Burgos would also accuse several 'hereges' who practiced "su falsa doctrina" at nearby Tolosa50, and denounce Santa Eufemia for having "Calvino en el libro de sus insticuiones"51. Burgos is the home of Francisco de Enzinas, who converted to Protestantism and lived the last part of his life in the Spanish Netherlands and Germany. The city of Burgos as a worldly region is emphasized in a representation of the parochial church

Archivo de la Real Chancilleria de Valladolid. Pianos y Dibujos. Desglosados 0450 44 Archivo de la Real Chancilleria de Valladolid. Pianos y Dibujos. Desglosados 0080 45Kagan(1989),p.394 46 Archivo de la Real Chancilleria de Valladolid. Pianos y Dibujos. Desglosados 0496 47 Antolinez de Burgos, p. 247 48 Stoughton, p. 252 49 Stoughton, p. 257 50 Antolinez de Burgos, p. 248 51 Antolinez de Burgos, p. 249.

214 of San Andres in Valtierra de Riopisuerga . The drawing and map date from 1534, and were commissioned by Simon de Bueras for a council convening to rule on payment for the retablo found within the church. The piece was decorated with the Nasrid-style shells so commonly found throughout the South of Spain. We know that Muslim artisans exiled from Granada must have resettled within the area. This becomes clearer when, during the second decade of this century, Francisco Guicciardini would observe that Muslims throughout Aragon continued their religious practices, and even had access to a mosque, shown by the fact that they paid high taxes and tribute in order to continue living as Muslims53. These Aragonese Muslims were suspected of colluding with Northern Protestants against Catholic Spain54. A Valencian cleric who prepared a series of sermons titled Antialcorano (1532) was also responsible for translating several of Erasmus' works into Spanish55, and many of these were placed on the 1559 Index. Bernardo Perez de Chinchon, of converso origin, targeted his ministrations at the "nuevamente convertidos" Muslims of Valencia, Aragon and Granada56. The work, which was intended to be distributed to neighbouring clerics, comes complete with acotaciones or performative directions (i.e. "causa atencion a los oyentes"57), because Perez de Chinchon anticipated his audience to exhibit little interest in his sermons. The author prides himself on having studied Islam, and he attempts to compare the differences between Christian and Muslim worship through several comparisons and analogies. In one sermon, he argues that Spanish Muslims, and Islam more generally, take and occupy land by force, thereby spreading Islam by force. For him, Christianity is spread to all corners of the earth by preaching and by doing miracles, not by force58. Apart from this,

Archivo de la Real Chancilleria de Valladolid. Pianos y Dibujos. Desglosados 0310 53 "Relacion de Espafia" (c. 1512/13), in Garcia Marcadal. Vol. 1 (609-623), p. 617. 54 F. Braudel. The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip II. (2 Vols) Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976-1982. Vol. 1, p. 376-82. 55 In particular, El Arte de Bien Morir (1535), preceded by Erasmus' work on Language. A biography on Perez de Chinchon can be found in Bernardo Perez de Chinchon. Antialcorano. Didlogos Christianos. Ed. Francisco Pons Faster. Alicante, 2000 p. 7-67. 56 Perez de Chinchon, p. 75 (Prologue) 57 Perez de Chinchon, p. 210 (13th Sermon) 58 Perez de Chinchon, p. 332-333 (23rd Sermon)

215 Perez de Chinchon calls Mohammad an Arian , and complains about the Muslim avoidance of images, stating that "ymagines" are useful for history and for teaching Christianity to illiterate people60. Perez de Chinchon's connection of Mohammad to the sect of Arianism further supports our theory that Catholics represent non-Catholic groups as heretical using similar representational strategies for Muslims, a number of whom lived in Burgos and throughout Aragon.

5.1e Cuenca Cuenca offers several interesting map signs at the chorographic level in Wyngaerde's sketches and vistas. In his 1565 finished view61, above the Iglesia

,

mayor is a finial extending from its conical tower. It is a baculus, or the finial of the shepherd's staff, which has come to symbolize the bishopric or bishop as a community leader. This is rare, as we do not see at the local scale the baculus in this role62. The baculus as a map sign is usually an abstract, non-figural map sign at the regional or international scale, and it is more common throughout Andalucia. This configuration for the baculus is further supported by Pulgar's comment that the

59 P<5rez de Chinchon, p. 287 (18th Sermon) 60 P6rez de Chinchon, p. 372 (26th Sermon) 61 Kagan (1989), p. 249-251 Jane Hayward describes a 15th Century architectural bacculus used atop a 'canopy'(of French derivation?). Jane Hayward. "Sacred Vestments as They Developed in the Middle Ages". The Metropolitan Museum Art Bulletin. New Series, Vol. 29. 7, 1971 (299-309), p. 308.

216 Archbishop was often the main protective force for a city's safety, such that "la avsencia del perlado se podrian seguir grandes e ynrreparables dafios, asy en las tierras de iglesias, como en toas aquellas comaracas donde ella esta colocada" . Despite Pulgar's comments, we do not encounter it elsewhere. A second map sign refers to the Sierra de Santa Cruz, where Wyngaerde has employed the cross, as he does at Alcala, except this time he is explicit about what he is labeling: ciero de Sto t. On a second finished view64, these places are not signified with the same signs. The Iglesia mayor carries a weathervane on top of it, whereas the cierra de la Crusx is provided in corrected Spanish above an hermitage at the mountain's peak. We are fortunate to have more versions of these places due to the number of preparatory sketches that have survived for these two finished views. In one of these, the Iglesia mayor is topped by a trefoiliated finial or three spheres gathered in the fleur de lis pattern more common in Islamic regions (Fig. 5.3) . In another sketch, one can discern horseshoe shaped arches beneath the Cathedral's tower, emphasizing the mudejar construction of the gothic cathedral, and by extension, the population ofmoriscos that lived there for the last few centuries66.

5.1f Tortosa A city once occupied by Muslims, it was reconquered in the 12 Century and, according to Wyngaerde, hosted 2500 individuals within the inner city67. On both views by Wyngaerde, an Aljama of conversos and moriscos gathers around the parish church of San Jaime. Nearby is the Colegio del Rey (c. 1544), a school built by Charles V for the purposes of socially integrating morsicos through education68. This suggests that a sufficiently large population of Muslim converts populated Tortosa to justify the construction of this institution, and that this community did not blend in sufficiently with the Old Christian community.

Pulgar. Vol. 2, p. 140 (CLXVI, 1485). Kagan (1989), p. 246-248 Kagan (1989), p. 252 Kagan (1989), p. 244-245 This is observed by Fernando Marias, in Kagan (1989), p. 181 On both views, in Kagan (1989), p. 182-184 and p. 185-186

217 5.1g Lerida Lerida is home to many moriscos in the 16th Century69. Despite this, Wyngaerde preserved nothing other than the winding streets, a hallmark of a typical medina, to indicate that Lerida hosted a Muslim population70. As we move northward, fewer and fewer domes, rounded or bulbous towers, or buildings illustrated in the Flemish style, are encountered.

5.1h Barcelona Several views and sketches by Wyngaerde depict Barcelona's Roman heritage, and its well-rooted Catholic infrastructure. None of its buildings diverge much from a Romanesque, Gothic or Renaissance styles for architecture, and none make use.of Flemish designs. In contrast, Hogenberg and Braun place a Flemish- style cupola atop the main Cathedral, and exchange the Gothic towers of Santa Maria del Mar for two companion towers that look more like minarets found in their works of Andalucia and North Africa71. Hogenberg and Braun are responding to the

Fig. 5.4: Hogenberg and Braun. Barcelona, in Fig. 5.5: Johann Bussemachen. Barcelona, in Civitates, Vol. 1 (1572). Regni Hispaniae post omium editions locupletissima description. 1590s. Biblioteca Nacional de Espafla 11.

Kagan (1989), p. 155. Kagan (1989), p. 156-158 Civitates, Vol. 1 (1572)

218 climate of insecurity felt by the city dirng this period, as Wyngaerde shows Barcelona being fired upon by Turkish pirates, a fear that the city of Barcelona attempted to prepare for by improving its military installations. In the second of these views, the ship is magnified sufficiently to see that it carries a long flag, flapping in the wind. 79 One of these ships is parked at the harbour, and appears to carry a crescented flag . Hogenberg and Braun's version of Barcelona includes a similar ship sitting in the harbour (Fig. 5.4). In Johann Bussemachen's map of Spain, this Turkish ship is along side Barcelona on the coast, but its guns are angled toward lower Catalonia (Fig. 5.5) . Throughout these views, we have seen the danger Barcelona was in from the sea, particularly by the hands of pirates, and fear in general of the Ottoman fleet. Barcelona is also assaulted by religious difference from the north. Given its proximity to France, many more of those punished by the Inquisition in Barcelona were French. One such example, from 1568, involves a Frenchman who was caught smuggling Spanish translations of Luther's writings into Barcelona74.

5.1i La Coruna and the Entrance to the Bay of Biscay After the attack of the Armada in 1588, Francis Drake once again returned to reconnoiter Spanish lands. In 1589, he mapped out a short span of the north western­ most coast of Spain at the entrance to the Bay of Biscay. This region—rarely mapped or represented in popular vistas or maps—hosted much of Philip II's Atlantic fleet, and accordingly, Drake and a large group of English ships would attempt a counter- strike to the 1588 Spanish attack on England. It is Drake's attack on El Ferrol that is illustrated on one of these maps (Fig. 5.6). The ship carrying the British flag is clearly visible firing at the time, and the emission is yellow to signify flames . Drake has illustrated all churches using the cross (ie S. Iago, San Andreas, San Felipe), a convention that is not as common in 16th Century Protestant England,

"Kagan (1989), p. 171-173 Johann Bussemachen. Regni Hispaniae post omium editions locupletissima description. 1590s. Biblioteca Nacional de Espana 11. 74 Stoughton, p. 269-270. 75 Library of Congress. G6562.C6145 1589 .C6. This representation is absent from his preparatory sketch, also conserved at the Library of Congress. G6562.C6145 1589 .C62.

219 where the cross is usually avoided when signifying Anglican churches, presumably to differentiate between Catholic and non-Catholic Christian places of worship. In concusion, we have seen signs of Muslims and Protestants in the North of Spain. Some of these signs, especially the architectural signs, share referential meanings for Muslim and Protestant space found in Africa and the Spanish Netherlands.

Fig. 5.6: Francis Drake. Bay of Biscay. Library of Fig. 5.7: Toledo (Casa de Vargas, Wyngaerde), Congress. G6562.C6145 1589 .C6. in Kagan (1989), p.132-134.

5.2 Spain to the South

5.2a Toledo By 1581, the Archbishopric of Toledo was home to more than 15 258 moriscos16. Wyngaerde's drawing of Toledo77, dated 1563, reflects its Muslim and mudejar heritage in the style of buildings. These are in marked contrast to northern cities where Muslim populations had a more peripheral influence before the 11th Century, when Toledo was reconquested. Toledo was also home to known reformists, such as Bartolomeo Carranza (of Navarra), who studied at Alcala and encountered problems with the Inquisition in 153078.

Rahn Phillips, p. 1079. Kagan (1989), p.132-134. Stoughton, p. 185-188.

220 Remnants from this Muslim period, and the subsequently mudejar population, were incorporated into several architectural renovations that took place during the 16* Century, and these are seen on Wyngaerde's map. At the Casa de Bar gas (Vargas), we see cupolas topping two towers, between which horseshoed arches serve as paned windows, complete with balconies. Above the cupolas are the progressive spheres that serve as a finial on the Alcazar and on the original Giralda of Sevilla, highlighting thus the shared heritage of Sevilla and Toledo (Fig. 5.7). These progressive spheres are left over from when Toledo was a Muslim city. It is an architectural influence imported from North Africa, one that was popular during the 16th Century. Juan Leon Africano, originally of Granada, moved to Fez after 1492 and he saw an Almohad mosque topped with a tower "cuya extremidad tiene la forma de una aguja [...] La aguja se remata en un espigon muy firme en el que hay enfiladas tres manzanas de plata79". It is under the Almohads that the Giralda is initially constructed in the late 12th Century, decades before Sevilla would be reconquested. A national map of Spain also depicts this heritage of Toledo with a large cupola and companion towers (Fig. 5.8)80. Fernando Marias describes an old minaret that peaks out of the skyline beside the Main Cathedral of Toledo81, which he connects to the Old Mosque of the city (Fig. 5.9)82. This minaret is identical to what Fernando Marias and Richard Kagan generally refer to as Flemish-style towers, such as the ones we noted in Wyngaerde's representation of Valsain. This highlights a definitive connection between how Wyngaerde illustrates nouveau Flemish architectural style and how minarets from Al- Andalus are understood by the viewer of these maps. Hogenberg and Braun's Toledo does not reflect this Muslim character whatsoever, so that the Casa de Vargas has gothic towers and the progressive sphere finials have disappeared altogether83.

Le6n el Africano. Description de Africa y de las cosas notables que en ella se encuentran. Trad. Luciano Rubio. Madrid: Faresco, 1999, p. 67-68. 80 Giacomo Gastaldi. Spain (c. 1544) in Luisa Martin-Meras. Tesoros de la cartogrqfia Espanola. Madrid: Biblioteca Nacional, 2001 p. 96-97. 81 Kagan (1989), p. 133. 82 Kagan (1989), p. 136. Civitates, Vol. 1 (1572). The same seems true in their second vista of Toledo, in Civitates, Vol. 5 (1598).

221 Similarly, Ambrosio Brambilla's Toledo lacks many of the elements that Wyngaerde 84 captures .

* ****** * * CkS * , !>* , %

Fig. 5.8: Giacomo Gastaldi. Toledo, in Luisa Martin- Fig. 5.9: Toledo (Iglesia mayor, Wyngaerde), Meras. Tesoros de la cartografia Espanola. Madrid: inKagan(1989), p. 133. Biblioteca Nacional, 2001 p. 96-97.

Toledo also becomes configured within a regional plan that attempts to illustrate this region as Holy Land. It is here where we see the convergence of historical representations of Paradise and the Promised Land with that of Spanish land. This endowment sees cities allegorized as New Jerusalems, or the Heavenly city as opposed to the worldly Jerusalem, at this time occupied by Muslims. The conversion from worldly to heavenly takes place through Christ. It is, therefore, after Columbus' news arrives in Spain, and after the fall of Granada, that many heads

84 Ambrogio Brambilla. Toledo. (Rome, Pietro de Nobili, 1585). Biblioteca Nacional de Espafia 782. This map highlights the parochial church of San Juan de los Reyes. Isabel cedes this land to the Franciscans: "Por cuanto yo he tenido y tengo muy singular devocion al bienaventurado Seflor San Juan y a la Orden de la Observancia de el Sefior S. Francisco, he deliberado de facer y edificar una Casa y Monasterio de la dicha Orden de San Francisco de la Observancia, y a devocion del bienaventurado dicho Sefior San Juan, Apostol y Evangelista, en la muy noble y muy leal ciudad de Toledo..." (Toledo, 1477) Archivo de Simancas, Registro del sello n° 1, Valladolid 1950.

222 turned toward Jerusalem to be reconquested from Muslim control. This rhetorical framework is popularized during and after the Reconquest, and is particularly common throughout the south of Spain. Fray Rodrigo de Yepes, for example, published within his Historia de la muerte y martirio del Sancto Nino de La Guardia (Toledo, 1583) a plan of the area that allegorizes La Guardia as Jerusalem85. Beneath the Holy City is the Cueva del martirio, which doubles as a Calvary that is dotted with several crosses. Little more than a vignette, the town of La Guardia has been reconfigured to fit within the usual layout of Jerusalem in chorographic views of this period, such that a cross tops the gothic tower that represents the Solomon's Temple, and the La Guardia's Alcazar is reminiscent of the Assyrian Castle noted on most views of Roman Jerusalem.

5.2b Sagunto Labeled Murviedro, or Old Walls, on Wyngaerde's views and sketches, Sagunto's Muslim population is signaled on this map in numerous ways. On some inscriptions that he copied from various locations in the city, Wyngaerde records Arabic characters and comments that: "Dese Letteren morisca staan aen een porte Bij de maert an yser gebonded [These moorish letters are inscribed on an iron plaque on a door near the market]"86. On the same sheet, he draws out the shape of some "graven vande moren [Moorish tombs]", suggesting that he had access to these cultural artifacts of Muslim culture. Fernando Marias relates that Wyngaerde identified a statue called El Idolo, also known in Sagunto as Mahoma, located between the Plaza de Armas and Plaza de San Fernando. It is a gate, and often referred to as la puerta de Mahoma9''. The fact that this nomenclature circulated well enough for Wyngaerde to have reproduced it suggests that Sagunto's population did not mind the Muslim references.

Reproduced in Richard Kagan. Urban Images of the Hispanic World, 1493-1793. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2000. p. 61 86 Kagan (1989), p. 192 87 Kagan (1989), p. 191

223 5.2d Malaga Wyngaerde's sketches of Malaga dated 1564 are unique, for they show some buildings that were destroyed shortly before and after his coloured view, including the Mezquita-Catedral, which has tall towers topped with cranes (i.e. below the letter A) and separated by a dome (Fig. 5.10)88. This supports the notion that the roof of the new Cathedral was not finished for another 20 years when Wyngaerde did this drawing. However, the roof should be absent, as it was destroyed years earlier89. In a preparatory sketch to this finished view, the Mezquita-Catedral^ dome is absent from Wyngaerde's sketch, giving one pause to consider why he included a dome that no longer stood in his final drawing. A second version of the Mezquita-Catedral can be found in Hogenberg and Braun's view, which was prepared during the same decade

M

Fig. 5.10: Malaga (Wyngaerde), in Kagan (1989), p. Fig. 5.11: Hogenberg and Braun. Malaga, in 222-224. Civitates, Vol. 1 (1572). that Wyngaerde was in Malaga90. It appears nothing like the cathedral that Wyngaerde illustrates, and it has no dome or trace of its Muslim heritage (Fig. 5.11). Wyngaerde's San Juan tower is a noted mudejar style tower that is squared off, while some of the unlabelled towers have rounded tops. The Mediterranean waters that lay south of Wyngaerde's view features Philip IPs fleet preparing to attack North Africa,

88 Kagan (1989), p. 222-224. 89 Kagan (1989), p. 225. 90 Civitates, Vol. 1 (1572)

224 for the purpose of resecuring the Strait of Gibraltar from Corsairs. None of these ships have the beveled edged flag. In contrast, Wyngaerde's preparatory sketch for his Malaga view includes some ships labeled veniciano sporting the long, beveled edged flag and firing at neighbouring boats offshore of Malaga . We saw Venice characterized as a non-Catholic city in the European map selection. Hogenberg and Braun also include these enemy ships, as indicated by the long, flapping flags, although, they do not appear to be firing upon the city.

5.2e Cordoba Wyngaerde's Cordoba is highly detailed, and is furnished with a completed legend. Place names are coordinated with the numbers that signify them on the map, indicating such places as the puerta de Almodovar92. Cordoba, once the caliphate of Al-Andalus, and not reconquered until 1236, was famously known during the caliphal period, as it is still known today, for its mosque, converted to a cathedral a century after the city's reconquest. Wyngaerde's rendering of the Mezquita-Catedral depicts both the gothic and the Muslim fusion of architecture that characterizes this building.

Fig. 5.12: Cordoba (Wyngaerde), Kagan (1989), p. Fig. 5.13: Cordoba, c. 1440, in Manuel Nieto 257-260. Cumplido. La Mezquita de Cordoba: pianos y dibujos. Cdrdoba: Colegio official de Arquitectos de Andalucia Occidental, 1992. p. 143 (fig. 345).

Kagan (1989), p. 226-227 Kagan (1989), p. 257-260

225 This fusion includes horseshoe arches, a dome and two minarets. Wyngaerde has placed a non-architectural cross above the building, floating in the air close to one of the minarets (Fig. 5.12). Buildings with spheres include the Bishop's house, once the caliphal palace, San Lorenzo parish church, the tower for which was clearly a minaret, and Santa Marina parish church, beneath which sits a dome, because it was converted from a mosque. The Christian city of Cordoba has adopted some of the symbols of the Mezquita that was to be converted in to a Cathedral, as emphasized on a 1440 stamp that symbolizes the city with the Mosque, its arches and two palm trees (Fig. 5.13) . The minarets illustrated on this stamp and those that are conserved on the 16l Century views have had the finials modified from that which Rahman III would have used in the 10th Century when this mosque was built. Initially, all the minarets had three, progressively smaller spheres lined up over the minaret's cupola . These were not taken down from the highest tower until later in the 1400s .

Edrisi described them after his 12 Century trip through Spain, when he notes that the main mosque "por encima de la cupula que cubre este pabellon se ven tres manzanas

Reproduced in Manuel Nieto Cumplido. La Mezquita de Cordoba: pianos y dibujos. Cordoba: Colegio official de Arquitectos de Andalucia Occidental, 1992. p. 143 (fig. 345). These palm trees are not visible in a second version of this stamp, also dated 1440, and reproduced in Francisco Cosano Moyano. Iconografia de Cordoba. Sevilla, c. 1995. p. 248 94 Reproduced in Nieto Cumplido, p. 117 (figs. 257-8) and p. 74 (fig. 135) 95 Reproduced in Nieto Cumplido, p. 72 (figs. 127-8).

226 o bolas de oro y dos de plata y hojas de lis" . Therefore, the progressive spheres were a popular architectural feature like the Fleur de Lis atop Cordoba's main mosque, suggesting a history for their coreferentiality. Edrisi also compares the mosque to the Cathedral at Santiago de Compostela and to the Holy Sepulcher (Templo de la Resurrection) of Jerusalem97. Therefore, when we see Cordoba illustrated in La Lozana with two gothic towers topped by roosters, flanking the Alcazar, are we to understand them as a non-Christian space, as we saw in our examination of European space (Fig. 5.14)98? Because the same plate is used (even while it is labeled Cordova) while the author describes Lozana's travels through Granada, one could conclude that it is an attempt to convey the Muslim heritage and/or population of both these cities. Cordoba's Alcazar was used by the Inquisition for its office, and it was known to have been flanked by minarets . La Lozana's fictional representation of Cordoba confirms our analysis. A large revolt in 1506 against the number of persecutions of conversos100 characterized Cordoba as a city of heretics subject to the Inquisition's correction. This, combined with the city's Islamic heritage, must have influenced the artist of La Lozana. A reminder of the once-thriving Jewish population of Cordoba under Islamic control is found in Ichabod, written on the cities walls, a Hebrew term for ungloriousm. However, not one of the views or maps sampled here shows this engraving upon the city's walls. After the 1492 Edict of Expulsion, the Jewish population was forced to convert or to leave Spain. In theory, there should be no Jewish representation during this century, and we have encountered almost none, which is a testament to how well the Limpieza de sangre programme worked. On the other hand, conversos were Catholic, and therefore subject to the Inquisition. Non-

Descripcion de Espaha in J. Garcia Mercadal. Viajes de extranjeros por Espana y Portugal. Madrid: Aguilar, S.A. de Editiones, 1962 (181-212), p. 203-204. 97 Garcia Mercadal. Vol. 1, p. 207. Francisco Delicado. Retrato de la Logana andaluza, en lengua espanola, muy clarissima. Venice, 1528. (Biblioteca Virtual Miguel de Cervantes: University of Biscay). Fol. 3r (while describing Lozana's travels through Granada, Jerez and Carmona), 37v (while describing Cordoba and region). 99 Stoughton, p. 104 100 Stoughton, p. 108-111 101 Stoughton, p. 102

227 Catholic space after the Edict of Expulsion could only be categorized as Muslim space or heretical space.

5.2f Ubeda and Area Only a preparatory sketch has survived by Wyngaerde of this town, and it furnishes little detail for our study102. However, one can clearly discern a building with a low profile, topped by a dome, which was a mosque or, by this time, a converted mosque-parish church. Behind this is a minaret, topped by a dome in the North African style that we have already become familiar with. This configuration emphasizes the Muslim and ex-Granadine population living in this town and its region, and when we look at an Italian map of Spain dated well before the revolts of 1568-1570, it is this region that is emphasized using the baculusIUJi n^. This map illustrates Spain's towns by civic importance (i.e. population size) or religious importance using religious infrastructure, such as cathedrals, bishoprics, etc.. Smaller cities have fewer towers than larger cities, such as Sevilla. This is a typical representation for population density in urban centres. Cities with cathedrals or monasteries have large crosses extending out from these towers, and can be found throughout the country at places such as Malaga, Toledo, Pamplona and Cuenca. Bishoprics, on the other hand, are marked by the shepherd's crosier that centuries before became related to the representation of Christian space, particularly with the city or town. 13th Century crusader icons support this typology as an extension of the Old Testament legitimacy awarded to Abel over Cain as a figure endowed with humanity's better qualities104. A striking number of these crosiers can be found exclusively throughout the southwest of Spain, at Cartagena , Baeza, Guadix, Almeria (Fig. 5.15)106. Although Cock uses a large crucifix to indicate the

102 Kagan (1989), p. 261-262 103 F. Bertelli; P. Forlani. Leucarum hispanicarum . 1560s. Biblioteca Nacional de Espafia 7 104 Combining the monk and the religious leader is found in a series of icons of Abel, who appears bald and bearded, wielding a shepherd's crook "that resembles the early form of a Latin crozier". This is explored by Kurt Weitemann. "Thirteenth Century Crusader Icons on Mount Sinai". The Art Bulletin. Vol. 45.3, 1963 (179-203), p. 185, Fig. 6. 105 Cartagena's bishopric dates from 1250. 106 This configuration is not repeated in H. Cock's 1589 map of Spain. H. Cock. Hispaniae nova delineatio cum antiquis et recentioribus nominibus. Salamanca: George Flemalia, 1589 in Luisa Martin-Meras, p. 99

228 bishoprics at these specific cities, he also uses the same sign to signify bishoprics throughout the country. We can reconsider the meaning of the crosier or baculus as a map sign on the Italian map of Spain. What else these four particular places have in common to the exclusion of all others that might betray the sign's meaning in this context? Rahman I established the emirate at Cordoba, and subdivided Al-Andalus into districts called cor as. The Cora of Toledo included Ubeda, Baza, La Guardia, Guadix and Baeza. During Rahman IPs reign, the Mozarabic church also subdivided into Episcopal seats that included Guadix, Baeza and Elvira, each with their own Bishop. After Almeria and Guadix fell in 1489, and once Granada fell in 1492, the bishops of Guadix, Almeria, Jaen, and Alcala la Real were installed. There were many other bishoprics and archbishoprics throughout Spain during this time, but only these four places are labeled with the crosier on the Italian map. We also know that all were fortified cities, and that all were reconquested from Nasrid control. The Muslim inhabitants of these towns were expelled because the Spanish Christians did not want Muslims living in fortified towns. Consider the poem "Del levantamiento de las Alpujarras":

Que de Granada es cercana; Los lugares de la sierra, Que les llaman Alpujarras; Los que estan junto a la Peza, Guadix, Almeria y Baza, Con toda su hoya junta, Que la tiene bien poblada, Y el gran rio de Almeria, Y el de Almanzora nombrada, Se vuelve para Castilla107.

As the poem suggests, the Muslim populations in this region will rise up again against Castilla, as they did during 1568-1570. The use of the baculus here serves as a sort of warning of the nature of the inhabitans of these towns. We saw a similar method for signifying lands (i.e. Rhodes and England) that had been taken away from

Gines Perez de Hita. Guerras civiles de Granada, c. 1595, cited in Agustin Duran. Coleccion de romances castellanos (Vol. 2). Madrid, 1861, #1156.

229 Catholic imperial control. In these instances, the cross was used to mark the lost territory. This conclusion supports our observation of how the baculus is used in Cuenca to describe reformist space.

5.2g Jaen Wyngaerde's Jaen did not survive his preparatory sketch (dated 1567), although from this sketch, one will see that a cathedral conversion is taking place, evidenced by the crane sitting upon the top of one of the towers108. This became a gothic cathedral. However, its Muslim heritage is not detected on Wyngaerde's drawing. This is in marked contrast to other views of Jaen and this cathedral that are available. Juan Domenico de Villarroel, the cosmografo al reino [de Jaen], prepared a map of the city of Jaen and its surrounding region in 1588 at the request of "Doctor Gaspar Salcedo de Aguirre, natural de Baeza y Prior de Arjonilla"109. Dedicated to the Bishop of Jaen, the city itself is illustrated with several mudejar style towers, domes and a large, onion-shaped finial reminiscent of Flemish-style towers found at

108 Kagan (1989), p. 264-265 109 Juan Domenico de Villarroel. Description del Reino de Jaen. Sevilla: Baptista de Camila, 1588. Published in Argote de Molina's Nobleza de Andaluzia. Biblioteca Nacional de Espana 458.

230 Valsain and throughout the Spanish Netherlands (Fig. 5.16). Gothic towers compete with these mudejar towers, and most surrounding cities have the triangular, gothic towers. Accordingly, one would believe that a large population of Muslims inhabited the city.

5.2h Granada Several preparatory sketches accompany Wyngaerde's finished view of Granada, which also carries a legend similar to that of the Cordoba vista. These were prepared shortly before the morisco revolts110. Several buildings have been converted to serve either the Catholic Church or the Spanish government, and a hybrid or clearly Muslim character can be seen in Wyngaerde's finished vista. The parish church of Santa Ana has a tall minaret for a tower, and appears to be topped by an angled crescent moon, beneath which sits a sphere (Fig. 5.17). One of the preparatory sketches shows that Santa Ana kept its minaret, but lost both the sphere and the finial111. Nearby is the Mezquita-Catedral, which looks identical to how it would have looked before 1492, despite being under construction during this period. Its finial is formed of progressive spheres that extend out of the elaborate dome, and the horseshoe-shaped arches are clearly visible. In a preparatory sketch, a cross appears atop a large sphere11 , and in a second sketch, the top of the Iglesia mayor's dome is empty . In the albaicin the hospital de los moriscos is located, beside which a fire burns, a trope that supports the allegory of Granada as City of God, condemned to be burned, taking all its heretics with it, and then resurrected. Wyngaerde explains that it is here, in the "albaysin dondo estan los moriscos". Richard Kagan also notes that the silver cross that the Reyes catolicos erected atop the Torre de vela to celebrate the taking of Granada is missing from Wyngaerde's view11 . However, we do see another example of the unarchitectural, floating cross above Saint Michael's parish in the Albaicin. This is the same parish which was shown to be on fire in the finished view, and one that is repeated in a preparatory sketch where both floating cross and

110 Kagan (1989), p. 273-275 111 Kagan (1989), p. 270-271 112 Kagan (1989), p. 269-270 113 Kagan (1989), p. 271-272 (upper) 114 Kagan (1989), p. 268

231 fire are combined115. This probably refers to a location that he left off the legend, for on the finished vista, Wyngaerde uses the floating cross to indicate the Hospital de Santa Cruz, and in another sketch, he uses it to indicate a house116. Other Nasrid symbols that Wyngaerde recorded include the Alhambra and the Generalife. On the completed vista, these places are unremarkable and decrepit. In one of his preparatory sketches, both look to be in better condition, and we can also see the North African-style of the minaret cap imbedded in one of the walls of the Alhambra,

Fig. 5.18: Hogenberg and Braun. Granada, in Civitates, Fig. 5.19: Catalan Atlas (Granada, Cresques), Vol. 1 (1572). in Juan Calatrava and Mario Ruiz Morales. Los Pianos de Granada, 1500-1909. Cartogrqfia urbana e imagen de la ciudad. Granada: Diputacion de Granada, c. 2005 p. 22. labeled La hambra palacio del rey moro . Hogenberg and Braun's 1572 version of Granada labels Wyngaerde's Iglesia mayor as the Alhambra, and tops it with a cross (Fig. 5.18)118. Below the Alhambra/7g/es7'a mayor sits a gothic towered building of relatively low profile that Hogenberg and Braun have labeled in the legend mesquita, which is missing from Wyngaerde's configuration of Granada. In another view published a couple decades later, but dating in its preparation to the 1560s, a sphere

113 Kagan (1989), p. 271-272 (lower) 116 Kagan (1989), p. 271-272 (upper) 117 Kagan (1989), p. 269 118 Civitates, Vol. 1 (1572). This is maintained in a different view of Granada, in Civitates, Vol. 2 (1575)

232 has been added between the cupola and the cross of the Iglesia mayor, and the mosque has been deleted from the legend119. Both Wyngaerde and Hogenberg and Braun represent the Muslim heritage of Granada. This heritage has been recognized in early mappamundis, such as the Cresques' Catalan Atlas (1375), on which Granada is illustrated with a tower, city walls, a cross, and a large red flag, on which al-afiyya (health, wellbeing) is written in Arabic (Fig. 5.19)120. The Cresques were a family of Jews who later became conversos that represented Granada as a Christian city, which in the 14th Century is impossible and must reflect the desire for Granada to be reconquested. They made a point of including symbols denoting the presence of Muslims. Similarly, Hogenberg and Braun produce something of a propaganda piece in their second volume (1575) of the Civitates, with respect to the changes that had occurred since 1492 in Granada. With the absence of Charles V, the small Christian population of Granada combined with the large Muslim population, "made it all the more important that the cross and crown should be symbolically manifest through an immense palace for an absent king

de Granada, 1500-1909. Cartografia urbana e imagen de la ciudad. Granada: Diputacion de Granada, c. 2005.

nvCivitates, Vol. 5(1598) Juan Calatrava and Mario Ruiz Morales. Los Pianos de Granada, 1500-1909. Cartografia urbana e imagen de la ciudad. Granada: Diputacion de Granada, c. 2005 p. 22

233 and a grand cathedral for a minuscule community of Christians" . Hogenberg and Braun showcase the New Palace of Charles V with its crane pointing toward the Old Palace of the Nasrids (Fig. 5.20). Spanish literature of this period and dating back to that of the Reconquest, commonly characterizes Nasrid architecture as being in a state of disrepair. This crane, then, not only emphasizes the new over the old, but it also points out the shabbiness of the Palacio real antiguo. It is one of the towers of the Nasrid Palace that surprised an Egyptian tourist who walked through Granada sometime in 1465/6. He noted "que en lugar de media luna hay un gallo con las alas abiertas, que ha hecho que las gentes le llamen 'el gallo de los vientos'"122. The Egyptian may have received the impression if he read prior to his arrival in Granada the poetry of Zammarak (1333-1393), who suggests that Granada has crescented

1 9^ towers . Nonetheless, the windcock or rooster in Nasrid Granada supports the coreferentiality of the rooster as a symbol for Protestant and Muslim space. In the foreground of the Hogenberg and Braun view, a comparatively large amount of space is dedicated to illustrating some Muslims going about their business outside of the city walls. Hogenberg and Braun introduce us to a wealthy Muslim concubine (Daipha morisca, ricd), and then place a morisca commun next to her, so that the reader should know the difference if he encountered a Muslim woman. Before the ladies are two men, one indistinguishable from any Spaniard, and the other clearly wearing Muslim attire suitable for this period. The vista's authors are attempting to label both morisco de Granada while highlighting the fact that Muslims or Muslim converts look like Old Christians, becoming an indistinguishable enemy. This view gives us another example of the environment of suspicion that surrounded Spain's Muslim population. During the 16th Century most of those who were arrested by the Inquisition in Granada were Muslims or conversos. It is not until 1593 that a heretic or two were given penances for their divergences from the Catholic faith12 .

Cammy Brothers. "The Renaissance Reception of the Alhambra: The Letters of Andrea Navagero and the Palace of Charles V". Muquarnas. Vol. 2, 1994 (79-102), p. 95. 122 Basit's observations are preserved in "El Reino de Granada en 1465-66", in Garcia Mercadal. Vol. 1 (251-257), p. 256. Antonio Gamiz Gordo. La Alhambra Nasari. Apuntes sobre su paisaje y arquitectura. Sevilla: Universidad de Sevilla, 2001 p. 48. 124 Stoughton, p. 124

234 Sometimes called naturales de Granada, a low-key appellation that avoids religious characterization, the Muslim and ex-Muslim populations of Granada were highly suspected, before and after the revolts125, of uniting with North African (Berber) and Turkish Muslims against Spain. This is ameliorated by reports that the Muslims of Granada purposely dressed in Turkish fashion in order to inspire fear in their Christian enemy126. During these revolts, it is rumoured that the Muslims of Granada ate the flesh of Christians. In one description, Muslims removed the hearts of the Christians, and in another, a Muslim ate a freshly excised Christian heart127. This recalls Spanish representations for Aztecs earlier in this century and Turks later this century, both of whom are characterized as being warlike, brutal and liking to eat the hearts of their enemies. Therefore, we have developed an archetypical enemy of the Spanish in representation: a heretical and brutal opponent with bestial habits that threatened Spanish way of life. During the early years of the Inquisition, Jews were also characterised in a similar fashion, bearing distinct resemblance to those who tortured Christ with crucifixion, circumcision and bleeding. The map of La Guardia as a New Jerusalem, studied above, is a product of an incident where this rhetorical framework was applied against Jews. The map responds to the late 15th Century trial of 10 men of La Guardia who were charged with kidnapping, crucifying, and cutting out the heart, and drinking the blood of a boy. This boy, canonized by the Church three centuries later, would become known as Cristoforons'. Another important series of representation for Granada accompanies Justino Antolinez de Burgos' Historia Ecclesidstica de Granada (Lam. 33), designed by Ambrosio de Vico, and thought to be engraved by Alberto Fernandez. Titled "Descripcion de las cavernas del monte sacro D Granada en las qvales se hallaron las reliqvias y libros de los Santos", and dated c. 1600, it is less well known than the "Description del Monte Sacro de Valparaiso" (Lam. 20), in which part of Granada is

125 Antolinez de Burgos writes of this more than two decades after the revolts, during the height of this suspicion, which would ultimately play a large role in the decision to expulse the Spanish Muslim population in the early 1600s, p. 255. During the revolts of Granada, he describes "los puertos estavan llenos de moros de Fez, Argel, Marruecos y turcos de Constantinople", p. 306. 126 Wheatcroft, p. 142. 127 Antolinez de Burgos, p. 292. 128 Wheatcroft, p. 117.

235 included. These two trace where the libros de plomo are hidden outside of Granada, containing, as the title indicates, the writings of the Saints. The second plan by the same engraver details Valparaiso, and contains more attempts at allegorizing Granada as the New Jerusalem. A field of crosses forms what the legend defines as "El Monte". Below this, we find "las cavernas", in which the writings of the saints are found, and near here, the "subida al monte Sacro", are two roads that reach up from the main road, providing access to the Mount. These two maps are, without a doubt, intended for pilgrims who needed to navigate the region, and the La Guardia map shares some similarities. The most famous work attached to the Historia Ecclesidstica de Granada is the "Plataforma de Granada", engraved by Frans Heylan. The detail on this plan lets us see the extent to which mosques were converted to churches, given that many have courtyards for ablutions and the prayer halls had lower profiles than churches of this period (Fig. 5.21). Most towers are bulbous or domical, and many sport, beneath their crosses, the sphere. Vico's Iglesia mayor is topped by the crusader's cross, and we also see, far above the Generalife, three crosses reminiscent of the crucifixion. In another view by Vico, he illustrates people making the pilgrimage through the 129 mountain . It is through views such as these that the conversion of Granada into a holy city—a New Jerusalem—becomes clear. In views such as Vico's, Granada is represented as having exorcised its Islamic past, despite evidence of this past remaining. This image of Granada would grow throughout the Spanish Baroque, and can be found in such paintings as the Crucifixion (Granada, Convento de la Conception, early 17th Century) and Predicacion de Santiago Apostal (Granada, Sacromonte Abbey, 17th Century)130. In these works, Granada appears in the background while the miracle or religious event takes place in the foreground. The integration of New Jerusalem within the rhetorical strategies of the Reconquest is evident within Pulgar's chronicle of how the Christians recaptured Alhama in 1482. Pulgar details how the town was retaken after the Muslim force

Reproduced in Juan Calatrava and Mario Ruiz Morales, p. 52-3. Juan Calatrava and Mario Ruiz Morales, p. 60-1.

236 locked themselves into a mosque or minaret, which the Christians quickly burned to the ground. Throwing their bodies outside of the town wall, their dogs began feasting on the Muslim corpses. Pulgar reasons that "hallamos en la Sagrada Escritura cuando Dios se indignaua antra algund pueblo los amenacaua con destruycion total, fasta los perros, plogonos ynquirir la manera de bivir de la gente de [Alhama]"131. Second, for Pulgar, this series of wars between Christians and Muslims is a cruzada—a term that we normally do not apply to this period of Spanish history, but one that was more common during Pulgar's period132. The association with Muslim Granada and a worldly Jerusalem explains in part why representations of Granada on the eve of reconquest in the Sala de las Batallas (Escorial), and in another by Rodrigo Aleman at Toledo's Cathedral, illustrate Granada with the crescent moon, despite the city never having used this symbol. We also see this framework used within the New World. Juan de Torquemada calls Tenochtitlan Babylon, and he would nominate Mexico City Jerusalem, clearly articulating the City of God trope, along with many of its referents133. As explored in Chapter 1, but also in the Americas and Europe map studies, the City of God trope is found during the Reconquest of Spain, and throughout the 16th Century in Spanish and Catholic territories.

5.2i Velez-Malaga Wyngaerde captured Velez-Malaga in an unfinished view that he left unlabelled134. The view shares elements in common with Hogenberg and Braun's view of the town. Wyngaerde's view is from a greater distance, looking in at Velez- Malaga from the Mediterranean, and even while Velez-Malaga sits about four kilometers from the coast, it is nonetheless nearly 165 feet above sea level, and its converted architecture is located far above the city. Wyngaerde's configuration, while definitely having some scaling problems, seems to agree with this layout.

131 Pulgar. Vol. 2, p. 11 (CXXVII) Pulgar also distinguishes between moros and moros de Granada, who, he tells us, killed the dogs that were feasting on the moros [of Alhama]. 132 Pulgar. Vol. 2, p. 50 (CXLI, 1483). 133 In Juan de Torquemada. Monorchia Indiana (c. 1615). 134Kagan(1989),p.401.

237 1*1

Fig. 5.22: Velez-Malaga (Wyngaerde), in Kagan Fig. 5.23: Hogenberg and Braun. Velez-Malaga, in (1989), p. 401. Civitates, Vol. 2 (1575).

Pulgar has noted that, after it was reconquested in 1487, the town's five mosques were converted into churches. The most important was named in advocation of Sancta Maria de la Encarnacion, a common name for the main Mezquita-Catedral135 upon reconquest. The most compelling similarity between the two vistas is the bulbous tower included in the Wyngaerde view (Fig. 5.22), because it is also repeated in the Hogenberg and Braun view (Fig. 5.23)136. This bulbous tower is unlike other examples that we have seen so far in either Wyngaerde's Andalucia, or Hogenberg and Braun's Andalucia, and it is identical to Hogenberg and Braun's Flemish-style towers found in the Netherlands. This demonstrates a coreferential map sign for illustrating non-Catholic space. In the Netherlands, this space is Protestant, while throughout the South of Spain, this space is Muslim and is occupied by buildings built by Muslims.

5.2j Gibraltar Strait Wyngaerde's map of the Gibraltar Strait includes both sides of the Strait, so that in the background are cities such as Melilla, Oran, Ceuta and Penon de Velez de la Gomera . Prepared in 1567, in the foreground is the southern coast of Malaga province and monuments such as the Salto de Mows, a fortification, are illustrating issuing munitions at Gibraltar. In the water, several ships are afire and sinking near

135 Pulgar. Vol. 2, p. 279 (CLXXXIX, 1486-1487). 136 In Civitates, Vol. 2 (1575). 137 Kagan (1989), p. 282-284

238 Gibraltar, emphasizing the relative geographical distribution of Muslims near to and within southern Spain during this period. This is also present on Hogenberg and Braun's Vejer de la Frontera vista138. The happenstance that Turks and Corsairs were patrolling the Strait, and that the greatest concentration of Muslims lived near the Mediterranean entrance to the Strait fuelled widespread rumours and suspicions that the Muslim population of Spain would collude with one of Spain's greatest enemies. Between the detailed vignettes for the towns of Marbella and Estepona are the Banyos de los mores antiguo from which an aqueduct disappears into the Sierra Bermejo. Nearby is the town of Ojen, which Wyngaerde sketches briefly. He describes that town as "lugar morisca", as it is populated with moriscos139. The rock of Gibraltar itself has been captured more than once by Wyngaerde. In the most complete of these views140, we see the Muslim Castyllo just outside the settlement of Gibraltar, marked with a large sphere and topped by the cross (Fig. 5.24). This is a similar configuration for fortifications that we have seen in both the

Fig. 5.24: Gibraltar (Wyngaerde), Kagan (1989), p. Fig. 5.25: Arcos de la Frontera (Anonymous), in 289-290. Veduta della fortezza e borgo d'Arcos. c. 1600. Institut Cartografic de Catalunya. ICC RM. 27214.

Civitates, Vol. 2 (1575) Kagan (1989), p. 285 Kagan (1989), p. 289-290

239 Low Lands and Britain, and denotes a lighthouse or lookout. At this scale this tower bears striking similarity to the Flemish-style tower. A dome is found atop the church of San Francisco, and this is also present on one of the preparatory sketches , while the Muslim fortress does not distinguish itself as it does on the first view. Curiously, San Francisco at Puerto de Santa Maria, on the Atlantic side of southern Spain, is a mudejar 16th Century church that also has a dome142. Near to the fortress is a shrine named La S?" de Europa fin de la cristian[dad], or for the Virgin of Europe, symbolizing here both the ideological differences between Muslims and Christians, and the physical break symbolized by Gibraltar, which separates these two continents143.

5.2k Tarifa The neighbouring town of Tarifa is clearly illustrated as a Muslim town, despite being reconquered in the late 1200s. Its main castle dates to Rahman Ill's time, and was repaired nearly 300 years before Wyngaerde made these drawings. It is important that the caliphal-period castle has a slightly onion-shaped tower reminiscent of what we have already encountered in Ottoman territory as far west as Egypt, and more commonly throughout Europe and in a few Spanish cities. The main church, called Santo Mateo, was a mosque conversion. An unarchitectural cross flanks the side of the church. A second converted mosque is located near the Castle, and has been baptized Santa Maria al medina, a tag that Wyngaerde adds, again commenting on the Muslim configuration of Tarifa.

5.21 Cadiz Cadiz would be significantly ruined after the British-Dutch fleet attacked it in 1596. Similarly, Francis Drake would occasionally attack Cadiz in the 1580s. In fact, a map of Cadiz and its bay is published in Dutch during this period, presumably

Kagan (1989), p. 287-288 (lower) Kagan (1989), p. 312-314, and sketch, p. 311 (lower) Kagan (1989), p. 287-288 (upper)

240 to better familiarize the Dutch and/or the British with this region . Wyngaerde's 1567 view and sketches of the city provide us with a unique look at one of the oldest cities of the Peninsula before it was assaulted. Cadiz and its region have been overtly represented as Muslim spaces. At Arcos de la Frontera c. 1600, the Italian author notes that Arcos de la Frontera has a mosque, which is illustrated with a tower that has a balcony for the Muslim call to prayer (Fig. 5.25)145. In another view by an unknown author, the main church is shown as having the Muslim progressive spheres as a finial (Fig. 5.26)146. Compared to this anonymous manuscript, now conserved in the Archivo General de Simancas, Wyngaerde's views are rather homogenously Christian. The main church has a gothic tower topped by a plain spire in his coloured view147, whereas in Hogenberg and Braun, there is a cross above this gothic tower148. Wyngaerde places a ship with

Fig. 5.26: Cadiz (Anonymous), in Kagan( 1989), p. Fig. 5.27: Hogenberg and Braun. Cadiz, in 301 (upper). Civitates, Vol. 1 (1572). a crescent above its main mast in the water off the coast of Spain and to the west of Cadiz. To the east of Cadiz stands a fortification that is firing westward on some

Lucas Janzoon Waghenaer (Joannes van Doetecom). Zee Custen va Andaluzien. 1586. Instirut Cartografic de Catalunya. ICC RM.23971 Anon. [Arcos de la Frontera] Veduta delta fortezza e borgo d'Arcos. c. 1600. Instirut Cartografic de Catalunya. ICC RM. 27214. 146 In Kagan (1989), p. 301 (upper) 147 Kagan (1989), p. 302-304 148 Civitates, Vol. 1(1572).

241 ships . No identifying features tell us if these ships are Corsairs or part of the Turkish fleet. The same is true for Hogenberg and Braun's Cadiz, where fortifications on either side of the town are depicted as firing on ships in the Bay. This could be a reference to retaliatory attacks against Drake's ship and others that attacked the city. Near the edge of town on Hogenberg and Braun's view, there is the Hospital de la nation flamenca, here marked with a windmill (Fig. 5.27). Wyngaerde has also noted a windmill in this same location, but he has not indicated that it is a hospital. These are examples of figural map signs that do not have a physical component. Like the crescent in Mexico City, the windmill is used descriptively. By mid-century, the centre for trade shifted from Sevilla to Cadiz, as the Guadalquivir River could no longer sustain the traffic to and from the Atlantic Ocean. Cadiz was, by late century, attracting more international trade than Sevilla. It makes sense that there would be foreign institutions represented here, but, also, that a windmill found in Cadiz would be interpreted as belonging to the Dutch in the context we have explored above. Cadiz was also a main point of entry into Spain from abroad, particularly from Antwerp. The Antwerp-Cadiz shipping route would have been a point of access for undesired printed materials150. Spaniards could indirectly purchase books at the Frankfurt Book Fair, and upon making entry into Spain at Cadiz, these reformist materials were smuggled into two particular cities— Sevilla and Medina del Campo—from whence they would be distributed151. Finally, the attack that damaged Cadiz so extensively took place "Fan 1596 le 30 juing [by] les Hollandois et Anglois comme amis entres au ruiaige de Cales Males"152. On the right side of the view depicting the attack, the view becomes wide enough to see a town labeled Barbaria in Africa, and Ronda along the southern edge of Spain (Fig. 5.28). Barbaria has a rounded tower, representing the North-African style minaret, while Ronda has gothic towers typical of all the other places on this map, with the exception of Sevilla. The Giralda is absent from Sevilla's representation, and instead it has a similarly rounded tower topped with a sphere and

149 Kagan (1989), p. 306-308 150 Stoughton, p. 47 151 Depots for Sevilla and Medina del Campo are noted in Documentos ineditos, Tomo V, p. 399 (also in Stoughton, p. 47). 152 Regis Buscher. Battle of Cadiz. 1596 (?). Institut Cartografic de Catalunya. ICC RM.27305.

242 from which extends a simple cross. In the Strait of Gibraltar there are ships labeled with crescent moons mounted on flags moored off Cape Spartel.

Fig. 5.28: : Regis Buscher. Cadiz. Battle of Cadiz, c. 1596 . Institut Cartografic de Catalunya. ICC RM.27305.

5.2n Sevilla Reconquered in 1248, Sevilla has hosted Roman, Muslim and Christian populations during its long history. Sevilla has also been home to minor populations of Jews and Muslims since the reconquest. The accompanying illustrations to Alfonso X's Cantigas de Santa Maria displays a Sevilla with Gothic and Romanesque towers, where the city forms the background to the Marian miracle portrayed in the foreground153. This is a relatively unrealistic representation for the mid-13 Century, as Sevilla has been in Muslim hands for nearly six centuries, and has been long been configured as a Muslim city. In fact, it is estimated that as many as 100 mosques were converted to serve the Catholic Church upon Sevilla's fall in 1248154. The use of the gothic tower should be interpreted as a symbol for the

A selected audio recording of the Canticles and several of the accompanying illustrations are published in colour, in Nelly van Ree Bernard. Cantigas de Santa Maria de Alfonso X el Sabio. Madrid: Ministerio de Education, 1979. It is notable that of the 427 Cantigas, Muslims are mentioned in 44 of them, and 35 of these feature Muslims as the primary character. Of these 44, about half are military representations. We can furthermore characterize the Moor as Invader in Can. 28, 63, 165, 271, 292, 323, 360, 361, 385, 406; the Moor as Traitor in Can. 185, 345, 265; the Moor as Pagan in Can. 215, 99, 169, 183, 192, 229, 346; the Moor as Cruel Persecutor in Can. 95, 176, 227, 325, 359; the Moor as Good in Can. 46, 167, 181, 205, 344, 358, 379. Albert I. Bagby Jr. "Some characterizations of the Moor in Alfonso X's Cantigas". The South Central Bulletin. Vol. 30.4, 1970 (164-167), p. 164-166. 154 Heather L. Ecker. "The Conversion of Mosques to Synagogues in Seville: The Case of the MEzquita de la Juderia". Gesta Vol. 36.2, 1997 (190-207), p. 191

243 Christian city dating from the medieval period. The Cantigas are instructive as to how heretical or sinful space is represented within the Christian city during this period. In Cantiga 174155, a caballero takes Mary's name in vain after losing at a game of dice. This moment takes place in a domed building that uses crescent moons for door handles, and that is flanked by two tall, minaret-style towers. A more overt use of the crescent moon occurs in Cantiga 63156, and upon a red shield protecting a Muslim soldier in battle with Alfonso. This Muslim soldier has fair skin, suggesting that Spanish Muslims and Spanish Christians knew that they could not know each other upon first glance. Similarly, the Cantigas uses the star and a conical, horned- shaped hat to represent Jews, as proscribed by laws governing Jewish dress . Muslims were also subject to dress codes, and for a short time, they were forced to wear blue crescent moons . Since medieval times, Sevilla hosted a small community of reformers. It became one of the points of distribution for imported reformist materials, and one of its main proponents was Juan Gil, who studied at the University of Alcala, and who would later minister to the Catedral de Sevilla's congregation. Mid-century, he was imprisoned by the Inquisition, charged with Lutheranism159. Later on, Constantino Ponce de la Fuente—from Cuenca—would also be at the Catedral de Sevilla. He joined Prince Philip in the Low Lands where he could have familiarized himself first hand with the Reform movement, while establishing contact with one of his countrymen, Francisco de Enzinas160. Before returning to Sevilla, Ponce de la Fuente traveled to England with Prince Philip, spending three years there (the first of Philip's

1M van Ree Bernard, p. 13. Also in Cantiga 63 (p. 87), 118 (p. 94), 144 (p. 97). 156 van Ree Bernard, p. 59. Similar conflicts involving crescented shields to represent Muslim soldiers occur in Cantiga 185 (p. 69), 63 (p. 87). 157 This is also seen in Cantiga 185 (van Ree Bernard, p. 69), 34 (p. 111). Not all stars refer to Jewish peoples, however; in some cases, the star may indicate maristellaen. See Cantiga 100 (p. 102), 125 (p. 115). An overview of Jewish dress and the representation of Jews during medieval times can be found in Suzanne Lewis. "Tractatus adversus Judaeos in the Gulbenkian Apocalypse". The Art Bulletin. Vol. 68.4, 1986 (543-566). 158 This is ordered by Queen Catalina, regent to Juan II, in 1408; it is reversed in 1418. Andrew Wheatcroft. Infidels: A History of the Conflict between Christendom and Islam. New York: Random House, 2004, p. 95. 159 Stoughton, p. 136-138 160 Stoughton, p. 139-140

244 marriage to Mary)161. After he was found to have not only purchased, but also, to have written, Protestant books, he was imprisoned, where he later died162. A third preacher at the Catedral de Sevilla is Gregorio Ruiz, who was also suspected of Lutheran heresy, but he managed to escape and was burned in effigy163. Triana, named for Trajan, sits across the Guadalquivir from Sevilla, and hosted from the 15th to the 17th Centuries the Inquisition's office. If Sevilla of the 16 Century is known as a worldly city, than Triana holds the extremes of heavenly and worldly, being the district that attracted many picaros, thieves, and prostitutes, despite hosting the Inquisition and its prison. Hogenberg and Braun include Triana on their view of Sevilla, and large tongues of flames rhetorically burn the city, demonstrating this double nature of sin (thieves and prostitutes) and redemption (the cleansing fires of the Inquisition)164. This follows Gongora's observation that Sevilla is the

gran Babilonia de Espana, mapa de todas naciones, donde el flamenco su Gante, y el Ingles halla su Londres165

In another of their views, we see the quemadero just outside of Triana166. No other buildings of a religious nature distinguish themselves, however. Wyngaerde's view of Triana araval is seen from Sevilla's side of the Guadalquivir, and it is centered on the Castiellio del Santo Incusicion, for which Wyngaerde includes an inscription that reads: Don Pedro de Castrellio primer a fundador desta Casa fuy uno Judio y fuy tornado por Benos de Confiscation16''. There is a mudejar church located at Sta. Anna, its tower topped with a dome. Also shown is the Monstary of San Isidoro,

161 Stoughton, p. 141 162 Stoughton, p. 142-143 163 Stoughton, p. 145. Another priest of the church of Vicente, named Francisco Zafra, also was accused of Lutheranism; an effigy was burned in his place during the 1559 Autos. Stoughton, p. 163 164 Civitates, Vol. 1(1572) 165 Quoted in Sonsoles Caruana Moyano and Maria Isabel Men6ndez Martinez. "Qui no ha vista Sevilla non ha vista maravilla". Piezas de mes (2003-2005). Madrid: Museo Naval de Madrid, 2006 (124-155) p. 137 166 Civitates, Vol. 5 (1598). This is also present on a different view of Sevilla, published in Civitates, Vol. 4 (1588). 167 Kagan (1989), p. 330-332

245 which housed the history of the Guzman family, and became "a cradle for the Seville Reformation"168. John Stoughton believes that the Guzman family facilitated the spread of these Protestant teachings throughout upper class society, and particularly in women, and many of these families were of Muslim heritage (including, for example, the Gonzalez family)169. The mythologizing of the 16th Century persecution of non-conformists exists in the unification of Protestantism and the morisco Andalucian. Another example of reformist organization can be found at the house of Dona Isabela de Baena, who hosted some sort of reformed religious community with regularity in her own home. In 1560, the Inquisition had her house torn down, the ground sprayed with salt, and a monument erected to remind the passerby of what happened there and the consequences that such behaviour attracted170. Unfortunately, not one map seems to have recorded her home or the monument that then stood in its place. One way or another, in the 1559 and 1560 Autos, many of these individuals 171 and their consorts were burned or burned in effigy during the Autos of these years . Across the Guadalquivir is the city of Sevilla, long ago reconquested and renovated to conform to Catholic urbanization practices as opposed to the Muslim city. Only a sketch survives from Wyngaerde's work 7 , but it is nonetheless useful as a point of comparison with similar views by other artists. Wyngaerde includes a

Fig. 5.29: Sevilla (Wyngaerde), in Kagan (1989), p. 329.

Stoughton, p. 147. Stoughton, p. 149-150 Stoughton, p. 149-150 Stoughton, p. 164 Kagan (1989), p. 333-334

246 distinctly Flemish-style tower in this view of San Pedro, since described by Richard Kagan as having a mudejar-gotbic tower (Fig. 5.29)173. Hogenberg and Braun's Sevilla uses the Flemish-style tower to illustrate S. Paulo, where the name has probably been confused, because it is situated in the same place as Wyngaerde's San Pedro. S. Pablo is noted on Ambrosius Brambilla's 1585 view of Sevilla with a sphere174, and both San Pedro and San Pablo may have been illustrated as mudejar- style towers in a 1570 rendering of Sevilla by an anonymous artist to commemorate Philip IPs visit to that city175. These are the only mudejar towers in the view (apart from the Giralda), and they are also the only ones that have crosses extending from them. This is repeated in an anonymous oil painting, c. 1600176. For these particular buildings, we see mudejar-style towers, Flemish-style towers, and the sphere used in successive illustrations, confirming a coreferentiality between them. Similarly, Wyngaerde's Mezquita-Catedral is shown here without the Giraldillo, and in fact, it has a gothic spire topped with a sphere. Across the patio of ablutions was a low dome that sits over the prayer room, reminiscent of a North- African minaret's cap. A late century Italian view of Sevilla follows the same configuration177, as does native Sevillan Pedro de Medina in the view he used to illustrate a chapter dedicated to the city, and published in Libro de Grandezas y cosas memorables de Espana in 1548. On a second sketch by Wyngaerde, this portion of the Mezquita-Catedral representing the original Muslim prayer room is a larger dome topped with a sphere, hence suggesting the coreferentiality of the sphere and

1/3 Kagan (1989), p. 329 174 Ambrosius Brambilla. Sevilla. Rome: P. Nobili, 1585. 175 First published by Juan de Mai Lara in Recebimiento que hizo la muy noble y muy leal Ciudad de Sevilla a la CRM del Rey D. Philipe N.S. (Sevilla: Alonso Escrivano, 1570); reproduced in Maria Dolores Cabra Loredo. Iconograjia de Sevilla. 1400-1650. Madrid: Ediciones El Viso, 1988. p. 91. 176 Conserved at the Museo de America (Madrid), and reproduced in Cabra Loredo, p. 107-108 (Vista de la Ciudad desde Triana). 177 Anonymous. Sevilia. Reproduced in Cabra Loredo, p. 115

247 Fig. 5.30: Villanueva, c. 1561. Archivo de la Real Chancilleria de Valladolid. Pianos y Dibujos. Desglosados0323. the dome within Spain as an indicator of non-Catholic space . We see proof of this in Leon, where it is thought a community of moros de Granada settled in or near the town of Antimio de Abajo near Villanueva. Its vignette is topped by the sphere, whereas the architectural representation of Villanueva has a common, triangular or gothic tower (Fig. 5.30)179. Ten years later, the Muslim population swells by at least 550 ex-Granadines sent there after the revolts180. This is repeated in Palencia's Cerrato region, where a mudejar population thrived. The map in question uses the sphere and the mudejar tower together181. Returning to Wyngaerde's sketch, the Giraldillo tops the old minaret. It should be noted that the old minaret of the Mezquita-Catedral was, before the Giraldillo, topped by a progressive set of spheres, the same design that we see in Granada, Cadiz and in other places of Al-Andalus182. We have rarely encountered the sphere in Spain at this scale in places that have not been at some point Muslim places of worship. Ambrosio Brambilla's Mezquita-Catedral also uses the sphere atop the old prayer room and between the Giralda and the Giraldilla. Another example of this can be found in Carmona, where the Sta Maria glesia magior has been built on the

1/8Kagan(1989),p. 334 179 This is clear from reading the text on the map, which was produced c. 1561. Archivo de la Real Chancilleria de Valladolid. Pianos y Dibujos. Desglosados 0323 180 Rahn Phillips, p. 1078. 181 Archivo de la Real Chancilleria de Valladolid. Pianos y Dibujos. Desglosados 0614. 182 Medieval representations of the Giralda before its modification, and of the Alcazar, can be found in texts such as Genealogia de los Reyes de Espana, translated into an abridged Spanish version in 1460, and including anonymous drawings depicting the fall of Sevilla to Fernando III. Reproduced in Cabra Loredo, p. 39. An oil painting by the Maestro de Moguer (c. 1500) uses Sevilla as its background and also shows the progressive spheres atop the Giralda.

248 site of the old town's mosque built by mudejares, and here having a shallow dome topped by a sphere183. Hogenberg and Braun also use the Giraldillo atop the old minaret of the Cathedral, as distinguished at this scale by the tilted staff, but no prayer room dome can be found. A Flemish painter depicted a cross atop the Giralda, depicting the Cathedral as a Catholic space of worship184. This Flemish version of Sevilla also notes the Casa de la contratacion across from the Catedral, and tucked in behind here is the Alcazar. Hogenberg and Braun named the building El alcargel, which is an interesting hybrid term that joins the words castle {alcazar) and jail (cdrcel)lH5. Jeronimo Chiaves' map of Andalucia, published by Ortelius in 1579, provides a common configuration for the region that looks to Sevilla as its most important city . This map is designed to show the dioceses of the lower part of Spain.

Fig. 5.31: Jeronimo Chiaves. Sevilla, Andalvzia. In Fig. 5.32: Diego Gonzalez de Medina Barba. Theatrum orbis Terr arum, (Ortelius), 1579. Southern Spanish Fortification, in Examen de Biblioteca Nacional de Espana485. Fortificiacion. Madrid: Varez de Castro, 1599. Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal. F.G. 1221.

"° Kagan (1989), p. 336-338 184 Hernando de Esturmio, c. 1553-1555. Sevilla's Cathedral, capilla de los Evangelistas. Reproduced in Cabra Loredo, p. 55. 185 Architectonic schematics for the Public Jail can be found in Juan Navarro's Diseho o perfil que explica la Ortographia de toda [...] la carcelpublico de esta ciudad de Sevilla (1569, Madrid, Archivo Historico Nacional). Navarro is one of the first Spaniards to employ a legend. In this case, he uses an alphabetic legend. Transcription of all text related to his drawings can be found in Cabra Loredo, p. 80-90. 186Jeronimo Chiaves. Andalvzia. In Theatrum orbis Terr arum, Ortelius 1579. Biblioteca Nacional de Espafla485.

249 Andalvzia is scrawled across the map; however, the eastern most part of this region is deleted from this map. Granada and Almeria have been excised from Chiaves' representation, and instead it favours a collection of cities that more or less encompassed Christian Andalucia during the late 13th Century. In this depiction we see off the southern coast a conflict between Ottoman Turks, or pirates, and Christians near Cadiz. The Turks' ships are flying beveled edged flags. Chiaves provides a miniature ichnographic view of Ecija and of Sevilla, of which one can barely discern the onion-shaped tower atop the Mezquita-Catedral (Fig. 5.32). Chiaves' Andalucia only applies to a diocese that more or less reflects a pre-1492 configuration, stretching to just north of Xabugo (west of which one will find the Silvensis diocese, and northwest of which one will find the Pacensis diocese), but not including the Sierra Morena, nor Cordoba and all regions south of here, and excluding from the map altogether the old Kingdom of Granada. This area is called Cordubensis diocese to the north of the Guadalquivir. South of the Guadalquivir, and East of Osuna, one will find the Malacitanae diocese, which recalls the notion of Lex Malacintana or local law. This reflects the Muslim populations that have occupied that space for centuries, and continued to occupy this space when this map was produced. A French version of this map, c. 1600, reads "Description d'Andalusie"187, while another copy, also dated 1600, covers the same area as the Chiaves and French version, but is labeled Valenza on the verso188, thus recalling the regional factionalism that existed for the last three centuries between Catholic Spain and Nasrid Granada in the South.

5.3 Generic Spain at varying scales At first glance, the generic view or map of Spain and its cities may have little to offer a study such as ours. However, when more than one generic view is rendered for Spain by the same author, differences in the generic views, or patterns for which generic view is used for which city, emerge. This is the case for Pedro de Medina's

Institut Cartografic de Catalunya ICC RM.61343 Institut Cartografic de Catalunya ICC RM.24692

250 Libro de grandezas y cosas maravillosas de Espaha (Sevilla, 1548), in which Medina provides a chorographic view of the cities he is describing. However, Medina's work only employs three primary generic views, and these are then distributed throughout the work, seemingly without reason. A survey of which cities are represented according to which generic view demonstrates a definite pattern.

Table 5.1: Pedro de Medina's Cities Categorized by Generic View

& A •A. '" ^\f *k% Gibraltar, Tarifa, Cadiz, Medina Sidonia, Jerez Ciudad Real, Madrid, Alcala, San Lucar de de la Frontera, Ecija, Pedraza, Zamora, Medina del Barrameda189, Lebrija, Antequera, Jaen, Campo, Villa Verde, Niebla, Reconquest Baeza, Alcala, Avila, Fernangonzal, Boecio, Salas, Vignette (Kingdom of Salamanca, Palencia, Carrion190, Estrando, Saldafia, Granada), Palos, Leon, Orzonaga, Oima, Soria, Vitoria, Ximena, Calatrava, Olias (Toledo), Burgos, Santo Roda (Granada), Almeria, Toro, Valladolid, Binar, Domingo, Zalaborra, Murcia, Sagunto, Valencian Espinosa de los monteros, Coruna, Oviedo, City, Xativa, Montpeller, Sos Villa de Clavijo Pamplona, Malaga, (Calatayud), , City of (preceded by war scene), Jaca, Girona, Valencia, Tarragona, Ampurias, Colibre Alarcon, Bafios de Zaragosa,Daroco, Ledesma, Castillo de Barcelona Aguirre, Ciudad de Compostela, Penada viana (Galicia), Bilbao, San Sebastian, Vente Rabia, Castro viejo, Kingdom of Granada (Reconquest), Monte de Aragon, Huescar, Salfas, Perpingan, Mallorca/Minorca

189 Near Sevilla, San Lucar de Barrameda is called Mezquitas by Edrisi as he narrates his travels through Spain (c. 1154), however al-mesquid has other possible derivations. Garcia Mercadel. Vol. 1, p. 186. 190 Post-Revolt Muslim population equaling 28 individuals, versus approximately 1230 Old Christians. Rahn Phillips, p. 1073.

251 The introductory subtitles for the history of each of these cities seems to follow a pattern. For the middle column, cities such as Salamanca are described as "muy notable ciudad"191, and in other places, such as Palencia, the subtitle promises to describe how the city was cleansed of its heretics192. Many of these histories do not focus on recent events, however, but rather their founding and development during Roman and Visigothic times. The exception to this rule seems to concern the description of cities that converted to Catholicism. This is exemplified in the common act of converting the Alcazar into the Inquisition's Office, which is the case m Zaragoza . For Antequera, whose Muslim population was turned out after it was conquested (and thus, a suburb of Granada is named for it, because the exiles resettled there), Medina promises to tell the reader "como fe gano a los moros y cofas memorables que en ella ay"194. The first column, however, is reserved for the less devout Catholic city. Both Mallorca and Minorca's cities are illustrated with this vignette, and not unintentionally, as they were targeted by Barbarossa during Medina's lifetime. In Camocio's renderings of the Balearic Islands from 1550s, he uses rounded domes and minarets to distinguish the cities of Calafiguera and Maiorica, but not for the other cities 5. Similarly, Camocio's Minorca owns a large vignette where a mixture of gothic towers topped with crosses and rounded towers can be found196. Thomaso Porcacchi's L'isolepiufamose del mondo (1575) bases his Balearic illustrations on those of Camocio197. We encounter Valladolid within this category of non­ conforming cities; however, Valladolid hosted several upper class reformists, many of converso as much as old Christian families. Many of them were punished at the 1559 Autos for heresy198. It is near here that an Italian, Carlos de Seso, was accused of

191 Medina, p. 198 192 Medina, p. 204 193 Stoughton, p. 256 194 Medina, p. 133 195 Numerous versions by Camocio for Mallorca exist. Here, we have examined one prepared 1550- 1559. Institut Cartografic de Catalunya ICC RM. 15377, and his 1560 version (ICC RM. 195258), later published in hole famose (Venice, 1563/4). 196 Minorca. 1560. Institut Cartografic de Catalunya ICC RM. 195259. 197 Thomaso Porcacchi. L'isolepiu famose del mondo. Venice: Simon Galignani and Girolamo Porro, 1575. Universidad de Sevilla. Signatura A Res. 11/3/01 198 Stoughton, p. 203-225

252 circulating Lutheran material by the Inquisition at Valladolid . Luis Ponce de Leon's issues with the Inquisition over his translations and interpretations of biblical texts would also land him in front of the Inquisition. A reformer at Valladolid has his house torn down by the Inquisition, and salt spread on the ground where it once stood in an attempt to cleanse the earth of the heresy. The inscription placed nearby reads "El Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion condeno a derrocar e solar estas Cassas de Pedro de Cazalla y Da Leonar de Vibero su Muger porque los hereges Luteranos se juntaban a hacer conciliabulos contra nta Sta fee..." (dated May 21st, 1559)200. Medina does not usually compliment these cities, and spends much time describing the foreign populations or the community of mows still living there. The reader can expect to read of "la villa de Lebrija y de su poblacion201", and in Olias, the reader will read "de lo que en efta Villa hizo un Rey de Caftilla con un rey 909 moro" . Binar is where "fe muesftra la libertad y efencion que efpana tiene y como no paga tributo a ningun emperador"203. This vignette is also used to describe the final city to be reconquested, and Medina depends on it to illustrate the average city of the Kingdom of Granada. In the case of Villa de Clavijo, a preceding vignette portrays a war scene. Therefore, the first and second columns seem to represent the ratio of converted and practicing Catholic individuals within each town and its recent memory. This conclusion is emphasized by the ornamental cross found on the wall of the domed tower within the first column's generic view, for we know that during the Reconquest, the cross was used in conjunction with the coat of arms to symbolize the reconquest of these cities204. A similar rhetorical strategy is seen in eastern Andalucia with respect to the exclusive distribution of the baculus as a map sign within this

iy Stoughton, p. 207 200 Stoughton, p. 214 201 Medina, p. 130 202 Medina, p. 181 203 Medina, p. 217 4 This is described by Pulgar in each case that a city was taken. A century later, retablos that illustrate scenes from the Reconquest at Toledo's Cathedral would show the cross as being an ornamental symbol of a Reconquested city that, like the keys to the city, is a sign that the city has fallen to the Catholic Kings. Pulgar also notes that the "sena real" was affixed the city's wall when it was reconquested. See the reconquests of Tajara and Zahara, respectively, in Pulgar. Vol. 2, p. 78 (CXLIX, 1483) and p. 95 (CLIII, 1483).

253 region, to the exclusion of the rest of Spain, an area where the greatest number of Spanish Muslims lived. The last generic view represents cities that have long been held by Christians, with some exceptions, Almeria in particular. Medina is also more complimentary toward these cities. He promises to describe "Zamora y de las cofas notables que en ella han fido"205, or "Del Lugar de Boecio, du vn Lago de Agua de gran virtud que en elay"z"°. In the case of Oima, Medina promises to recount the story of the Cid . This reading is emphasized by the windows shaped as crosses, suggesting that these buildings were not—unlike the other two generic towns—reconquested, but rather built by Christians208. In the manuscript map of Bonilla de la Sierra (c. 1510) mentioned above, cross-shaped windows can be found on the town's castle, built by early Catholics. Another manuscript map dating from about 1577 reminds us that here at the termino de Fuentelcarnero (Zamora) one finds nearby the Termino de Miu Cid, who is mentioned on this map in reference to the geographical relationships of landmarks209. Some exceptions to Medina's generic view exist for Sevilla, Granada and Toledo. Sevilla receives the most varied view, in which the Giralda without Giraldilla is clearly visible. It is topped by a skinny spire. Across the cityscape are the rounded church towers of San Pedro and San Paulo that we have seen in other views of Sevilla from this century, denoting its Muslim history. Toledo, however, while being distinguished with an illustration different than most of Medina's cities, is nonetheless unremarkable and may as well be a generic view, for it shows none of Toledo's distinguishing features and landmarks. Medina's view of Granada is similar. However, he has incorporated some slopes and hills to accommodate Granada's actual topography, and he has cleared out the centre of the city, placing a

205 Medina, p. 196 206 Medina, p. 220 207 Medina, p. 240 208 The use of generic views for categorization is also present in Hartman Schedel's Liber Chronicarum (Nuremburg, 1493). Schedel uses the city view to represent and characterize the nation. In this sense, he distinguishes between Portugal and Spain by giving Spain Islamic architectural influences, despite Portugal having been conquested by Muslims, too. Also, compare Constantinople to Spain, and Italy to Spain, for the distribution of domical towers. 209 Archivo de la Real Chancilleria de Valladolid. Pianos y Dibujos. Desglosados 0455.

254 Plaza foil of people in this location. We can conclude that Pedro de Medina thought it important to distinguish these three cities, and we cannot ignore that all are relatively southern cities. Another type of generic views used by Diego Gonzalez de Medina Barba of Burgos illustrates how Spanish cities fortify themselves210. This book, detailing the most up-to-date technologies for fortifications, is described by Philip II (or his son) as "provechofo para la defenfa deftos nueftros reynos" in his preamble. The author has included several Spanish city views in order to demonstrate urban fortifications. One such illustration is of a "ciudad fuerte trapecia", which are commonly found along the coast (Fig. 5.33). We assume this view to be of Valencia or Almeria, as its sphere- topped domes with short spires extend from the spheres in the Ummayad and Nasrid style. The view also includes a bulbous, onion shaped dome topped by a cross. A similar chorographic depiction is used for the author's instruction on "de como fe remediara vna ciudad q tuuiere muy lexos las murallas y ruynes [of the old walls]" . This type of city probably describes one of the 15th Century Andalucian cities that were reconquested more than once, because the city walls constantly required repair and reinforcement. The view has no domes, and no spheres, with the exception of the Flemish-style, bulbous tower topped with a cross, similar to those that we have seen throughout Spain. The same emphasis on gothic towers is found later in this work, where the author describes fortifications for cities where neighbourhoods (arrabales) exist outside of the city walls. These are in the style of the Aljamas and Mozarabic neighbourhoods throughout Andalucian history, and both are found outside cities that are originally designed as Muslim cities212. A city such as Sevilla, reconquested and rebuilt in the Gothic style 350 years before this work was published—still retains the Muslim configuration today in its city core. This last example of Gonzalez's fortification manual boasts gothic towers, and two large, Flemish-style towers. These

913 representations contrast with the Roman-style double wall . The artist seems to use this fortification to describe a small city with one or two storey buildings. In the 210 Diego Gonzalez de Medina Barba. Examen de Fortificiacion. Madrid: Varez de Castro, 1599. Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal. F.G. 1221. 211 Diego Gonzalez (1599), p. 156-157. 212 Diego Gonzalez (1599), p. 160. 213 Diego Gonzalez, (1599), p. 176-177.

255 centre of town is one of two tall buildings—the cathedral or church—topped by a dome, with a square base that converts to a cylindrical tower, as if it were once a minaret (not unlike the Giralda). Despite Medina's seeming preference for Toledo, Sevilla and Granada, these southern cities are also among the most common toponyms for wider views of Spain, Europe and the World. They were generic labels that, by virtue of placement as first or capital cities of Spain, had their urban characters used to represent Spain nationally and for an international audience. Joan de Oliva uses large type and a vignette to distinguish Sevilla, Granada (or Cartagena) and Barcelona of all the cities on his Mediterranean map dating from 1592214. He repeats this on his Atlantic world map, but this time, he uses the generic city vignette to illustrate the regions of Andalucia, Valencia, Catalunya and Galicia215. Jacques Dousaigo leaves his Spain

Fig. 5.33: Jacques Dousaigo. Guadalquivir, Fig. 5.34: Guilio Cesare Petrucci. Atlantic Europe and Africa. , 1590. NMM Guadalquivir. Mediterranean and Europe. P/7 (3). (Sienna, c. 1570). NMM G230:l/11.

Joan de Oliva. Atlantic and Mediterranean. Messina, 1592. NMM P/22 (4) Joan de Oliva. Atlantic and Mediterranean, c. 1590. NMM G231:1/1

256 blank, except for the Compass rose that marks Sevilla along the Guadalquivir (Fig. 5.33)216. In another example, Sevilla's famous NODO symbol, which we can liken to a figure eight, is shown at the mouth of the Guadalquivir where it meets the Atlantic

(Fig. 5.34)217. This is also common in Joan Martines, among others218. Paolo Forlani follows suit by employing a singular architectural vignette to mark Sevilla, but no other city on the map219. Overt attempts to diminish Spain are also common. A Portuguese cartographer neglects to name or stamp any place other than Portugal on his Mediterranean map, and this is made more striking by the use of Spanish colours 990 in North Africa, but not in the Spanish Netherlands nor upon the Peninsula . The same map that showed Mary as Queen of England also illustrates the Kingdom of Navarre as being just below the Pyrenees221. Attempts to illustrate North Africa may lead to Spain being deemphasized as a Christian state, while references to French Navarre south of the Pyrenees shrink the extent of Spanish territory on the Peninsula. In a map of Fez, only historically Muslim spaces are indicated along Spain's southern coast (Tariffa, Algezira, Gibraltar, Vegel) in a 1561 Flemish map222. Finally, in a map of Europe, the Spanish cities marked with an architectural vignette and the Spanish flag are contrasted by the flag that Granada carries, which has been painted black223. Ruych's 1507/8 world map also singles out Granada as a tract of land located below Hispania, surely an indication of a well-embedded perception about the division of lands upon the Iberian Peninsula.

216 Jacques Dousaigo. Atlantic Europe and Africa. Naples, 1590. NMM P/7 (3) 217 Guilio Cesare Petrucci. Mediterranean and Europe. (Sienna, c. 1570?). NMM G230:l/11 218 Joan Martines. Atlantic Europe and Africa. Messina, 1572. NMM P/6 (7); Joan Martines. Mediterranean and Atlantic. Messina, 1572. NMM P/6 (8) 219 Paulo Forlani. Mediterranean and Europe. Venice, 1569. NMM G230:l/21 220 Sebastiao Lopes. Mediterranean and Europe. 1555. NMM G230:l/12 221 Agnese Battista. Europa. Venice: 1554. NMM P/24 (8) 222 Abbeville and Sanutus. Tryk van Fez. Verdelt in zeven Landschappen. c. 1561. Institut Cartografic de Catalunya. ICC RM. 1693 73. 223 Anon. Mediterranean and Europe, c. 1600. NMM P/l 1 (2)

257 5.4 Northern Protestants and Moriscos In 1599, Diego Cuelbis of Leipzig, at 25 years of age spent almost a year travelling through Spain224. In the travel narrative he compiled, Cuelbis included some copies he made of well-known maps by cartographers such as Hogenberg and Braun. The insights and descriptions of Cuelbis are valuable for understanding how a European of the late 16th Century saw Spain as a tourist. At Irun, near the French border of the Pyrenees, and not far from San Sebastian225 (which Medina illustrated using the first series of generic view denotative of weakly reconquested cities), Cuelbis sees a woman "delante de nos otros salteando a la Moresqua con las castaiiettas y el taburin"226. As a foreigner to the Peninsula, he seems to be well- versed in infamous periods of its history, particularly the first few centuries of the Reconquest, as Cuelbis relates pertinent stories about the deeds of James Matamoros or those of King Sancho as he describes each place that he visits227. Other historical vistas related to the Order of St. James confirm our analyses of how Muslim cities are represented. An example of this is can be found in the background of an image of James Matamoros with beheaded Muslims at his feet that pervaded Northern Spanish reconquest representations from the 9th Century-onward. The background of this iconic image is commonly occupied by the cities of Aragon or Catalunya, and the legend of Matamoros, slaying the enemy on both sides, becomes related to St. James, the patron saint of Spain, apostle to Christ, who died a martyr for defending the truth of his faith. This particular James, or Iago, is celebrated by the pilgrim route that extends along the north of Spain to its destination, Santiago de Compostela. A stereotypical image of a Muslim city is presented in this plate

His Spanish was highly influenced by Galician and French. Here we refer to the British Library's version of Cuelbis' manuscript, reproduced in Diego Cuelbis. Dos alemanes en Vasconia. Mayo de 1599. Julio-Cesar Santoyo, Ed. Vitoria: Graficas Gasteiz, 1972, p. 10. 225 San Sebastian as a conforming, Catholic town is seen in a manuscript plan c. 1504-1518. Archivo de la Real Chancilleria de Valladolid. Pianos y Dibujos. Desglosados 0809 226 Cuelbis, p. 67 (Fol. 5v) 227 Of Vitoria, Cuelbis explains that "por estando cercada la ciudad de los Moros, salieron en la batalla con animos varoniles las mugeres con los hombres, y trauaron la batalla con tanta fuerca que mataron a muchos de los Moros y, por esta senalada victoria que se gano por medio de las mugeres, el Rey d. Sancho mando que a esta Ciudad llamassen Victoria". Cuelbis, p. 77 (Fol. 19).

258 depicting the legend of James Matamoros228, who at once allegorizes biblical and post-biblical stories related to James the Apostle. Both of these personages are understood as defenders of the Catholic faith. It seems that Cuelbis prefers to emphasize the Roman and Visigothic over the Islamic with respect to origin for these cities, or alternatively, the diminutive is less abstract. When commenting Sevilla's Iglesia S. Salvador, Cuelbis writes that "fue la Mezquita de los Moros, no es muy grande"229. Jeronimo Miinzer would have the same attitude toward Spain's Muslim heritage during his travels through Spain shortly after the fall of Granada230. This demonstrates a well-integrated negative attitude about Spain's Muslim heritage in particular, and, as we have seen throughout our study of Spanish lands, and for Muslims around the world231. The suspicion that these northern communities of Muslims would have aligned against Catholic Spain by uniting with Huguenots or any other reformer, is verbalized by the Italian ambassador, Leonardo Doneto, during the Granada revolts. He observed that the moriscos of Granada were not supported by the Ottoman Turks, but if they had been, and had the conflict spread outside of Andalucia, that the French Protestants would have flanked them from the North232. This refers to what Andrew C. Hess has termed a possible "Ottoman fifth column" in Spain, in that Philip II thought that the Spanish Muslim population was well-enough organized to assist in the Ottoman expansion into West Africa, and the Protestant movement in Europe . Some evidence exists supporting the Sultan's interest in assisting the Muslims of Granada during the revolts of 1568-1570. The first of two imperial orders issued from Istanbul and transferred to North Africa notes the Sultan's interest in the revolts. The second order, addressed to the Andalucians, offers assistance234. Philip IPs

228 Anon. Regla de la orden de la caualleria de senor Santiago del espada. Toledo: Juan de Ayala, 1539 (Biblioteca Virtual Miguel de Cervantes). 229 Antonio Dominguez Ortiz. "£/ Tesoro Chorographico de Diego Cuelbis y su description de /• Sevilla". Anales de la Universidad hispalense. Vol. 3, 1942 (5-30), p. 17. 230 Relation del viaje (c. 1494/5) in Garcia Mercadal. Vol. 1 (327-417). 231 This is explored for Spanish Muslims by A. Dominguez Ortiz. "La imagen exterior de Andalucia". Historia de Andalucia. Vol. 4, 1982-1984 (365-375), p. 365-6. 232 Quoted in Wheatcroft, p. 143. 233 Andrew C. Hess. "The Moriscos: An Ottoman Fifth Column in Sixteenth Century Spain". The American Historical Review. Vol. 74.1, 1968 (1-25), p. 5-6. 234 These excerpts are translated and cited in note 48 of Hess, p. 13.

259 suspicions would have deepened with the Ottoman victory at Tunis. Tunis is located on the coast of North Africa, near Spain's southeastern corner where the greatest concentration of Muslims lived. In 1574, an attempt to establish an espionage network between Algeria and Spain was included in another letter directed at the Andalucian people. This time, however, explicit reference was made in the letter to organize help for the Protestant fight against Catholicism235. These words of solidarity come from Selim II, the same Sultan who attempted to put himself in contact with the Low Lands' Protestant movement by offering the support of Spain's Muslim population in exchange for an alliance against Catholicism .

Conclusions: We have discussed several more indications for non-Catholic space within Spain, drawing on points of comparison as we have proceeded through this map study. If we were to produce a concluding map legend as we have for our other map studies, the resulting legend would be cumulative, and include all the map signs we have seen in the Americas, Africa and Europe to designate heretical space. In Spain, the sphere is used almost exclusively to punctuate Muslim spaces, particularly south of Toledo. Toward the north, we see it in cities with conflict and in cities with possible protestant populations. The coreferentiality between these two populations is further emphasized by how Wyngaerde illustrates Valsain, for example, which Kagan rightly calls a Flemish-style tower. Wyngaerde employs the same figure, however, in Segovia, Guadalajara, Gibraltar, Sevilla, Valladolid, San Salvador () and at Velez-Malaga; Kagan would describe all of these as mudejar style towers, with the exception of Guadalajara and Valladolid, which he identifies as having a Flemish-style tower. In Gibraltar this this type of tower was a fortification (recalling the lighthouse or beacon). Hogenberg and Braun, without having access to Wyngarde's sketches, seem to follow suit in Seville, Valladolid and Velez-Malaga, where the tower at Valladolid is onion-shaped. The tower at Velez-Malaga is identical to the style of tower that Wyngarde uses at Valsain, a style that Hogenberg

Translated and cited in notes 65-67 of Hess, p. 17-18. Translated and cited in Hess, p. 19-20.

260 and Braun also use throughout the Spanish Netherlands. Unlike Wyngaerde, they also appear to place this style of tower in Barcelona as part of the main cathedral. As in North Africa, the progressive sphere finial, where three progressively smaller spheres align vertically above a building, is used by Wyngaerde to illustrate Toledo at the Casa de Vargas and at an unknown monastery, and also at Granada overtop the iglesia mayor. We can still see this type of architectural detail in Sevilla today, harkening back to the period of North African Muslim leadership upon the peninsula in the first two centuries following the fall of the caliphate. We have also seen a series of related signs that reconfigure the Spanish city into the Holy City, bringing with it all the possible reincarnations for the City of God, including the realities that had afflicted pre-Christian and Muslim Jerusalem for centuries. Wyngaerde again depends upon this sort of allegory in his views of Alcala de Henares, Jaen, Toledo, Zaragoza, Antequera, Gibraltar and, of course, Granada, and we have seen it in the interior as well, just outside of Toledo. Maps by the hands of non-Spaniards represent non-Catholic territory within Spain represented quite similarly. Muslim and ex-Muslim spaces such as Granada or Arcos de la Frontera predominate in the south, and Alcala or San Sebastian and their associated populations of heretics predominate in the north. With some exceptions, particularly the progressive sphere finial, the same signs are used to illustrate both Protestants and Muslims within Spain, and this has a further homogenizing effect upon the distinction of Catholic space from non-Catholic space, because the latter forms a combination of representation arbitrarily used for Protestants and Muslims. The homogeneity of the peninsula is a key rhetorical strategy in this century, one that effectuates change within and without Spain, and a strategy that still exists today.

261 6 Conclusion

This study examines how non-Catholic space is represented within the lands of Spain throughout the 16th Century. The primary text base consists of maps of varying scales, and because different scales use distinct methods to represent space, the map sign indicating non-Catholic space changes between scales. For example, on a world map, a crescent moon or a cross indicates Muslim or Christian territory, while the city-view provides the entire mosque or church. To account for this change, I have analysed the components, or referents, that make up the map sign, and looked for how these referents interact with one another, and within new environments. The map corpus consists of nearly 300 maps of various scales: 47 of Africa; 53 of the Americas; 85 of Europe; and 106 of Spain. Thirty one percent of the map corpus has a Spanish author, place of publication, or was published in Spanish. And, 150 illustrations accompany this study, which contributes to a cumulative legend of new map signs that punctuates each chapter. This has allowed us to conclude that coreferential, or common map sign characteristics, occur across the map scales and throughout distinct religious spaces. In this sense, Aztecs and Protestants are represented as if they were occupying Muslim and heretical space, which is a conclusion that we could never have drawn from textual sources alone. The lands of Spain fall within the continents of Africa, the Americas and Europe, while the extent of the Holy Roman Empire, also lead by Spain during the first half of this century, adjuncts more territory within these same regions. We would expect to find Muslims, Protestants and Indigenous Americans within these respective areas, and we do. But, how these and other non-Catholic peoples were represented by the Spanish and Europeans within the 16th Century Spanish Empires demonstrates a purposeful recasting of all non-Catholic peoples within the light of Islam. Methods for indicating Muslim space, which can be defined as a house, a mosque, a city or an empire governed by Islam or its adherents, that date back to the Middle Ages are used within the Americas and within the Low Lands. We even see

262 England illustrate its own Protestant territory using some of these key visual indicators of Islam. This rhetorical framework is complicated further by the fact that European methods for representing Muslims are not reflected in how Islam represents itself: Catholics created a typology that, in visual text, expresses Muslim space at different scales. For example, the crescent moon is an attributed sign that the Catholics long ago gave Islam. During the Crusades, it rose above towers just like the cross within chorographic drawings by Christians, thereby providing a juxtaposition or contrast for Christian space and Muslim space. On a world map, the crescent may find itself hovering over a nation or continent. This typology for Islam is adapted during the 16* Century in order to indicate Flemish space within the Low Lands, Protestant space within England, Aztec and Incan spaces in the Americas, and North African space under dispute. The only reason we can trace these adaptations is because we are studying the components of the sign, rather than the sign as a whole by itself. These religious map signs essentially consist of parts that became interchangeable between Spain's territories. On city and regional maps, these parts are often architectonic in nature, due to the level of cartographic detail provided to us by the map makers in our map selection. Architectonic details that indicate non-Catholic space include: certain finials, such as the crescent moon, the sphere, ovoid, and the rooster; many domical structures, such as the cupola, and the onion-shaped bulbous dome, especially when combined with the aforementioned finials; and details such as the bevelled-edge flag, or a flag shown as if flapping in the wind, a characteristic that we have found exclusively throughout space that is represented negatively. Architectural details, along with other figural representation (such as people, monsters, and mythological concepts), are excellent for distinguishing Catholic space from non-Catholic space, and are usually confined to maps at greater magnification: city maps or vistas, and often the regional scale of map, or national map, where a castle with some towers represents a town or city. In contrast, on world maps the available detail for figural representation is much reduced, and we see instead a series of abstractions employed to indicate non-Catholic space, and these abstractions usually relate to a figural version of the sign. For example, instead of a castle with a

263 flag on which a crescent moon is emblazoned to indicate Tunis after it was reconquested from the Spanish, the flag itself—unarchitectural in nature—is used next to the text indicating the city. At the local level, however, we find the city adorned with architectural and unarchitectural crescents, and spheres. Similarly, we have acknowledged the archetypal role that Jerusalem played in the representation of cities, Catholic and non-Catholic. Jerusalem, both biblically and post-biblically, is a worldly city akin to Babylon when occupied by non-Christians and Muslims. It is a heavenly city when occupied by Christians, and has a strong connection with the post-apocalyptic city of God, or Heaven. Therefore, when we see the three crosses of the crucifixion outside of Granada, this creates the comparison between Granada and Jerusalem. Both of these cities were occupied by non- Christians, and both regained by Catholics—Granada in 1492, and Jerusalem during the Apocalypse. The allegory is further expanded in order to characterise Granada as both a worldly and a spiritual Jerusalem. The issues of crusade or reconquest are associated with these images, as is the association of Christ's killers with Christendom's greatest enemy, the Ottoman Turk. The latter association is already widely circulated in maps and vistas of Jerusalem by the 16th Century, on which we see the crescent moon representing Jerusalem at the time of Christ's death.

These conclusions depend upon the deconstruction of the map sign into parts that are accessible and mapable. We have found signs in whole or in part as exclusive indicators of non-Catholic space. This would never have been possible in terms of the visual text if we did not find a method to manage the complexity of the rhetorical dimension of the visual text. Map scale is a helpful and necessary organizer for results of this study. In terms of cartographic scale, the map corpus is divided into three map scales: local, or city maps and views; regional or national maps; and international or world maps. More emphasis is placed on chorographic or city views because this scale offers a greater spectrum of detail for the representation of religious space. But, all chorographic signs have been compared to signs at the regional and world scales of map.

264 We have also looked to additional scaling methods in order to manage different scales of text; for example, the unpublished manuscript versus the mass- produced text available in multiple languages. This sort of textual scaling helps account for one of the limitations experienced within this study: the relative inability to consult the entire corpus, despite this study's conclusions depending upon maximizing the volume of maps within the corpus. This is particularly true of manuscript maps, because they are contained within archives across the world. Nonetheless, the map corpus consists of nearly 34 percent manuscript maps. We can also acknowledge that there are representational differences between texts that were widely circulated and those that were not and may never have been intended to be circulated. Moreover, with the consideration of text circulation, different scales of readership become apparent, which indicates, by extension, how well saturated the reading public would have been with the contents of the text, and with the text's sources. An example of a well-circulated, and thereby frequently-replicated text, originates in Hernan Cortes' regional map of Mexico City. The map series (Figs. 3.1, 3.2, 3.3) that followed included several popular versions of this map that were republished multiple times in the regional languages (i.e. by Hogenberg and Braun, Sebastian Munster, etc). This map series also demonstrated coreferential components (i.e. crescent, sphere and cupola) that are used within the same environment (i.e. the Main Temple). We found similar environments in Cuzco (Fig. 3.4) and Bogota, where the same coreferential components were used. We concluded that the crescent at the chorographic level was used to describe Spanish space that was under dispute. The widely-circulated text communicates this characterization of Mexico City and Cuzco repeating the environment while exchanging the finial atop Main Temple. Rather than the map sign, the environment in which it is situated can have coreferential elements that invite the repeated placement of a map sign. Not unlike the coreferential environments that hosted the Amazons in multiple places throughout the world, Eden's marvels, gold, naked inhabitants and historical mythology are transpositioned to the Americas because the Americas share a number of these environmental and descriptive referents in common with Eden. The Egerton Atlas, for instance, places a bevelled-edged flag with crescent at the South Pole, where fantastic

265 beasts such as unicorns can also be seen, along with self-conscious naked humans hiding behind trees, behind which a bunch of rivers course to a mountain. The South Pole is an idyllic location for Eden because, like South West Africa, it is difficult to access, and monsters might be found there. We only see the crescent moon used at the regional scale of map in the Americas to illustrate North America (Fig. 3.23), Brasil (Fig. 3.20) and the South Pole (Fig. 2.38). At this scale, the crescent is placed within non-Spanish territory that is nonetheless described visually as European territory. Therefore, the crescent describes non-Spanish European space outside of imperial control, a conclusion we could never have made without the scaling methodology we have used here. As this study has shown, coreferentiality permits the common representation of non-Catholic peoples throughout the lands of Spain, so that Aztecs, Protestants and Muslims share a series of referents that signify their space apart from Catholic space. The reader knew these visual cues, and must have construed the common environments shared between these peoples: conflict with Spain, non-Catholic people or space, or spaces not under imperial control. An excellent example of religious space that is outside of imperial control, or in conflict with Spain, is found throughout the representation of mudejar-style towers in Spain, and Flemish-style towers in Europe (compare Valsain, Velez-Malaga and Haarlem, Figs. 5.1, 5.23 and 4.27 respectively). Hogenberg and Braun illustrate Velez-Malaga and Haarlem using the same tower, proving that they illustrated Muslim and Protestant space in an identical fashion. These same towers are repeated at the regional level within the Low Lands to exclusively indicate Protestant Space, but also, throughout Africa and at Jerusalem to indicate Muslim space (Compare Jerusalem and Haarlem, Figs. 2.37 and 4.28 respectively). Ortelius has illustrated the Muslim and Protestant cities using the same regional map sign, proving the coreferentiality of the bulbous tower during this period, and the intention to represent non-Catholics using this tower.

266 Our treatment of the visual text is not common within the field of History of Cartography1, which is as intimately interested in how space was represented as it is in the expression of geographical knowledge and the accuracy of this knowledge in the past. Nor is the representation of religious space given much consideration within this field. Unfortunately, many map signs and examples of religious space are not commented, as the meanings are assumed and remain unchallenged. A call for further consideration was most recently made by Pauline Moffatt-Watts in the 3rd volume of History of Cartography (Ed. David Woodward, 2007). Yet, in the same volume, Catherine Delano-Smith's attempt to collate an early modern map legend completely ignores religious map signs and their definitions while assuming that all churches or mosques would look the same on early maps produced by Europeans, which we now know is not true. Protestant churches are distinct at the local and regional scale of map from Catholic churches at these scales. We also found representational differences at all scales for the representation of the North African Muslim and the Ottoman Turk. Therefore, not only does this study contribute to the examination of religious map signs and how they were interpreted by the target readers, but also, it challenges the field of History of Cartography to consider the rhetorical dimension of the map that is now only studied for the configuration of a coast line, the demarcation of a nation, or for the history or text that one finds in a cartouche. Maps have recently found themselves objects of greater scrutiny by non- specialists in cartography, particularly as cultural texts that are useful for understanding topics ranging from the literature to the history of the Hispanic world . These popular works tend to submit their hypotheses and observations to a more traditional approach for analysing literature. Before the eye of Ricardo Padron, in his book The Spacious Word. Cartography, Literature and Empire in Early Modern Spain, the map becomes a literary object or tool that is related to textual cartographic sources and the literary pieces they informed. Padron analyses La Araucana for

1 So uncommon, in fact, few works can be cited that attempt to reconcile sign theory, or rhetoric in general, with map signs, or even historical maps. The most thorough work of this kind to date is by Christian Jacob. L'Empire des cartes. Paris: Albin Michel, 1992.. For example: Ricardo Padron. The Spacious Word. Cartography, Literature, and Empire in Early Modern Spain. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004.

267 notions of space while citing the histories of Oviedo and Lopez de Gomara as sources for Alonso de Ercilla's late 16th Century epic poem. Padron probes and reproduces Ortelius' Typus orbis terrarum (Antwerp, 1570), noting the shape of South America and the representation of the Strait of Magellan, because these are also addressed in Ercilla's work3. Other genres naturally lend themselves to the occupation of space. The libros de caballerias, the picaresque novel popularized during the 16th Century, and the ensuing critical opus of Cervantes, Don Quixote, involved novelisations of epics and adventures experienced at home and abroad over Spain and Christendom's history. These included references to the New World. Travel literature also became available during this period, and it is this sort of market to which Ortelius tried to sell his work as an at-home travel experience. Ortelius, however, featured maps within his work— the Theatrum is an Atlas, and people still consult it for its visual content, despite each map having on its verso a page of text describing the place in question. The printed word became as subordinated to the visual text as a script becomes subordinated to its representation upon a stage. Nonetheless, texts such as Pedro de Medina's Libro de Grandezas (which used generic images to illustrate each chapter describing a Spanish city) clearly subordinated the visual text in favour of the printed word. Maps as secondary or supporting resources for literary or historical study is, as in the case of Pedro de Medina's work, or that of Ricardo Padron, a clear subordination of maps and the role they could play as texts within our own culture. Throughout this study, we have inversely tuned our text selection to the visual cartographic text while looking to the printed word as supportive material. This balance, as it were, promotes the visual text as an accessible, analyzable medium that can be as revealing—if not more so—of a culture in history. It also attempts to replicate to some degree the role and importance maps had as texts during the 16l Century: maps, not unlike pamphlets, could start or end revolts, and revealed religious denomination. While this study does not directly examine empire, nor does it gear itself toward Spanish imperial control as a singular theme, it does presume that Spain

3 See Padron (Chapter 5: Between Scylla and Charybdis), p. 185-230.

268 somehow lead an empire that encompassed the lands of Spain, but not to the exclusion of the lands of the Holy Roman Empire. We have taken the perspective that Spain worked as a part of an international force toward the development of an empire that can be characterised, in part, as Catholic. This is an important perspective with respect to Spain as a nation, and Spain as an empire, because it does not limit Spain to be one or the other; rather, it presumes that Spain is one of a handful of variable powers (powers that are not necessarily situated as nations within or without Europe) that influenced the creation and development of the two Spanish empires before and during the 16th century in particular, which happened to be lead by the kings of Spain, one of whom was not a Spaniard. Charles I of Spain was born in Ghent, becoming Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor. His empire lasted, one will argue, from 1516 to 1556 and consisted of two primary configurations: the nations of Spain (Aragon, Castilla, Navarra, Granada, etc), and their territories outside of Spain, including the Americas; and, the lands contained within the Hapsburg and Hapsburg- Burgundian dynasties. His son, a Spaniard, lead the second of the two empires for Spain (1554/6-1598). Much reduced from his father's empire, Philip II nonetheless held more territory than Charles I, but much less than Charles V, as Charles V divided his empire because it was too big to maintain. This division, and the fact that Charles V and Philip II both assumed leadership of their respective empires, maintains Henry Kamen's recent suggestion that "Spain by itself was unable to create an empire4". The structure of this study has reflected Kamen's thesis, and moreover, has suggested that 16th Century Spain—not unlike its contemporary counterpart—may have seen itself as the progenitor of empire, but also, it was seen by other nations as such. This is evident in how the Reformation and Counter-Reformation were portrayed within Frans Hogenberg's series of engravings, now conserved at the Newberry Library. The multi-national force in the Low Lands that attempted to quell revolts against the empire for more economic than cultural reasons were named Spanish, despite the fact that the imperial coalition consisted of participants from

4 Henry Kamen. "Depriving the Spaniards of their Empire". Common Knowledge 11.2, 2005 (240- 248), p. 244.

269 several nations, such that as many as 13 languages were spoken at any given time within the coalition. By extension, the empire was commonly modified as Spanish, thereby promoting the long-lasting perspective that it was nothing more than Spanish. Not unlike the Low Lands, a similar, multi-national force helped occupy the Americas with European cultures and languages. Even while the Spanish language still dominates the South and Central Americas and Mexico, Catholicism also survives as a seeming proof of Spanish Empire in these regions. The association, therefore, of Catholicism with Spain as almost having a synonymous and homogenous presence within the Americas in particular, but also, throughout the Low Lands during the 16 and 17 Centuries, is an association that we have seen historically, and one that still exists today. The geographical extent of these 16th Century empires is considered within this study, but not so much because these spaces fall within the limits of an empire created or lead by Spain; rather, the association of cultural elements, such as Catholicism, with Spain allows us to see the voided spaces that can be characterised as non-Catholic space within these domains. We see this throughout the Americas, where the mission became a frontier institution that ultimately juxtaposed Catholic space with non-Catholic and/or heretical space, the contrast of which was evident throughout our Americas map selection. This became a formalised configuration after the Ordenanzas sobre Descubrimientos of 1573, instituted by Philip II. The Ordenanzas forbade armed incursions and expeditions along the lines of those by Cortes and Pizarro, while leaving the pacification of the frontier to missionaries5. As we have argued, these non-Catholic spaces are characterised as a form of heretical space that often reflects the European representation of Islamic space. All of this is contained within the Spanish empires of the 16th Century, the extent of which has always been rhetoricised, or filled in with rhetoric (or, what Kamen calls "nationalist myths6"), which supported Spain's so-called dominance over the empire, even while it could never have done it by itself.

This is discussed in more detail in C.R. Boxer. The Church Militant and Iberian Expansion. 1440- 1770. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978 (p. 71 -77). 6 Kamen (2005), p. 245.

270 The overall contribution of this project is evident within the field of History of Cartography, a field in which religious space is given far too little attention. It provides a viable methodology for, and new perspectives directly targeted at, the reading of maps as texts as a whole and the representation of religious space in particular. The identification of map signs and their components is key to understanding how religious space was represented, and the concept of coreferentiality is one that can be studied for map signs that describe space politically, economically, linguistically, or in terms of nation and nationhood (among other possibilities). In addition, both the concept of coreferentiality and the multi-scale model developed in this project can be adapted for non-cartographic projects relating to the study of culture, particularly with respect to the replication of cultural knowledge and the saturation of cultural knowledge as expressed through a scaled relationship of the unpublished manuscript text, the unilingual text, or the mass- produced text published in multiple languages. And, finally, this project has attempted to balance Spain as a nation and Spain as an empire throughout its many incarnations during the 16th Century, so that the study of Spain and its lands are not limited to being conceived as one, or the other. In future work, a more precise attempt to delineate religious space within the lands of Spain, or to differentiate between Spanish space and that of the Holy Roman Empire, can be accomplished using GIS and similar information management systems to manage our results.

271 Appendix 1: Chronological List of Maps (1500-1600)

[M] Manuscript/Unpublished Work [G] Generic Vista or Map [S] Spanish Author, Language or Place of Publication

1500. World. Juan de la Cosa (Unpublished) [MS]. 1502. World. Alberto Cantino (Unpublished) [M]. 1504c. San Sebastian. Anon Spanish (Unpublished) [MS]. 1505.C World. Nicolaus de Caverio (?) [M]. 1507. World. Martin Waldseemiiller (St. Die). 1508. World. (Rome).

1510c. Bonilla de la Sierra (Avila). Anon. Spanish (Unpublished) [MS]. 1510c. Valladolid/Zamora. Anon. Spanish (Unpublished) [MS]. 1512. Atlas. Vesconte de Magiolo (Zurich) [M]. 1513. La Rioja. Anon. Spanish (Unpublished) [MS]. 1513. North West Africa. Martin Waldseemiiller (Strassbourg). 1513. South Africa. Martin Waldseemiiller (Strassbourg).

1522. South Africa. Martin Waldseemiiller (Strassbourg). 1524 Mexico City. Hernan Cortes (Nuremburg) [S]. 1528. Cordoba. Francisco Delicado (Venice) [GS]. 1528. Mexico City. Benedetto Bordone (Venice).

1533. Los Angeles (Puebla). Anon. (Unpublished) [MS]. 1534. Valtierra de Riopisuerga. Anon. Spanish (Unpublished) [MS]. 1535. Mediterranean. Jacobus Russus (Messina) [MS]. 1535. North Africa. After Waldseemiiller (Lyon). 1536. Tunis. Jan Cornelis Vermeyen (Brabant?). 1537. Holland. Jacob van Deventer (Antwerp). 1538. Flanders. Pieter van der Beke (Ghent). 1539. Spanish City. Anon. (Toledo) [GS].

1540.C Antarctic. Anon. French (Unpublished) [MS]. 1540.C Oztoticpac (Mexico). Unpublished [MS]. 1540. Flanders. Gerard Mercator (Louvain). 1541. Algiers. Antonio Salamanca (Rome?). 1542. Africa. Sebastian Miinster (Basel). 1543. Segovia. Alonso Velez (Unpublished) [MS]. 1544. Amsterdam. Cornelis Anthonisz (Amsterdam?). 1544. Aries. Sebastian Miinster (Basel). 1544. Metz. Sebastian Miinster (Basel). 1544.C North Africa. Sebastian Miinster (Basel). 1544.C Spain. Giacomo Gastaldi (Venice?). 1545. Central America. Alonso de Santa Cruz [MS]. 1546. North Africa. Johannes Honter (Zurich). 1546. South Africa. Johannes Honter (Zurich). 1548. Granada. Pedro de Medina (Sevilla) [GS]. 1548: Mediterranean, Black Seas. Vesconte Maggiolo (Genoa) [M]. 1548. North West Africa. Giacomo Gastaldi (Venice). 1548. Spain. Pedro de Medina (Sevilla) [GS]. 1548. Sevilla. Pedro de Medina (Sevilla) [GS]. 1548. South Africa. Giacomo Gastaldi (Venice). 1548. Spanish Cities (3 in All). Pedro de Medina (Sevilla) [GS]. 1548. Toledo. Pedro de Medina (Sevilla) [GS]. 1549. Andalucia (Gibraltar). Pedro de Medina (Sevilla) [GS]. 1549. Cairo. Matteo Pagano (Venice).

1550. Africa. Sebastian Minister (Basel). 1550. Algiers. Sebastian Miinster (Basel). 1550. Amsterdam. Sebastian Miinster (Basel). 1550. Constantinople. Sebastian Miinster (Basel). 1550. Jerusalem. Sebastian Miinster (Basel). 1550. Mediterranean, Black, Caspian Seas. Angelo de Conte Freducci (Ancona) [M]. 1550s. Middleburg. Anon. (Amsterdam?). 1550. New World. Sebastian Miinster (Basel). 1550. North Africa. Giacomo Gastaldi (Venice). 1550. West Africa. Giacomo Gastaldi (Venice). 1551. Mahdia. Juan Christoval Calvete (Antwerp) [S]. 1552c. North Africa. Sebastian Miinster (Basel?). 1553. Holy Land. John Calvin (Paris). 1554. Africa. Giacomo Gastaldi (Venice). 1554. Cuzco. Francisco Lopez de Gomara (Zaragoza) [S]. 1554. Europe. Gerard Mercator (Duisburg). 1554. Europe. Agnese Battista (Venice) [M]. 1554. New World. Jean Bellere, in Cieza de Leon (Antwerp) [S]. 1555. Atlantic and Western Europe. Angelo de Conte Freducci (Ancona) [M]. 1555. Mediterranean, Black and Caspian. Angelo de Conte Freducci (Ancona) [M]. 1555. Mediterranean, Black and Caspian. Sebastiao Lopes (Unpublished) [M]. 1556. Africa. With Leo Africanus (Lyon). 1556. Cuzco. G. B. Ramusio (Venice). 1556. New France. Giacomo Gastaldi (Venice). 1556. New World. Guillaume Le Testu (Paris). 1557. Navarra. Anon. Spanish (Unpublished) [MS]. 1558. Holland. Jacob van Deventer (Venice). 1559. Amboise (France; three plates in all). F. Hogenberg (Cologne).

1560s. Antwerp and Breda. F. Hogenberg (Cologne). 1560s. Barcelona. Antoine Wyngaerde (Unpublished) [MS]. 1560s Bourgogne. F. Hogenberg (Cologne).

273 1560s Cordoba. Antoine Wyngaerde (Unpublished) [MS]. 1560s. Jerez de la Frontera. Antoine Wyngaerde (Unpublished) [MS]. 1560s. Lerida. Antoine Wyngaerde (Unpublished) [MS]. 1560s Magellan Strait. Anon. Portuguese (Unpublished) [M]. 1560s Paris and Region. F. Hogenberg (Cologne). 1560s Rio de Plata. Anon. Portuguese (Unpublished) [M]. 1560s. Sevilla. Antoine Wyngaerde (Unpublished) [MS]. 1560s. Triana (Sevilla). Antoine Wyngaerde (Unpublished) [MS]. 1560s. Tarifa. Antoine Wyngaerde (Unpublished) [MS]. 1560s. Tortosa. Antoine Wyngaerde (Unpublished) [MS]. 1560s. Ubeda. Antoine Wyngaerde (Unpublished) [MS]. 1560s. Velez-Malaga. Antoine Wyngaerde (Unpublished) [M]. 1560s Western Mediterranean. Anon. Portuguese (Unpublished) [M]. 1560s. Zahara de los Atunes. Antoine Wyngaerde (Unpublished) [MS]. 1560c. Spain. Paolo Forlano (Venice?). 1561c. Antimio de Abajo (Leon). Anon. (Unpublished) [MS]. 1561. Cahors (France). F. Hogenberg (Cologne). 1561c. North Africa. Abbeville and Sanutus (Antwerp?). 1562. New World. Diego Gutierrez (Antwerp) [S]. 1562. North Africa/Mediterranean. Paolo Forlani (Venice). 1562c. Segovia. Antoine Wyngaerde (Unpublished) [M]. 1562. Tours (France). F. Hogenberg (Cologne). 1562. Valsain. Antoine Wyngaerde (Unpublished) [M]. 1563. Friuli, Italy. Pirro Ligorio (Rome). 1563. Mallorca. Giovanni Camocio (Venice). 1563. Mediterranean. Jacobus Russus (Messina) [MS]. 1563. Minorca. Giovanni Camocio (Venice). 1563. Sagunto. Antoine Wyngaerde (Unpublished) [M]. 1563. Toledo. Antoine Wyngaerde (Unpublished) [MS]. 1563. Valencia (Several in All). Antoine Wyngaerde (Unpublished) [M]. 1563. World. Matteo Prunes (?) [MS]. 1564c. Alcala. Antoine Wyngaerde (Unpublished) [M]. 1564. Cuzco. Antoine du Pinet (Paris). 1564. Malaga. Antoine Wyngaerde (Unpublished) [MS]. 1564. Mexico City. Antoine du Pinet (Paris). 1564. Pefion de Velez (After). Antoine Wyngaerde (Unpublished) [M]. 1564. Pefion de Velez (Before). Antoine Wyngaerde (Unpublished) [M]. 1564. Rostock. F. Hogenberg (Cologne). 1565. Africa. Fernando Bertelli, in Lafreri (Venice). 1565. Americas. Paolo Forlani (Venice). 1565. Cuenca. Antoine Wyngaerde (Unpublished) [MS]. 1565. Holland. Cornelius de Hooghe (Antwerp). 1566. Holy Land. Paolo Forlani (Venice). 1566.C Izamal (Yucutan). Diego de Landa (Unpublished) [MGS]. 1566. World (Allegorical Rome). Giovanni Battista de Trento (Geneva). 1567. Antwerp. F. Hogenberg (Cologne). 1567. Cadiz. Antoine Wyngaerde (Unpublished) [M]. 1567. Gibraltar. Antoine Wyngaerde (Unpublished) [MS]. 1567. Gibraltar Strait (Several in All). Antoine Wyngaerde (Unpublished) [MS]. 1567c. Granada (Several in All). Antoine Wyngaerde (Unpublished) [MS]. 1567. Jaen. Antoine Wyngaerde (Unpublished) [M]. 1567. North West African Coast. Antoine Wyngaerde (Unpublished) [M]. 1569.C Brussels. F. Hogenberg (Cologne). 1569. Mediterranean and Europe. Paolo Forlani (Venice). 1569. World. Gerard Mercator (Duisburg).

1570s. Maestricht. F. Hogenberg (Cologne). 1570. Africa. (Antwerp). 1570. Antwerp. F. Hogeberg (Cologne). 1570. East Africa. Abraham Ortelius (Amsterdam). 1570. Jerusalem. Abraham Ortelius (Antwerp). 1570.C Mediterranean and Europe. Guilio Cesare Petrucci (Sienna) [M]. 1570. Nueva Granada. Anon (Unpublished) [MS]. 1570. Sevilla. Juan de Mai Lara (Sevilla) [S]. 1570. Strait of Dover. Abraham Ortelius (Antwerp). 1570. World. Joan Martines (Messina) [MS]. 1571.C Cerrato (Palencia). Anon (Unpublished) [MS]. 1571. Jerusalem. Gerard de Jode (Antwerp). 1571.C Lepanto (Battle). Anon. 1572. Amsterdam. Hogenberg and Braun, Vol. 1 (Cologne). 1572. Atlantic Europe and Africa. Joan Martines (Messina) [MS]. 1572. Atlantic and Mediterranean. Joan Martines (Messina) [MS]. 1572. Azemmour (Morocco). Hogenberg and Braun, Vol. 1 (Cologne). 1572. Barcelona. Hogenberg and Braun, Vol. 1 (Cologne). 1572. Cadiz. Hogenberg and Braun, Vol. 1 (Cologne) [S]. 1572. Cairo. Hogenberg and Braun, Vol. 1 (Cologne). 1572. Caribbean and American Coasts. Joan Martines (Unpublished) [MS]. 1572. Casablanca (Morocco). Hogenberg and Braun, Vol. 1 (Cologne). 1572. Central America. Alonso de Santa Cruz (Unpublished) [MS]. 1572. Ceuta. Hogenberg and Braun, Vol. 1 (Cologne). 1572. Dardanelles. Giovanni Camocio (Venice). 1572. Dardanelles (Battle). Giovanni Camocio (Venice). 1572. El mina (Ghana). Hogenberg and Braun, Vol. 1 (Cologne). 1572. Europe. Gerard Mercator (Antwerp). 1572. Granada. Hogenberg and Braun, Vol. 1 (Cologne) [S]. 1572. s'Hertogenbosch. Hogenberg and Braun, Vol. 1 (Cologne). 1572. Kilwa (Tanzania). Hogenberg and Braun, Vol. 1 (Cologne). 1572. Malaga. Hogenberg and Braun, Vol. 1 (Colgone) [S]. 1572. Mechlin. F. Hogenberg (Cologne). 1572. Mediterranean, Black, Caspian Seas. Joan Martinez (Messina) [MS]. 1572. Mexico City. Hogenberg and Braun, Vol. 1 (Antwerp). 1572. Mexico City. Joan Martines (Unpublished) [MS]. 1572. Mombaza (Kenya). Hogenberg and Braun, Vol. 1 (Cologne). 1572. Munster. Hogenberg and Braun, Vol. 1 (Cologne). 1572.C Nueva Espafia (Mexico). Alonso de Santa Cruz (Unpublished) [MS]. 1572. Paris. F. Hogenberg (Cologne). 1572. Sale (Morocco). Hogenberg and Braun, Vol. 1 (Cologne). 1572. Tanger (Morocco). Hogenberg and Braun, Vol. 1 (Cologne). 1572. Toledo. Hogenberg and Braun, Vol. 1 (Cologne). 1572. Triana (Sevilla). Hogenberg and Braun, Vol. 1 (Cologne) [S]. 1572. Tzaffin (Morocco). Hogenberg and Braun, Vol. 1 (Cologne). 1573. Alkmaar. F. Hogenberg (Cologne). 1573. Haarlem. F. Hogenberg (Cologne). 1573.C Haarlem (Battle). F. Hogenberg (Cologne). 1573. Hague. F. Hogenberg (Cologne). 1575. Africa. Andre Thevet (Paris). 1575. Alexandria. Hogenberg and Braun. Vol. 2 (Cologne). 1575. Algiers. Hogenberg and Braun, Vol. 2 (Cologne). 1575. Americas. Andre Thevet (Paris). 1575. Belgium. Abraham Ortelius (Antwerp?). 1575. Cairo. Donato Bertelli (Rome?). 1575. Granada. Hogenberg and Braun, Vol. 2 (Cologne) [S]. 1575. Haarlem. Hogenberg and Braun, Vol. 2 (Cologne). 1575. Hampshire. Christopher Saxton (London?). 1575. Jerez de la Frontera. Hogenberg and Braun, Vol. 2 (1575) [M]. 1575. Mahdia (Tunisia). Hogenberg and Braun, Vol. 2 (Cologne). 1575. Mallorca. Thomaso Porcacchi (Venice). 1575. Minorca. Thomaso Porcacchi (Venice). 1575. Namur. Hogenberg and Braun, Vol. 2 (Cologne). 1575. Tunis. Hogenberg and Braun, Vol. 2 (Cologne). 1575. Tunis urbs. Hogenberg and Braun, Vol. 2 (Cologne). 1575. Vejer de la Frontera. Hogenberg and Braun, Vol. 2 (Cologne). 1575. Velez-Malaga. Hogenberg and Braun, Vol. 2 (Cologne) [S]. 1576.C Hemisphere (Atlas). Fernando Dourado (Unpublished) [M]. 1576.C Northern Europe (Atlas) Fernando Dourado (Unpublished) [M]. 1576.C South America (Atlas). Fernando Dourado (Unpublished) [M]. 1577. Antwerp (3 Plates in All). F. Hogenberg (Cologne). 1577.C Zamora. Anon. Spanish (Unpublished) [MS]. 1578. Central America. Johannes Doetecum (Antwerp). 1578. Holland. Gerard de Jode (Antwerp). 1578. Hungary. Gerard de Jode (Antwerp). 1579. Andalucia. Jeronimo Chiaves (Antwerp) [S]. 1579. Chietla (Puebla). Alonso Ramirez de Arrelano (Unpublished) [MS]. 1579. Holy Land. Abraham Ortelius (Antwerp). 1579. Ixcatlan (Oaxaca). Anon. (Unpublished) [MS]. 1579. Valladolid. Anon. Spanish (Unpublished) [MS]. 1580s. Ordingen. F. Hogenberg (Cologne). 1580s. Turkish Empire (various architectural). Melchoir Lorichs (Reproduced in StClair) [M]. 1580. Culhuacan (Mexico). Unpublished [MS]. 1580. Cuzcatlan (Puebla). Unpublished [M]. 1580. Leeuwarden. Anon. (Koln). 1580.C St. Andrews (Scotland). John Geddy (Unpublished) [M]. 1580. Zempoala (Verzcruz). Unpublished [MS]. 1581. Cholula (Puebla). Unpublished [M]. 1581. Leeuwarden. Hogenberg and Braun, Vol. 3 (Cologne). 1581. New World. Francis Drake and Nicola van Sype (Antwerp). 1581. World. Heinrich Bunting (Magdeburg). 1582. Muchitlan (Tlaxcala). Unpublished [M]. 1583. Toledo. Fray Rodrigo de Yepes (Toledo) [S]. 1584. Holy Land. Abraham Ortelius (Antwerp). 1584. Jerusalem. Christian Adrichem (Verona?). 1584. South America. Abraham Ortelius, after Diego Hurtado de Mendoza (Antwerp) [S]. 1585. Sevilla. Ambrogio Brambilla (Rome). 1585. South America. Johannes Doetechum (Antwerp). 1585. Toledo. Ambrogio Brambilla (Rome). 1586. Andalucia. Johannes Doetecum (?). 1586.C Moray (Scotland). Timothy Pont (Unpublished) [M]. 1586.C Nairn (Scotland). Timothy Pont (Unpublished) [M]. 1587. World. Gerard Mercator (Antwerp). 1588. Jaen. Juan Domenico de Villarroel (Sevilla) [S]. 1588. Jerusalem. Piacenza, in Bernardino (Rome?). 1588. Sevilla. Hogenberg and Braun, Vol. 4 (Cologne). 1588. Strait of Dover. Luis Teixera (Unpublished) [M] 1588. Valencia. Abraham Ortelius (Antwerp) [S]. 1589. Bay of Biscay. Francis Drake (Unpublished) [M], 1589. Spain. Hieronymous Cock (Salamanca) [S].

1590s. Barcelona. Johannes Bussemachen (Cologne). 1590. Atlantic. Joan Oliva (Messina) [MS]. 1590. Atlantic Europe and Africa. Jacques Dousaigo (Naples) [M]. 1590. Jerusalem. Christian Adrichem (Verona). 1590. Jerusalem. Hogenberg and Braun. Vol. 4 (Koeln). 1590. South America. Johannes Doetechum (Antwerp). 1590. Virginia. John White (Frankfort?). 1591. Atlas. Joan Martines (Unpublished) [MS]. 1591. Tehuacan. Jose Andres de Zamudio (Unpublished) [MS]. 1592. Atlantic and Mediterranean. Joan Oliva (Messina) [MS]. 1592. Central Mediterranean. Joan Oliva (Messina) [MS]. 1592. Emden and the North Sea. In Bernardino de Mendoza (Madrid) (S). 1592. Holland. Mathias Quad (Cologne). 1592. North East Atlantic. Joan Oliva (Messina) [MS]. 1593. Holland. Gerard de Jode (Antwerp). 1593. Jerusalem. Benito Arias Montano (Leyden) [S]. 1593. North America. Gerard de Jode (Antwerp). 1594. Holland. Henry van Langren (Amsterdam). 1595. Dutchy of Britaine. Gerard Mercator (Duisburg). 1595. Hampshire. John Norden (London). 1595. Nassau. Gerard Mercator (Duisburg). 1595. New World. Arnold van Langren (Amsterdam). 1595. Scotland. Gerard Mercator (Duisburg). 1595. Scotland (North Sheet). Gerard Mercator (Duisburg). 1595. Scotland (South Sheet). Gerard Mercator (Duisburg). 1596c. Cadiz (Battle). Regis Buscher (?). 1598. Granada. Hogenberg and Braun, Vol. 5 (Cologne) [S]. 1598. Toledo. Hogenberg and Braun, Vol. 5 (Cologne). 1598. Triana (Sevilla). Hogenberg and Braun, Vol. 5 (Cologne) [S]. 1599. Andalucian City. Diego Gonzalez de Medina Barba (Madrid) [GS].

1600.C Africa. Arnoldo de Arnoldi (Sienna). 1600.C Arcos de la Frontera. Anon Italian (Cadiz?). 1600.C Central Mediterranean and Adriatic. Anon French. (Unpublished) [M]. 1600.C Granada (Plataforma). Ambrosio de Vico (Granada) [S]. 1600.C Granada (Monte Sacro). Ambrosio de Vico (Granada) [S]. 1600.C Granada (Valparaiso). Ambrosio de Vico (Granada) [S]. 1600.C Mediterranean, Black and Caspian Seas. Anon (Unpublished) [M]. 1600. North America. Mathias Quad (?).

278 Appendix 2: Permissions for Reproduction

The following permissions were obtained electronically for the reproduction of material from archives and electronic databases. We have included here the message consenting to the reproduction of the images contained in this work. All illustrations have been used with permission and within copyright.

Richard Kagan (All contributions by Antoine Wyngaerde): "As for permissions to reproduce details from the Wyngaerdes, I have no problem with this, especially in a thesis. Nor do I think that, at this stage at least, that you have to ask the permission of the Univ California Press. If I were you, I would just go ahead with your illustrations, making to sure to cite the original source." February 2nd, 2008. Eric Rizzo, Afriterra Technology Architect (All contributions from Afriterra): "We are happy to grant permission to use our maps for academic and research purposes." January 15th, 2008. Gudrun Muller (All contributions from the National Maritime Museum, London): "Thank you for the information. We are happy for you to use the images in your dissertation. If it was ever published then you would need to get back in touch with us to arrange permissions." January 8th, 2008. Alfredo Augusto Stahlschmidt (Director of the Instituto cartografico militar of Argentina): "Referente a su solicitud para la reproduction de paginas del manual de Signos Cartograficos (de escala 1:25 000 y menores) le informo que esta autorizada, haciendo mention a la fuente donde obtuvo la information." November 12th, 2007. Ayelet Rubin, Eran Laor Cartographic Collection (for reproduction of all Hogenberg and Braun Works, unless otherwise stated, from the Historic Cities digital project): "For academic purposes, non-commercial, you can use our maps from Ancient maps of Jerusalem and Historic cities sites for free. Please give credit: The Jewish National & University Library, Shapell Family Digitization Project, Eran Laor Cartographic Collection and The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Dept. of Geography, Historic Cities Project." April 16th, 2008. Ayelet Rubin, Eran Laor Cartographic Collection (for reproduction of all maps of Jerusalem, unless otherwise stated, from the Ancient Maps of Jerusalem project): "For academic purposes, non-commercial, you can use our maps from Ancient maps of Jerusalem and Historic cities sites for free. Please give credit: The Jewish National & University Library, Shapell Family Digitization Project, Eran Laor Cartographic Collection and The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Dept. of Geography, Historic Cities Project." April 16th, 2008. Richard Persol, Department of Reproduction (for all images from the National Library of France, BNF):

279 "If the images you want to have reproduced are intended for a PhD. Thesis, you don't have to purchase public usage fee." April 22nd, 2008. Michael Hironymous, Rare Books and Manuscripts Department (Benson Latin American Collection): "We consider the maps from the relaciones geograficas to be public domain. There will be no problem granting you permission to use them. " April 17 , 2008. Manuela Oliveira, Reproduction Department (all images from the Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal): "De acordo com orientacoes da Direccao da BNP, informo que V. Exa. esta autorizada a utilizar a imagem sem encargos. Agradecemos que seja mencionada a proveniencia da mesma. "April 17th, 2008. Copyright Office (for all images from the Library of Congress): "In general, a work that was first published or copyrighted prior to January 1, 1923 would no longer be under copyright protection in the United States, insofar as any version published or copyrighted before this date is concerned." April 16th, 2008. Sandra Powlette, Permissions Manager (all images from the British Library): "The Library grants permission to use the image in your thesis, the fees have been waived. Please credit the Library accordingly, (c) British Library Board. All Rights Reserved (followed by the shelfmark)." April 16th, 2008. Jan W.H. Werner, Curator of Maps and Atlases (for all images from the University of Amsterdam): "Yes, you need permission, and I gladly allow you that permission. For a scientific work like your PhD thesis no costs are involved as a fee for the one­ time use of pictures. Of course the credits have to be mentioned on a suitable place in your work: 'Amsterdam University Library (UvA), Special Collections'." April 16th, 2008. Marco van Egmond, Map Curator (for all images from Universiteitsbibliotheek Utrecht): "If you mention the source you have permission to reproduce excerpts of this image." April 18th, 2008. Ana Maria de Telleria (for all images from the Archivo de la Real Chancilleria de Valladolid): "En contestation a su correo solicitando permiso para reproducir (no publicar) ciertas imagenes que son propiedad intelectual del Ministerio de Cultura de Espana, le comunico lo siguiente: 1°) Si las imagenes se destinan unicamente a fines de estudio o investigation personal sin finalidad lucrativa, no necesita realizar ningun tramite. 2°) En el momento en que desee realizar algiin tipo de difusion de cualquier clase (publicaciones, exposiciones, etc), necesitara firmar un Convenio con el Ministerio de Cultura, convenio que no supone ningun coste economico, pero si exige una tramitacion especial pues es preciso solicitar el correspondiente permiso al Ministerio." April 15th, 2008. Elisenda Ardevol i Ramirez (for all images from the Institut Cartografic de Catalunya):

280 "You are allowed to reproduce our maps totally or in part for your PhD thesis, always quoting the source of Institut Cartografic de Catalunya. Cartoteca de Catalunya." April 16th, 2008.

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291 Curriculum vitae

Lauren Beck University of Western Ontario

Education: PhD Hispanic Studies University of Western Ontario 2004-2008 Thesis Title: Sixteenth-Century Religious Signs and Symbols Throughout the Lands of Spain (314 pgs).

MA Spanish University of Western Ontario 2002-2004 Thesis Title: Complejidad, metdforas de la conquistay la emergencia de las sociedades transatldnticas en el siglo XVV Complexity, Metaphors of Conquest, and the Emergence of Transatlantic Societies in the 16th Century (120 pgs).

BA Honours English and Spanish Languages and Literatures University of Waterloo 1998-2002 Thesis Title: The Word as Story: Johnson's Dictionary (60 pgs).

Other Education: 6 Month Research Stay May - December, 2006 Huelva (University of Huelva), Spain

New England Complex Systems Institute Intensive Course January 9-13th, 2006 NECSI (MIT, Boston)

Related Work Experience:

Assistant Professor of Spanish July, 2008-Present Mount Allison University Fall 2008: Introduction to Spanish, Advanced Spanish Language. Winter 2009: Introduction to Spanish, Spanish Peninsular Civilization, 20th Century Spanish Peninsular Literature

292 Course Instructor University of Western Ontario Introduction to Spanish Language: Fall 2002-2003, Fall 2003-2004, and Summer 2003. Spanish Civilization: Fall 2007 (cross-listed with Comparative Literature and Civilization 218). Syllabi available upon request.

Teaching Assistant 2004-2008 University of Western Ontario Introduction to Peninsular Literature; Instructor—Juan Luis Suarez. Two Sections (Fall 2004, Fall 2005). Introduction to Latin American Literature; Instructor—Rafael Montano. Three Sections (Winter 2005, Winter 2006, Winter 2007). Latin American Civilization; Instructor—Rafael Montano. Winter 2008.

Research Assistant University of Western Ontario 2003-2007 (Summer) Supervised by Juan Luis Suarez and Rafael Montano. Four Assistantships, the most recent of which led to the design and implementation of the Transatlantic Group's webpage, at http://www.transatlantic.uwo.ca, which was mounted Fall 2007.

Language Lab Instructor University of Waterloo 2000-2002 Spanish 100 (Introduction to Spanish Language): Two Sections

Awards: 2008: Graduate Travel Bursary (Winter)

2007: Graduate Travel Bursary (Spring and Fall, respectively)

2007: Mary Routledge Fellowship

2007: Graduate Thesis Research Award

2006-2008: SSHRC (Social Sciences and the Humanities Research Council), $40,000

2006-2007: OGS (Ontario Graduate Scholarship), $15,000 (Declined; cannot be held in conjunction with SSHRC)

293 2006: University of Western Ontario Alumni Award

2005-2006: Western Graduate Research Scholarship, $7,500

2004-2005: Western Graduate Research Scholarship, $7,500

2004: Graduate Travel Bursary (Winter and Spring, respectively)

2003-2004: Special University Scholarship, $5,000

2003: Graduate Travel Bursary (Spring)

2002-2003: Special University Scholarship, $3,300

1998-1999: University of Waterloo (Renison College) Scholarship

Conference Papers and Presentations: Nov. 2007. "Reading Map Signs: A Comparative Study of the UK and Spain". First Colloquium on Tecnologias de escritura/Technologies of Writing. University of Western Ontario Sept. 2007. "Early Maps of the Americas." (Invited). Upper Canada Map Society. University of Toronto. July 2007. "Map, Metaphor and Database: Toward a Methodology for Evaluating a Culture in History". 2nd International Conference on Interdisciplinary Social Sciences. University of Granada (Spain). May 2007. "La representation de tierras hispanas, s. XVI/ The representation of Hispanic Lands, 16th Century". Canadian Association of Hispanists annual meeting (Congress of the Humanities and Social Sciences). Saskatoon. May 2007. "Representations of the North by 16th Century Spanish Cartographers". North and Nordicity: Representations of the North (Munk Centre, University of Toronto). March 2007. (Poster Presentation) The Lands of Spain. 3rd Annual Faculty of Arts and Humanities Research Day. University of Western Ontario. March 2007. "El simbolo cartografico en los territorios de las Americas: el mapa desde el medioevo hasta el siglo XVI/ The Cartographic Symbol in American Lands: The Map from Medieval times to the 16th Century". Modern Languages Conference. University of Western Ontario. April 2006. "The Lands of Spain: Transatlantic Rhetoric and the Creation of an Imagined Community". Rethinking the Iberian Atlantic. University of Liverpool. June 2005. "Mercator and Ortelius: The map as cosmographic text in the 16th Century Holy Roman Empire". Canadian Association of Hispanists annual meeting (Congress of the Humanities and Social Sciences). London. May 2004. "Celestina como Closet-Drama/ Celestina as Closet-Drama". Canadian Association of Hispanists annual meeting (Congress of the Humanities and Social Sciences). Winnipeg.

294 April 2004. "Metaphors of Conquest". International Biannual Conference on Transatlantic Studies. Brown University. Rhode Island. March 2004. "Complexity and Metaphor". Modern Languages Conference. University of Western Ontario. Jan. 2004. "El sistema complejo y metafora/ The Complex System and Metaphor". Graduate Student Conference. McGill University. May 2003. "Sensibilidad religiosa y representation de la subjetividad en la literatura epistolar transatlantica/ Religious Sensibility and the Representation of Subjectivity in Transatlantic Epistolary Literature". Canadian Association of Hispanists annual meeting (Congress of the Humanities and Social Sciences). Halifax. April 2003. "Caught Red-Handed: Transatlantic Correspondence During the Inquisition". Modern Languages Conference. University of Western Ontario.

Publications and Refereed Conference Proceedings: "The mezquita-garaje, mezquita-sotano, and Islam in Spain Since 11-M". Historia Actual Online (Proposal accepted for Vol. 17). "Representations of the North by 16 Century Spanish and European Cartographers" (Under Consideration, Sept. 2007). "Sixteenth-Century Religious Cartographic Signs throughout the Lands of Spain". Imago Mundi (Short Article) Vol. 60.1 (2008), p. 118-119. "Map, Metaphor and Database: Toward a Methodology for Evaluating a Culture in History". The International Journal of Interdisciplinary Social Sciences. Vol. 2.1 (2008), p. 43-48. "Pieter van der Beke: the Man and the Map". Dutch Crossing 31.1 (2007), p. 111-130. "Mercator and the theatrum mundi: The Map as Cosmographic Text in the 16th Century Humanistic Community" SILVA. Revista de estudios de humanismoy de tradicion cldsica. Num. 4 (2005), p. 7-37.

Editorial Work: The International Journal of Interdisciplinary Social Sciences. Associate Editor. Vol. 2 (2007/8). The Western Graduate Review. Editorial Board and Staff Writer. Vols. 1-2. London: University of Western Ontario. 2006-2008 http://www.uwo.ca/sogs/WGR7index.html The Western Journal of Graduate Research. Editorial Board. Vols. 12-13. London: University of Western Ontario. 2004-2006 http://www.uwo.ca/sogs/academic/WJGR

Service: Nov. 2007. Cartotexnologies/Cartotexnologias. Session organizer and Member of

295 Organizing Committee. First Colloquium on Tecnologias de escritura/Technologies of Writing. University of Western Ontario. May 2007. Representaciones de tierras hispanas: [Re] Configurando espacios, textos e imagenes/Representing Hispanic Lands: [Re] Configuring spaces, texts and images. Session organizer. Canadian Association of Hispanists annual meeting (Congress of the Humanities and Social Sciences). Saskatoon. March 2007. La representation de tierra/ The Representation of Land. Session organizer. Modern Languages Conference. University of Western Ontario. 2005-2006 Graduate Student-Faculty Liaison for the Spanish Department (University of Western Ontario) 2004-2005 Graduate Student-Faculty Liaison for the Comparative Literature Department (University of Western Ontario) 2003-2004 Society of Graduate Students Representative for the Spanish Department (University of Western Ontario) 2002-2003 Graduate Student-Faculty Liaison for the Spanish Department (University of Western Ontario)

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