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Fission, maintenance and interaction in an Anishinabe community on Keweenaw Bay, Michigan, 1832-1881
Adams, Walter Randolph, Ph.D. Michigan State University, 1988
Copyright ©1988 by Adams, Walter Randolph. All rights reserved.
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UMI FISSION, MAINTENANCE AND INTERACTION IN AN ANISHINABE
COMMUNITY ON KEWEENAW BAY, MICHIGAN, 1832-1881
By
Walter Randolph Adams
A DISSERTATION
Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
Department of Anthropology
1988 ABSTRACT
FISSION, MAINTENANCE AND INTERACTION IN AN ANISHINABE COMMUNITY ON KEWEENAW BAY, MICHIGAN, 1832-1881
By
Walter Randolph Adams
The Anishinabe (Ojlbway) Community on the Keweenaw Bay fissio n ed in 1832 when a Methodist missionary entered the community to evangelize them. The schismatic faction established their own community three miles west of the Methodist mission on the opposite side of the bay.
The a rriv a l of a C atholic m issionary to the western community cemented the existence of the two communities on the Keweenaw Bay in spite of external pressures to reunite them. The two have developed distinctive economic and social patterns. Today, one hundred forty four years later, the two communities remain as virtually autonomous communities even though they share a single tribal council.
This work examines the social history of the two communities from
1832 to 1881. It attempts to understand why the community fissioned in the manner it did and how the two daughter communities have remained distinct entities when external pressures were exerted to integrate them. Four of the primary theoretical frameworks used by anthropologists to understand community dynamics—e th n ic ity , factionalism, macro-micro analysis, and state penetration—alone and in any combination— were unable to adequately resolve the questions posed.
I argue that these models focus either on internal dynamics Valter Randolph Adams
(ethnicity and factionalism) or external pressures exerted upon a community (macro-micro analysis and state penetration). To fully understand the fission and subsequent evolution of the Keweenaw Bay
Indian Community, I argue i t is necessary to consider both in te rn a l forces and external pressures and how they interacted. Equally, it is necessary to understand that groups of individuals, comprising distinct segments of the population, responded to these forces and pressures differently. Their responses to these conditions resulted in the fission of a single community and the subsequent dual-community s tru c tu re . Copyright by WALTER RANDOLPH ADAMS 1988 DEDICATED TO:
Richard N. and Betty H. Adams Joseph L. Chartkoff and my Guidance Committee Walter and Marley Hannstein, Randolph and Helen Adams Tani Marilena and Gina Constance Adams Marilyn Baade
without whom this could not have happened
v ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Many individuals and institutions facilitated the research for this project. They are, however, in no manner responsible for the final product. I accept completely the responsibility for whatever errors are contained herein.
My parents, Richard N. and Betty H. Adams, and my wife, Marilyn
Baade, provided much encouragement and other support throughout the experience. Dr. Joseph Chartkoff, the chair of my doctoral committee gave many hours of his time to discuss various dimensions of the research p ro je ct with me. Dr. George L. C ornell, a committee member, deserves special recognition for introducing me to the Keweenaw Bay
Community. The other members of my doctoral committee, Dr. David
Dwyer, Dr. Joseph Spielberg Benitez, and Dr. Scott Whiteford also made invaluable contributions to this dissertation.
I also extend my appreciation to Dr. William N. Fenton who sparked my interest in the ethnohistory of Native Americans. Dr. Garrick
Bailey, Dr. Edmund J. Danziger, Dr. Philip Handrick, Dr. Joseph
Lopreato, Dr. David Rindos, and Dr. Jerry Voss all provided numerous
Insights that helped mold the final product, even though many of their contributions are not expressed. I also extend my gratitude to the many others who were helpful at various stages of the project and only re g re t th a t they are too numerous to name.
The research was carried out in a number of archives and
vi libraries. Chief among them are the Michigan Public Library; the
Michigan Historical Commission; the Michigan State University Library— especially the Microforms and Special Collections divisions—; the
Clarke Historical Collection at Central Michigan University; the
Archives of the Detroit Annual Conference of the United Methodist
Church at Adrian; the Bureau of Indian Affairs at Sault Ste. Marie; the
Catholic Diocese of Detroit and the Burton Collection of the Detroit
Public Library. These Institutions and their staff extended their resources and answered my numerous questions.
I also express my appreciation to the foundations who contributed funds for this research project. Sigma Xi provided two grants-in-aid
(1985, 1986). The W.B. and Candace Thoman Foundation at Michigan State
University contributed funds as well as the initial impetus to study the Keweenaw Bay Indian Community.
Finally, deep gratitude is extended to the Keweenaw Bay Indian
Community and to its Tribal Council for inviting me to study their community. Specific recognition is given to Mr. Ted Holappa, Mr. Frank
Shelafoe, and Ms. Myrtle Tolonen, members of that community. To these individuals I say Migwetch.
v ii TABLE OF CONTENTS
LIST OF TABLES - v i i i
LIST OF FIGURES ix
I INTRODUCTION 1
1.1 Introductory Remarks I 1.2 The Problem and I ts Significance 7 1.3 The Concept of Community 10 1.4 Ways of Studying Communities 12 1.4.1 Ethnicity 12 1.4.2 Factionalism 15 1.4.2.1 Networks Analysis 18 1.4.2.2 Transaction Analysis 18 1.4.2.3 Class Structure 19 1.4.2.4 Relevance of Factionalism to the Keweenaw Bay 21 1.4.3 Macro-Micro Analysis and State Penetration 22 1.4.4 Limitations to These Approaches 24 1.5 Approach Taken In This Study 27
II EXTERNAL FACTORS INFLUENCING THE KEWEENAW BAY COMMUNITY 35
2.1 Introductory Remarks 35 2.2 Traditional Anishinabe Culture 36 2.3 The French Era 41 2.3.1 Impact on the Anishinabe 46 2.4 The British Era 51 2.4.1 Impact on the Anishinabe 57 2.5 The United States Era 60 2.5.1 Unifying the Two Economies 62 2.5.2 Religious Unity 64 2.5.3 Mitigating Conditions 65 2.6 The Northwest Territory 71 2.6.1 Fear of Britain 71 2.6.2 The Factory System 74 2.6.3 Missionaries and Mlssionization 79 2.6.3.1 Trader-Missionary Relations 82 2.6.3.2 Impact on the Anishinabe 84
I I I THE KEWEENAW BAY TO 1849 86
3.1 Introductory Remarks’ 86 3.2 H istory of the Keweenaw Bay 87
vili 3.2.1 The 'Berthkett Affair" 94 3.2.2 Gitshee Iaubance 97
3.2.3 Effect of Euro-American Interference at Keweenaw Bay 101 3.2.3.1 Conservatives and Progressives 103 3.2.3.2 Mixed-Bloods 107 3 .2 .3 .2 .1 Routes by Which Mixed-bloods Participated in White Society 108 3.2.3.2.2 The Declining Role of Mixed-Bloods 110 3.2.3.2.3 Mixed-Bloods and Whites 115 3.2.3.2.4 DisIncorporation of Mixed-bloods and Indians 118 3.3 The Methodist Mission 120 3.4 The Catholic Mission 138 3.4.1 Factors Influencing Baraga's Ministry 139 3.4.2 Baraga's Missionary Activities Among the Indians 145 3.4.2.1 Arbre Croche 145 3 .4 .2 .2 Grand River 148 3.4.2.3 La Polnte 152 3.4.2.4 Reprise 160 3.5 Baraga a t the Keweenaw Bay 162 3.5.1 The Protestant Reaction and Baraga's Response 167 3.6 The Comparative Growth of the Missions 184
IV THE KEWEENAW BAY, 1843-1881 190
4.1 Introductory Remarks 190 4.2 Economic Development Around the Keweenaw Bay 191 4.2.1 Copper 192 4.2.2 Iron 196 4.2.3 'Lumber 197 4.3 Conditions on the Keweenaw Bay 199 4.3.1 The Development of White Communities 201 4.3.1.1 L'Anse 201 4.3.1.2 Baraga 203 4.3.1.3 Skanee 204 4 .3 .2 The In d ia n s' Role in the Economic Development of the Upper Peninsula 204 4.3.3 Analysis 206 4.4 Events Occurring Within the Indian Community 208 4.4.1 The L'Anse Township Elections of 1865 218 4.4.2 The Allotment of Land 224 4 .4 .2 .1 Introductory Remarks 224 4.4.2.2 Antecedents of Land Allotment and the Treaty of 1854 225 4.4.2.3 The Allotment of Land 230 4.5 Indian Migrations and Inter-Community Relations, 1843-1881 239 4.5.1 Migrations 239
ix 4.5.2 Inter-Community Relations 240 4.6 Conclusions 246
V ANALYSIS 249
5.1 Introductory Remarks 249 5.2 Recapitulation 250 5.3 Evaluation of Anthropological Models 259 5.3.1 Ethnicity 260 5.3.2 Factionalism 263 5.3.3 Macro-Micro Analysis 267 5.3.4 State-Penetration 269 5.4 A Synthetic Model 271
VI CONCLUSIONS 281
6.1 Introductory Remarks 281 6.2 Contributions 281 6.3 Answers to Questions Posed 238 6.4 Directions for Future Research 293
APPENDIX A: BIBLIOGRAPHIC ESSAY 299
APPENDIX B: LETTER FROM SUB-AGENT BRUNSON TO GOVERNOR J.D . DOTY, JULY 18, 1843 308
BIBLIOGRAPHY: PRIMARY DOCUMENTS CITED 313
Abbreviations Used 313 Chapter I 313 Chapter II 313 Chapter III 316 Chapter IV 326 Chapter V 333 Chapter VI 333
BIBLIOGRAPHY: SECONDARY SOURCES AND PUBLISHED DOCUMENTS 334
x LIST OF TABLES
1 Memorandum of Outstanding Debts of L'Anse Indians for the Years 1832-1843 With Jean Baptiste Dubay 104
2 Categories of Indebtedness of L'Anse Indians 105
3 Foreign-Born Residents in Michigan, 1860-1890, by Nationality 195
4 Copper Country Population, 1850-1884 196
xi LIST OF FIGURES
1 P rin cip al Area Under Study: The Keweenaw Bay 2
2 A griculture in the Upper Peninsula 4
3 Distribution of the Anishinabe 37
4 Growth of the Methodist Indian Mission on the Keweenaw Bay, 1840-1881 189
5 Sections Described in the La Pointe Treaty of 1854 233
x ii CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
1.1 Introductory Remarks
This d iss e rta tio n focuses on a case of community fis s io n and the
resulting formation and maintenance of separate communities. The case
occurred at Keweenaw Bay of Michigan's Upper Peninsula, where an
Anishinabe (Ojibway or Chippewa) community,1 which had maintained
itself for about three centuries underwent fission. Two daughter communities emerged, each of which has now existed for more than one and a half centuries. A better understanding of the dynamics of this situation should shed new light on forces which govern intra-community dynamics and the formation and d isso lu tio n of communities.
The Indian community a t Keweenaw Bay (Figure 1) was much lik e any other Anishinabe community in the area in the early nineteenth century.
Inhabitants subsisted on a mixed economy of game hunting, fish in g , and gathering a wide variety of wild products—among them wild rice, maple sugar, and berries (Keller 1981: 1; Hickerson 1970: 10). Some bands also practiced some horticulture; but this was a minor part of the
1 Vizenor (1972: xili) and other Anishlnabeg (plural form of Anishinabe) state the term "Chippewa" and "Ojibway" are "invented" names. In keeping with the trend in anthropological literature which uses the term indigenous groups use for themselves, rather than those used by others towards them (e.g., Inuit instead of Eskimo), the term "Anishinabe" will be used in this monograph. For consistency, the plural marker /g/ (alternatively /k/) will be omitted.
1 Bay
ASSININS ZEBA
BARAGA
X
L'ANSE
Figure 1. Principal area under study: The Keweenaw Bay economy, due to the sh o rt growing season (F ittin g 1970: 24) and poor soil conditions In much of the area (Veatch 1941: 63) (Figure 2).
In 1832, the American Fur Company trader living at the Keweenaw
Bay introduced a Methodist missionary. This prompted a division to occur within the community. Some members chose to affiliate with the
Methodist missionary. By 1834, there was a mission village to accommodate these Indians. Other members of the band, however, did not wish to become a p a rt of th is community. They emigrated and established a new settlement on the west side of the Bay (Prindle 1842:
57). These two communities, now known as Zeba and A ssinlns, respectively, are situated near the present-day White communities of
L'Anse and Baraga.2
In 1843, a Catholic missionary appeared among the schismatic segment, reportedly invited there by the headman (Baraga September 12,
1843). He established his mission across the bay from the Methodist
Mission. Most of those individuals who had separated from the
Methodist settlem ent became members of the Catholic community. Some individuals 'crossed-over' from the Methodist mission to the Catholic mission and vice-versa, although these cases were rare. Also of significance, there was little apparent hostility related to the development of these communities. Both groups, although originally from a single band, established particular social and cultural patterns. These differences and distinctions persist to the present
(1985).
In essence, the two communities have become adapted to different
2 Because these White communities came into existence late in the sequence presented here, unless otherwise noted, the references to L'Anse and Baraga will refer to the Anishinabe communities rather than the White. S0P*B,0B
c higan
Pf incipal Agricultural Araaa -60 m i. wra 1967
Figure 2- Agriculture in the Upper Peninsula. Source: Heimonen 1957: 47. ecological niches. There are seven major facts supporting this
observation. First, the two communities are separated by the Keweenaw
Bay and by two non-Indian settlements. Second, members of the
communities today regard themselves as being members of two different
communities. An individual is known as a 'L'Anse- ' or a 'Baraga
Indian'. Third, both communities are virtually endogamous and
Independent. I found very few cases of intermarriage and there is
surprisingly little exchange of personnel between them. Fourth, each
community has its own political hierarchy, which together, constitute
the Tribal Council (Planning Support Group 1977: 135). Fifth, both communities have distinct health patterns, suggesting differential adaptation to the environment. For example, the general pattern of alcohol consumption has remained relatively constant for the past 130 years. All individuals reported with problems associated with high alcohol consumption have come from the Methodist mission. Sixth, the two settlements established distinctive economic orientations during
the nineteenth century and continue to do so today. For example, the documents suggest that the Methodist Indians participated in the labor market while the Catholics apparently did not. Finally, the two communities observe different ceremonies. The Baraga Indians host an annual pow-wow while the L'Anse Indians host an annual camp meeting
(Louis and Gladys Church, personal communication 1985, East Lansing).
The development and endurance of these two communities has persisted in spite of pressures to reunite them into a single entity.
In 1842, the Federal government created a single reservation. Although the Treaty of La Pointe of 1842 stipulated that the Indians were to receive instruction in blacksmithing, carpentry, agriculture, and formal education, the Federal government rescinded all aid from the 6
Catholic community in an e ffo rt to e ffe c t i t s d isso lu tio n (see S tu art
April 20, 1844).
The Treaty of 1854 established the boundaries of a reservation which contained both communities. A single Tribal Council served as
the political voice linking its members with the Federal government.
The Federal government sought and encouraged both communities to accept the economic system it offered. In spite of this, however, only one community, the M ethodist, p a rtic ip a te d in th at economy. The other community p ersisted in many of the tra d itio n a l economic p u rsu its.
These points are discussed in Chapters III and IV.
In spite of external pressures for reintegration (described in
Chapter III), the two communities persist to the present day.
R eintegration has not occurred even though neith er community is well off economically; in fact, both are at the bottom of the social and economic ladder of the United States (see Planning Support Group 1977:
27-28).3
Evidence suggests many individuals have chosen to leave the reservation. The Catholic community, for example, had an estimated population of 1,000 in 1857, declining to 350 by 1860 (Jacker 1922).
The Methodist mission did not witness a concomitant increase in population. By 1865 the entire reservation numbered about "one thousand souls" (M. Smith October 1865). There are no data indicating what happened to those individuals who left the Catholic community.
The suggestion, however, is they emigrated from the area. Either of the communities could have disappeared in the past as a result of these
3 Indians, in general, are among the poorest of ethnic minorities in the United States (Manson 1985; Manson e t a l 1987: 166). pressures, yet both remain viable units.
1.2 The Problem and Its Significance
The central problems of this study are 1) to understand what
occurred In the once u n ified Anishinabe community th at caused I ts
division in 1832 and 2) the reasons for the rapid development of two
distinct entitles with different adaptations and cultural traditions.
How did both communities become viable units in spite of external
pressures for the past one and a quarter centuries to unify them? I
also seek to understand the relationship between the two communities
that allowed them to interact as a single group as perceived by the
Federal government, while retaining their autonomy as social and
cultural units.
These themes pose eight questions. 1) Uhat caused the fission to
occur in 1832 (rather than any other time)? 2) Although kinship played
a role Influenced some individuals" decision with regard to their
community of residence, how can we account for individuals whose kin
lived on either side of the bay, and for individuals who may not have had kin in e ith e r community? 3) Uhat was the mechanism th at perm itted
the rapid development of two distinct communities, even though the members shared a common cultural heritage and faced similar
environmental pressures? 4) I found that those individuals who were
more traditional in their views were the ones who emigrated.
Curiously, the same pattern is observed in other Anishinabe cases and
cross-culturally as well. What accounts for this pattern? 5) How has
the dual-community structure at the Keweenaw Bay endured for over a
century when the communities are neither in competition with one another nor symbiotically interdependent? 6) What accounts for the practice of "crossing-over” between the two communities? 7) What accounts for the distinct pattern of emigration to the outside that occurred in the two communities—the Methodists emigrating as
individuals, the Catholics as a group. Equally curious, what accounts for the individual emigration of Catholics to the Methodist mission but emigration in groups to the outside? 8) Finally, the mission records of both communities indicate that they had distinct growth patterns which were apparently not linked to shifts occurring at the other mission. How can this be explained?
This study is significant for at least four reasons. First, it is a long-term h is to ric a l study of a community involving twin considerations of both stability and change. Anthropologists have employed the community approach since the 1930s (Beals and H oljer 1967:
731). They have studied c u ltu ra l co n tin u ity and cu ltu re change a t least since the 1950s, when they focused on the impact of technological
Innovations in preliterate societies (Beals and Holjer 1967: 705-709).
Most community stu d ies, however, have been synchronic in th e ir orientation. Consequently, there has been comparatively little examination of the issue of stability and change over a long period of time. This study sheds light on the processes and dynamics involved in community s ta b ility and change over many generations.
Second, anthropologists have introduced many theories based on issues re la tin g to community s ta b ility and change. Those proposed are largely synchronic because the community studies have been synchronic in scope. Studies of intra-community dynamics have traditionally been conducted when the scholar can ask the individual or Immediate descendants to provide information about a particular event. The current case, because the fission occurred a century and a half ago, entailed the constraint that neither the ethnographer nor immediate descendants were alive at the time the fission occurred.
Third, this case involves a consideration of the interactions of a
North American Indian group and missionaries. Although many works consider the impact of a missionary on a traditional culture, most concentrate on the impact of the m issionary upon the community (see
Smalley ed. 1978), not on the internal processes that accompany the missionlzation process. This study considers the differential impacts the missionary had on discrete social segments within the community.4
Fourth, this study is significant because there are few studies of
North American Indians where two competing missionary groups have been relatively successful in a single band.5 This is the result of an unwritten agreement between the Presbyterian/ Congregatlonalist missionary society and the Federal government limiting a band's missionlzation to the efforts of a single missionary society (see
Chapter I I I ) . Although there are cases in which two missions were established within a single band, in most cases this resulted in one of two patterns. Either one missionary society proved inviable and was forced to abandon the venture, or the band fissioned with one segment migrating to a distance from the original settlement. For example, at
Lac Vieux Desert, both a Catholic and a Protestant church were started, but only the Catholic mission endured (James 1954: 41-42). An example
4 Kietzman and Smalley (1978: 524) assert that the missionary's role in culture change has been "very minor." This study demonstrates their impact is not as minimal as they suggest.
5 Rohrl (1981: 20) states there is Protestants and Catholics have established missions at Mille Lacs Reservation, but she does not state how long either have been operating. 10
of the second pattern Is the band that Is now represented by the Red
Cliff (Catholic) and Bad River (Protestant) bands (Shifford nd: 6) of
Anishinabe.
At the Keweenaw Bay the two groups live three miles apart. Thus,
they share the Bame general ecological conditions. Their proximity and
common heritage allows a study comparing and contrasting their
long-term adaptations to Uhite contact. This feature permits the
understanding that internal processes are as instrumental in a
community's evolution as are the external forces that act upon it.
1.3 The Concept of Community
This study relies heavily on the concept of community.
Ethnographies—especially those written in the 1930s, 1940s, and
1950s—have used th is concept. The community centered approach f e ll
into disfavor during the 1960s and remains so at the present time.
Today, this approach is criticized because it disregards the linkages
between local level events and the forces operating in the larger
society (DeWalt and Pelto 1985: 5; Bennett 1985: 27; Canclan 1985: 69;
C.A. Smith 1985: 83).
In the 1960s, the concept of community faced c ritic is m because of
the d iffic u lty in defining what a community i s . 6 Some so cio lo g ists
s ta te a community "provides the se ttin g fo r dealing with most of the needs and problems of daily living" (McGee 1980: 139). This provides members a means by which common problems may be addressed and solved.
6 R.N. Adams (1962: 415) states Redfield found four attributes of a community: distinctiveness, smallness of size, homogeneity, and self-sufficiency. He then shows that communities may not have any of these qualities. 11
This d e fin itio n Implies th a t individuals liv in g w ithin a community are
united by a single common political and economic structure (Hiebert
1976: 263-273). R.N. Adams (1965: 162) s ta te s , a community includes a
network of social relations and the development of an identity. These
features, in part, are a result of the proximity of individuals living
within a certain bounded area. However, there may be more than one
political structure within that area.
The term "community,” has two distinct meanings which are not
necessarily compatible. For example, we may regard the Keweenaw Bay
Indian Community as a 'community' using the criterion of a territory
operating under the dictates of a single political structure, the
Tribal Council. On the other hand, Zeba and Assinins (the Methodist
and Catholic Indian settlements, respectively) are connunities by the
second definition.
For current purposes, it is possible to link these two definitions
to arrive at a single operating definition of community. Cole and Wolf
(1974: 21) define a community as "the outcome of two sets of fo rces, ecological on the one hand, economic, political, and ideological on the other." This combination, owing to the proximity of individuals,
"produces a network of social relations, and an identity is formed among those who share in these experiences" (R.N. Adams 1965: 164).
Members of this social network share goals, interests and values. They employ specific "elements of their perceived cultural heritage as symbols" to set themselves apart from other similar groups (Kennedy
1982: ix). This definition allows us to consider both the Keweenaw Bay
Indian Community and the two settlements that comprise it (Assinins and
Zeba) as communities.
This d e fin itio n considers the community to be larg ely so c ia lly and 12 economically self-sufficient (Hiebert 1976: 263). While It may acquire products from other such units, their use is based upon the networks of local actors. Similarly, this conceptualization considers endogamy as the norm. Individuals from other communities may marry into the community, but they are not essential to the Integrity of the larger group.
1.4 Ways of Studying Communities
A nthropologists and so c io lo g ists have developed a number of approaches to study community dynamics. Four of these are 1) ethnicity, 2) factionalism, 3) macro-micro interactional analysis, and
4) state-penetration. Each of these approaches have their own strengths and depend on a p a rtic u la r body of data. In th is sectio n , I discuss the approaches and the contributions they make as they are relevant to the understanding of the case of Keweenaw Bay. The next section describes the approach used to understand the evolution of the
Keweenaw Bay community.
1.4.1 Ethnicity
Cohen (1978: 387) has defined ethnicity as "a set of descent-based cultural identifiers used to assign persons to groupings that expand and contract in inverse relation to the scale of lncluslveness and exclusiveness of the membership." Methodologically, ethnic studies provide at least two Important frameworks important for the current study. First, 13
Culture consists of the assumptions with which people in a particular group approach their world, assumptions that are learned by each new generation while participating in organized transactions. Because they have similar orientations toward their environment, men who share a common culture develop similar behavior patterns. Each social group develops a unique culture, a set of presuppositions that evolve in a succession of collective adjustments to the historical situations in which people find themselves....To the extent that an Individual acts as he is supposed to act, his conformity reinforces the existing norms. Cultural patterns, then, are built up and perpetuated in Boclal interaction (Shlbutani and Kwan 1965: 58).
Second, and as a consequence of this is that
Our subject matter consists of the recurrent patterns of Interaction among men who believe they are fundamentally different by virtue of heredity. These beliefs have been repeatedly demonstrated by scientists to be false, but men act on the basis of their own interpretations of reality. One important implication of approaching the subject m atter in th is manner is th at community as a whole, rath er than an ethnic group, becomes the basic unit of analysis....Furthermore, the boundaries of a community must be defined h is to ric a lly as well as geographically (Shlbutani and Kwan 1965: 54-55).
These two premises lie at the base of ethnic studies. Many of these studies focus on the interaction of groups that are distinctly different, perhaps because the phenomena that separate the two groups can be more easily studied. Examples of works where scholars have analyzed the behaviors of distinct groups are Kennedy's (1982) work among the Inuit and Settlers in northern Labrador, D.6. Smith's (1975) study of Natives and Outsiders in the Mackenzie River Delta and Rubel's
(1966) study of Chlcanos and Anglos in southern Texas. One case in which the groups under study are not so apparently different is the study of two adjacent communities described by Cole and Wolf (1974).
Another approach found in some monographs focusing on ethnicity is the premise that the groups share the ecological constraints and 14 operate in conjunction with the economic system around them. This approach uses concepts derived from ecology and focus on the interactions of ethnic groups. This is clear in Barth's (1956) classic study in northern Pakistan in which he describes how distinct ethnic groups live in a symbiotic relationship with one another (see also
Barth 1969).
The above mentioned works, although different in their orientations and arguments, provided a series of Important insights that X considered of importance to the understanding of the Keweenaw
Bay case. First, as monographs similar in orientation to that of
Barth, it was important to understand the relationship of the two
Indian conmunities to one another. Rubel's (1966) work, provided the basis from which to determine that their interaction was not the same as would be the interaction of two barrios.
[Barrios] are not subcommunities, because the inhabitants are usually not known by the barrio name. Barrios are Important because they form the basis for factionalism. Occasionally, barrios are endogamous, but it is rare today that they significantly affect the marriage system. Rather, they tend to serve as a basis for political, religious, ethnic, or other social d iffe re n tia tio n (R.N. Adams 1965: 164).
Although the two communities were different in their religious and possibly political orientations, they regard themselves as different and evidence suggests the two communities are highly endogamous.
Shlbutani and Kwan (1965: 58) called for the understanding of cultural differences that create boundaries between the two ethnic groups. Other authors (see Kennedy 1982; D.G. Smith 1975) s ta te these differences take on symbolic meaning that inhibit members of one group from behaving in specific ways. These observations required me to 15 determine behavioral differences which might have acquired symbolic meaning that have kept the two Indian communities distinct.
Shibutani and Kwan (1965: 58) have argued that
Each social group develops a unique culture, a set of presuppositions that evolve in a succession of collective adjustments to the historical situations in which people find themselves.
This statem ent, and the example of the two alpine v illag es provided by
Cole and Wolf (1974), demonstrated the Importance of a diachronic approach to the understanding of the Keweenaw Bay. This was especially important because a synchronic orientation would not consider the origins of the dual-community structure, nor understand fully that both communities were products of a single entity.
1.4.2 Factionalism
The premises underlying studies of e th n ic ity have spawned a series of distinct but Interrelated frameworks for understanding community dynamics. One of these subfields is factionalism . The following statement demonstrates the close relationship between these two areas of study: "Historically, it is not always possible to know whether the barrios were established on the basis of factions or whether the factions formed in terms of barrio membership" (R.N. Adams
1965: 164).
Like some ethnicity studies, factionalism focuses on the interaction between groups. Unlike ethnicity, it focuses on competition rather than symbiosis. For competition between two groups to occur, the two groups must share a common cultural understanding of 16
the value of a particular resource (see R.N. Adams 1970: 117-118). An
Important difference between ethnicity and factionalism, then, Is that factionalism focuses on the interaction of groups sharing a common c u ltu ra l o rie n ta tio n toward a p a rtic u la r environmental phenomenon, while ethnic studies reveal that members of a group do not share the same o rie n ta tio n to th a t phenomenon.
Factionalism has a long history in studies of North American
Indians (see Metcalf 1974: 653). A number of scholars have shown that
Native American communities fissioned due to the introduction of a new ideology (Berkhofer 1965a; Schmalz 1977). Factionalism is relevant to
the case of the Keweenaw Bay because it preceded the division of the
Keweenaw Bay community (Schoolcraft 1962: 137), and continued to plague the Tribal Council as late as 1941 (Danziger 1978: 136).?
Consequently, although it is conceivable that factionalism played a minor role in inter-community dynamics at the Keweenaw Bay after the development of the dual-community structure, it was important at some point in time.
Studies of factionalism provide a number of important insights that were potentially relevant to the understanding of the Keweenaw Bay case. One of these is based upon concepts of levels of articulation and power domains developed by R.N. Adams (1970; 1975). These two terms are distinguished from one another clearly in the following statem ent:
? The Tribal Council was a construction of the Federal government as a political entity with which it could conduct business (Planning Support Group 1977: 134-136). Therefore, I consider factionalism in this setting undemonstrative of inter-community relations. As will be seen, these occurrences of inter-community factionalism have little direct bearing on either community. 17
The operating units of a complex society carry out certain activities. In the course of this, It Is inevitable that part of their environment, either in a helpful or In an obstructive way, is made up of other units of human society. When the units meet in confrontations, they find themselves either standing in superordinate-subordinate positions with respect to each other, or recognizing each other as coordinates. When the latter is the case, the two units operate at the same level of articulation. When one exercises controls over the o th er, the two operate in a power domain (R.N. Adams 1970: 53-54, emphasis in the o rig in a l).
To understand the relationship between the two communities at the
Keweenaw Bay— and their relation to the larger system of which they were a part— it was important to determine the relative positions of the groups in question.
Equally, it was important to understand the nature of the relationship of individuals within the communities vis-a-vis one another and how the factions originated. Factionalism studies provide three avenues by which to approach these issues. Salisbury and
Silverman (1977) consider factionalism to be a product of a dialectic process. They (1977: 1) focus on the conditions in which it occurs; the way in which multiple groups emerge within a larger group; how they oppose one another; and how the interactions of the opposing groups produce decisions, social restructuring, or social rigidification. They propose a model of factionalism in which
societies [are] continually adapting themselves to an environment of other societies and of changing resources and technology; the adaptations accumulate historically, each one being a product of the previous adaptation and the new reality; the mechanisms of adaptation involve individual choices and decisions, but also are constrained by major social forces, such as relations of production, to follow long-term evolutionary directions (Salisbury and Silverman 1977: 6).
Their work develops approaches factionalism from three 18 anthropological frameworks: network analysis, transactions, and analysis of class structure (Ibid.).
1.4.2.1 Networks Analysis
Networks analysis demonstrates that factionalism has a growth cycle. It typically begins with interpersonal links of equal strength which then become more cen tra liz e d around (fo r ease of discussion) two in d iv id u als. Through time, the community becomes polarized in to
''establishment'' and 'opposition' factions. The development of an ideology by either or both factions results in the establishment of a political party. This has further ramifications on the society
(Salisbury and Silverman 1977: 7-8).
1.4.2.2 Transaction Analysis
Transactional analysis is useful to factionalism studies because it focuses on the negotiations within the groups. It presumes that each leader attempts to maximize his/her profits from the interaction with the followers (Salisbury and Silverman 1977: 10). It further focuses on the relationship within a group of the leader and his/her followers, rather than on the interaction between the two leaders
( I b id .) .
These studies have yielded three distinct patterns of leader-follower interaction. The most commonly observed pattern is patronage, in which the leader offers resources to the followers in exchange for their support. A second pattern, group mobilization, analyzes the mechanisms by which groups become mobilized around 19
particular Issues and by. which groups are formed. A third pattern, opportunism, Is based on short-term Interactions (Salisbury and
Silverman 1977: 13). Each of these is related to different patterns of
resource availability (Ibid.). Because these relationships affect the availability of resources and their distribution, factional strategies
affect the availability of resources.
1.4.2.3 Class Structure
A final approach to factionalism arises from the perspective of class structure. It has observed that followers from the less privileged classes attach themselves to leaders belonging to the elite sector, and that factions "are a device of the elite to prevent the masses from acquiring class-consciousness” (Salisbury and Silverman
1977: 14). The establishment faction generally has a formal structure but lacks an ideology and relies heavily on self-interest and personalism to attract followers. The opposition faction, by contrast, appeals to an ideology and attempts to develop a formal structure, which it inherently lacks (Salisbury and Silverman 1977:
14-15). Berkhofer (1965a) has made the same observation among the
Seneca.
Closely related to this approach is that which addresses the cases of factionalism which occur in "class-less" societies. Metcalf (1974:
665) argues that the processes involved are 'very analogous" to the class conflicts that occur in a society with class distinctions.
However, unlike class distinctions, one does not know a priori to which faction an individual will become attached. There are many cases to draw upon, however, I will mention only two here. 20
Chagnon (1977: 360-361) describes a case of village fissioning among the Yanomamo as a result of an extramarital relationship. A death among the ranks of one of the groups required that his kinsmen leave the community ( Ib id .) . Although they l e f t the community, the antagonism between groups continued. This case indicates that membership in factions rests, at least in part, on kinship, and that relations extend beyond village boundaries. In another case of village fissioning, one which did not involve conflict, lineages fragmented "a t the weakest point" (Chagnon 1968: 70) and formed another v illa g e with the same composition of the o rig in a l community (Chagnon
1968: 70-71). Again, the importance of kinship is evident in community form ation.
A second case of factionalism within a class-less society is the
Hopi community Oraibi (Sekaquaptewa 1972), in th is case, however, a response to the actions of an external operating unit, the United
S tates Federal government (Sekaquaptewa 1972: 247). The community became fragmented when some members argued th a t the headman had not performed his duty c o rre ctly and had deceived them. The community was fissioned along "Progressive" and "Conservative" lines. The
Conservatives, although constituting the majority of the population, l e f t the community and estab lish ed th e ir own settlem en t, called New
Oraibi, five miles away (Sekaquaptewa 1972: 248-249). There is no evidence th a t kinship was im portant in th is example of community fissioning, and, unlike the Yanomamo case, antagonism between the two groups abated after the fission had taken place. 21
1.4.2.4 Relevance of Factionalism to the Keweenaw Bay
Each of these approaches provided Important contributions to the method employed In this study. First, It required the conceptualization of community dynamics as a d ia le c tic process, and required an understanding of the conditions under which factionalism occurs and how the Interactions of the opposing groups produce decisions and social restructuring (Salisbury and Silverman 1977: 1).
It was necessary, then, to try to tease out of the documents points relative to Individual networks and the transactions that occurred between individuals. It was Important to determine, to the best ex tent p o ssib le, why the community fissioned In the way I t did, and what held the members of the two daughter communities apart from one another. Second, like some of the works concerned with ethnic relations, Salisbury and Silverman stress that Ideological factors play
Important roles In the establishment of factions. This is the case in both networks analysis and class structure.
Transactional analysis was Important to the Keweenaw Bay case because it places attention on the communities leaders. Unfortunately, given the paucity of documents focusing on the Interactions of the leader with his followers, the pattern of interaction cannot be determined. However, the leaders of the two communities at Keweenaw
Bay provided their followers with some benefits and, can be regarded as exemplars of the community. Analysis of their activities and the reactions of community members to them provide suggestions of the sort of activities that were considered "normal" or "good" by members of that community. These perceptions of appropriate or "good" behavior 22 can then be compared to those a c tiv itie s perceived as good by the other community, thereby providing additional clues of the kind of relations that may have existed between the two Indian communities.
1.4.3 Macro-Micro Analysis and State Penetration
While ethnic and factionalism studies focus prim arily upon in tra community dynamics, macro-micro analysis focuses i t s a tte n tio n on the in tera ctio n s of the lo cal community with the larg er system of which i t is a part. Unlike dependency theory, which assumed that local communities are passive recipients of policies (C.A. Smith 1985: 83), macro-micro analyses views the Interaction as a dialectic—as a dynamic and interactive relationship (see DeWalt and Pelto eds., 1985). And, unlike many studies of ethnicity, macro-micro analysis is diachronic
(DeWalt and Pelto 1985: 4, 5).
One of the trends within studies of this approach has been to consider a region as the framework upon which to base the analysis (see
C.A. Smith 1985). This allows the observation of a wider range of general trends and distinct patterns various communities take as they interact with the national system of which they are a part. This permits the observation that no two communities, although responding to similar pressures, respond in identical manners (see W.R. Smith 1977).
Differential responses maybe due, in part, to a differential extent to which local communities desire to participate fully in the national system or are differentially capable of participating in it
(Gmelch 1986; Baureiss 1982: 69). Although participation in that system may be unavoidable, the level at which participation occurs is variable. Consequently, it is important to determine whether there are 23 differences between the two communities relative to differential participation In the national system. C.A. Smith (1985: 84) Is one of the few authors who addresses this problem and criticizes the lack of attention to It:
[A]nthropologlst8 are usually privileged to see, and often record how people make their own history — how people form local-level Institutions that are often opposed to the Interests of capitalism, how these institutions are sometimes the means by which peasants or other groups resist capitalist incorporation, and thus how they are responsible for the particular kind of capitalism extant in peripheral social formations. Yet anthropologists remain quite one-sided, assigning potency and causality only to the external forces (emphasis in the original).
S tate p en etration is a th e o re tic a l framework th a t is somewhat aligned with macro-micro analysis in that it, too, considers the place of the local community in its interactions with a larger system. It is distinct, however, in that it observes that just as any two communities within a region may react distinctly to common pressures, so too may two individuals within a single community differ in their responses to similar pressures. This is clear in Blok's (1974) study of Genuardo and the rise of the mafiosi within that village.
Blok's analysis of Genuardo is relevant to the Keweenaw Bay because the Indian community at the Keweenaw Bay also consisted of three groups of individuals: the Indians, the Whites, and the Mixed- bloods.8 Like the mafiosi, the Mixed-bloods acted as intermediaries
8 The term 'Mixed-blood' is used to designate those individuals with a mixed White and Indian heritage. This term is less pejorative than the commonly used half-breed and is the term used in government documents. The term is capitalized to signify its use as a proper noun. The term Metis is used for this segment of the population in Canada, but is not employed in the United States by either Indians or government officials (George Cornell personal communication, East Lansing May 7, 1987). 24 between the Indians and the Whites, and thus were cultural brokers
(Douard 1987: 159).
Macro-micro analyses and state penetration provided at least two important methodological considerations. First, although members of the local communities were not necessarily Involved in the activities that influenced their lives that occurred in larger social and economic settings, those activities could not be Ignored because state penetration influenced the responses communities took. Second, these studies indicated that individuals within a single community could have different responses to common pressures. It became important, then, to try to determine how members w ithin the community responded to these external pressures and how d is tin c t groups emerged from th a t community.
This was thought to illuminate issues respecting the rapid development of two relatively autonomous communities. As Shlbutani and
Kwan (1965: 58) stated above, "to the extent that an Individual acts as he is supposed to act, his conformity reinforces the existing norms."
Because the two communities operated relatively independently, the norms expressed w ithin each community could develop into d is tin c t cultural expressions.
1.4.4 Limitations to These Approaches
Each of the above mentioned theoretical frameworks provide thoughtful insights to the study of community dynamics. Each, however, also faces certain limitations which impeded their full consideration in lending to an understanding of the case presented by the Keweenaw
Bay. In this section, I describe what these limitations were and the approach taken in this study. As will be seen, the approach taken 25
combines the benefits of each of the various approaches described above
and has ameliorated their limitations by using elements of a different
model.
Studies of ethnicity were limited by two important considerations.
First, the studies are largely synchronic in nature. That is, they
focus upon intra-community dynamics from a single point in time.
Although Cole and Wolf (1974) Incorporated a diachronic dimension to
their study with their understanding of the historical processes
resulting in the development of radically distinct communities, their
study was essentially synchronic. A second limitation to studies using
ethnicity is their focus upon intra-community processes to the
exclusion of any systematic understanding of the external events that
caused members of the community to behave as they did.
Factionalism, like ethnicity, places great emphasis on intra-
community dynamics. While the case of O raibi, above, mentions the ro le
of external actors (i.e., the Federal government), the primary emphasis
was on how groups of individuals acted in such a manner as to produce a
schism. Factionalism studies, by their very nature, are diachronic.
The approach to factionalism advocated by Silverman and Salisbury
(1977), for example, regards factionalism to be a dialectic process,
where the actions of one party result in reactions on the part of a
second group, to which the first group, in turn, react. To understand
intra-community dynamics, it is important to understand the origins of
tensions between parties. Some of these studies indicate that the
community fissio n ed . These studies are fu rth e r lim ited because the
scholar focuses on what occurred within a single community, while virtually Ignoring the other. Thus, one understands what occurred in
one group, but not what happened in the other. 26
Macro-micro analyses, unlike ethnicity and factionalism, direct their focus on the interactions of local communities to supra-local pressures. Thus, their focus is placed on external processes and not internal dynamics. Impeding the consideration of internal dynamics is their advocation that a region, not a single community, become the unit of focus. As a result, the activities occurring within a particular community are regarded as homogeneous and intra-community v a ria tio n is overlooked. This approach is also limited because the communities that form part of the region under study are already in existence. These studies, then, although potentially diachronic, do not consider the origins of communities.
The state penetration approach, like macro-micro analyses, takes into consideration the e x tra -lo c a l a c tiv itie s th at influence community members. Vhile this approach also recognizes that intra-community variation occurs in response to external pressures, it implies that all members of the community acquiesce to the pressures exerted upon them.
Evidence from the Keweenaw Bay suggests that not all members of that community were equally motivated to accept the conditions imposed upon them by the United States. One group that most closely performs along the lines of what seems to be similar to the Catholic Indians at the
Keweenaw Bay are the gypsies (Gmelch 1986). However, members of th is group, by virtue of their migratory patterns, fall to conform to the concept of community as defined above.
One final limitation imposed upon the consideration of these models to the Keweenaw Bay case is that each of them is based on ethnographic cases in which the scholar has ready access to key individuals and to the im portant data bases upon which those models depend. The Keweenaw Bay case, by contrast, is a historic event in 27 which the researcher and the key Individuals were not alive at the same time. This meant that I was limited to understand what occurred at the
Keweenaw Bay using documents generated by other Individuals, none of whom was a trained ethnographer.
1.5 Approach Taken in This Study
The approach developed here drew se le c tiv e ly from each of the four approaches described above; yet, due to the special circumstances posed by this case and the limitations inherent in those approaches, none of them could be used exclusively. Here I describe the approach developed lending to the interpretation of the case of village fission I discuss in these pages.
Ethnic studies contributed the concept that groups behave in c u ltu ra lly prescribed ways and th a t one can document the differences behavioral patterns to define the limits of two groups. Although the
Keweenaw Bay Indian Community was composed of one ethnic group, the
Anishinabe, documents revealed that the two daughter communities developed distinct behavioral patterns in response to White encroachment. Equally important, the concept that these behavioral patterns are products of historical events required me to extend the period of study to understand how the Anishinabe interacted with other indigenous groups. These behavioral patterns, it was assumed, would underlie their interactions with Whites.
Studies of factionalism presented the concept that schisms in class-less societies can occur as a result of exogenous as well as endogenous pressures to which groups of individuals responded differently, and that schisms could occur along lines of kinship or as 28 a result of different orientations to external pressures. I sought to determine whether the documents revealed whether either or both of these patterns occurred at the Keweenaw Bay.
Studies of factionalism also revealed that leaders became such because they offered particular goods and services considered beneficial to their followers. The activities of these leaders are most frequently described in the ethnohlstoric documents, thus, permitting suggestions of some of the benefits they offered. Moreover, their structural position in society often reflects considerations of what types of behaviors were regarded as exemplary for members of that community. D ifferences in the le a d e rs' behaviors re fle c te d community differences in ideas of appropriate behavior, thus their activities, following the lines described in ethnic studies, became symbolic of group membership.
Macro-micro interactional analyses and state penetration models revealed the fundamental concept that I must look beyond the confines of the community to understand the case at hand. Macro-micro interactional analyses presented the notion that one must take a regional perspective. I employed a regional perspective in two dimensions. First, I undertook a study of the economic development in the Upper Peninsula as a whole. This enabled me to better understand the context of the economic development occurring around the Keweenaw
Bay. Second, I considered the Keweenaw Bay Indian Community as a region composed of two v illa g e s . Other studies using the macro-micro interactional analysis approach revealed that no two communities respond identically to similar pressures exerted by external forces.
The proximity of the two Indian communities, as well as their common origin, encouraged this consideration for the Keweenaw Bay. I sought 29
to understand how each community responded to Uhlte encroachment.
Both macro-micro interactional analysis and state penetration
revealed that it was Important to understand what the Europeans and
Indians offered one another and how the lo cal community became a p art
of the larger world economy. State penetration models revealed that
Individuals liv in g w ithin a single community are affected d iffe re n tly
by the penetration of a cash economy. Jarvenpa and Brumbach (1985)
have recently employed trader account books to study the Metis in a
Canadian Cree community. One such document, co-dating with the
establishment of the Methodist mission (1832-1834), prompted me to
consider whether this might reveal differences in Individuals'
orientation toward state penetration and whether patterns of behavior might be e lic ite d .
Cross-cultural analysis, a hallmark of anthropological research,
revealed that the different orientations toward state penetration are
mirrored in ideology. In Latin America, for example, upwardly mobile
individuals with little vested interest in the traditional system are
attracted to the cash economy and to Protestantism. The elite and
those at the very bottom of the socioeconomic hierarchy frequently opt
for Catholicism (Nida 1978a; 1978b; Saler 1978: 588). I sought to
determine whether a similar pattern held for the Keweenaw Bay.
Tyrell (1979a; 1979b) has made a similar argument for differences
in Protestant sects. Because missionization at the Keweenaw Bay
entailed missionary activities of Methodists and Catholics, it was
important to understand what messages and opportunities these missionary societies provided to the Indians. Equally important, however, is that Presbyterian missionaries were influential in directing United States Indian policy. It was therefore necessary to 30 understand their role in the entire process of White encroachment at the Keweenaw Bay.
For reasons described above, I approached this study diachronically, beginning with pre-White contact and traced the evolution of Anishinabe - White interactions through to the nineteenth century. This approach revealed a number of phenomena th a t have not been brought together in any systematic fashion. While it is well- known that the Europeans treated the Indians differently and that these differences had impacts on indigenous societies, it is not frequently acknowledged that these differences had differential impacts within
Indian communities. Thus, I used a combination of the established anthropological approaches to determine what effects these alterations may have had.
There were two important features that readily emerged when I posed this query to the documents. The first was that White encroachment entailed the activities of distinct groups of Whites: traders, missionaries, government officials, and, especially during the mid nineteenth century, land and mineral sp ecu lato rs. Each of these groups had different relations with the Indians, and with one another.
Thus, employing concepts derived from interactional analysis and state penetration, it was important to understand the nature of their interactions, and the effects these interactions had upon the Indian communities.
The second featu re th a t emerged was th at the Mixed-bloods emerged as a product of these relationships. Their role in Indian - White relations has been the subject of many monographs (Bieder 1980; Brown
1983; Peterson and Brown 1987) s tru c tu ra lly occupied the same niche as the mafiosi in Blok's (1974) study of Genuardo. However, a diachronic 31 perspective revealed that at any given time there might be more than one avenue by which an Indian could Intermarry with a White and produce offspring th a t became Mixed-bloods.
Equally important was the observation that during the period under study (1832-1881) all of these avenues became closed virtually overnight. To wit, in 1825 this segment of the population was integral to United States - Indian policy and economic interactions (Schoolcraft
June 22, 1825; June 25, 1825; Stone and Chaput 1978: 608).9 By 1840 they were considered impediments to Indian assim ilationist policies
(Schoolcraft July 15, 1840). This had to have an impact on Anishinabe society; and, it was supposed, had differential impact within any
Indian community as a re s u lt of d iffe re n tia l Impact of s ta te penetration. To better understand the impact that this had on Indian society, I relied heavily on statements and monographs made by Indians.
Although there are many fine monographs focusing on the role of the missionaries in United States - Indian policy, it is not often revealed that these missionaries themselves were reacting to social and economic pressures exerted by the world economic system upon White communities. Equally important, as stated above, they, due to their own place in the white social structure, had different views of reality
(Hadden 1971: 3; T yrell 1979a; 1979b). Because these individuals were a primary lin k between Whites and Indians i t became im portant to understand the pressures to which the missionaries were responding, and determine whether these pressures were manifested in their Indian missionary efforts. Consequently, in addition to using the government
9 While it may be argued the government used traders as the intermediaries, it is nonetheless the case that many of these traders were Mixed-bloods or married to Indians. 32 records, I turned to documents generated by the missionaries themselves and the organizations of which they were members.10
One final innovation used in this study, but derived from studies of ethnicity was the documentation of what constituted "appropriate behavior" in a community. By focusing on the behaviors of leaders w ithin the community, reactions of community members to these behaviors, and the extent to which these behaviors were repeated, and by whom, permitted the understanding of what constituted appropriate behavior. Each of these behavioral patterns, derived from common c u ltu ra l experiences, became Imbued with d iffe re n tia l meaning. By the end of the period under study, the Methodist community very clearly had adopted White behavioral practices not revealed in the documents p ertaining to the C atholics. Thus, the M ethodist community also adapted to external pressures in manners considered appropriate by
Whites.
In brief, the approach developed here analyzed the various pressures exerted upon members of the Indian community and th e different responses these elicited. This revealed the emergence of three discrete groups of Individuals—Traditionalists, Progressives, and Mixed-bloods. Each of these groups, in accordance with observations derived from ethnic studies, manifested different behaviors.
Before continuing, a caveat is in order. I use the terms
"Traditionalists" and "Progressives" as heuristic devices to segment the indigenous community on the basis of documented behavioral patterns. The Traditionalists are those whose lifestyle most closely
10 Appendix A is a bibliographic essay that provides further information about these resources. 33
approximated the traditional values inculcated by Anishinabe society
prior to White contact at any particular point in time. Those
individuals who deviated from this, i.e., accepted more fully the
values inculcated by Whites, I regard as Progressives. There is no
indication that these groups regarded themselves in these terms.
I used the approach described above in relation to those groups of
individuals with whom the Indians had direct contact: traders and
other entrepreneurs, missionaries, and government officials. The
ethnohistoric documents—written by individuals with a multitude of
perspectives—permitted me to understand the external and Internal
dynamics that affected Indian - White interactions and alterations in
those Interactions through time. Because the two communities existed
side by side, it was possible to document the differential responses to
White encroachment and behaviors considered "appropriate" within each
community.
One final caveat. Anthropologists pride themselves on being
holistic. By using this approach, I, too, attempted to be holistic. I do, however, recognize that the approach taken here is largely economic
and social, and not psychological. I have refrained from using a
psychological approach because I view two potential problems in
understanding the affects of missionization on indigenous communities:
internalization and motivation. Stone and Cbaput (1978: 604) have
stated that "Catholicism (and by extension Protestantism) was often only a veneer over Indian religion" (parentheses mine). Thus, it is
impossible to determine, especially in an ethnohistoric case, to what extent the Divine Messages had any meaning to any particular
individual.
The second potential problem, motivation, is best revealed in the 34 following statement:
[R]eligious conversion may sometimes constitute a therapeutic act of self-aggrandizement. Where an individual with a strong drive to affirm himself existentially cannot achieve adequate gratification of that drive by utilizing traditional sociocultural means, conversion to a new religion in the face of strong social disapproval may be instrumental in achieving the greatest gratification (Saler 1978: 583).
Trigger (1965: 44) has stated that economic factors may also influence an individual to convert to a new religion. Again, using ethnohistoric documents alone, it is not possible to understand what caused an individual to convert. By avoiding psychological issues altogether, it was possible to avoid these two problems. CHAPTER II
EXTERNAL FACTORS INFLUENCING THE KEWEENAW BAY COMMUNITY
2.1 Introductory Remarks
People have lived at the Keweenaw Bay since the Late Woodland
Period. Many groups have lived in the area throughout prehistory, overlapping in time and m igrating in and out of the region. This makes their identification of those responsible for these sites unclear
(F ittin g 1978a: 15) and "speculative" (Brose 1978: 582). This chapter focuses begins with the historic period about which more is known.
This chapter examines the circumstances leading up to the
Community's division. I contend that although all individuals were affected by environmental pressures, groups of individuals were affected differently. These differences resulted in different behavioral patterns. The chapter consists of four principal sections.
The first presents a cultural history of the area to the beginning of the historic period. The next two sections present a history of French and British activities in the Northwest Territory and their relations with the Indians until about 1816. The fourth shifts to the colonial and early republic period of the United States and discusses some underlying themes that influenced the behaviors of United States citizens when they entered the Northwest Territory.
The Keweenaw Bay Indian Community is located on the southern shore of Lake Superior on e ith e r side of the Keweenaw Bay. The fo re sts
35 36 surrounding the Community consist of mixed hardwoods and conifers
(Fitting 1970: 23). The area is characterized by cold winters with average temperatures below 27 degrees Fahrenheit (Ibid.). The summers are cool, temperatures averaging less than 72 degrees Fahrenheit
(Ibid.) and average about 60 consecutive frost-free days per year
(Fitting 1970: 24). These conditions hampered horticultural or agricultural activities throughout history.
2.2 Traditional Anishlnabe Culture
The historically-known Native Americans of Keweenaw Bay were the
Anishlnabe. They apparently originally lived in a region near the
A tlan tic coast (Warren 1957: 78) and migrated westward with the
Potawatomies and Ottawas (Danziger 1978: 7; Peckham 1947: 1). Once in the Great Lakes region, the Ottawa, Potawatoml, and Anishlnabe separated, inhabiting distinct regions of Michigan and the surrounding area (Schmalz 1977: 2) (Figure 3). The Anishlnabe inhabited what is now the Upper Peninsula of Michigan, the eastern portion of the Lower
Peninsula, and adjacent regions of Canada (Cornell 1986: 85). They established some of their villages in the western region of Lake
Superior, placing their principal center at Chequamegon (Madeline)
Island (Gilbert December 10, 1853; Hlckerson 1962: 67). Some, but not all, Anishlnabe believe "Madeline Island is our tribal home, the place where the earth began" (Vizenor 1984: 47).
Authors vary as to when the Anishlnabe migration occurred.
Blackbird (1887: 19) states only that the Ottawa (and Anishlnabe) discovered Michilimackinac "some time before America was known as an existing country by the white man." Warren (1957: 95) states it 37
MINNESOTA
Sault Sta.. Maria
mackinacu O
WISCONSIN
Grand Rivar
Figure 3. Distribution of the Anishlnabe. Source: Cornell 1986: 85 38 occurred around 1525. Danzlger (1978: 7) has more recently opined that the migration occurred in the late sixteenth or early seventeenth century (see also Blair 1911 I: 159).
It is uncertain why the Anishlnabe migrated westward. Some authors have opined it was a result of the presence of the French and/or Iroquoisan population pressures (Kinietz 1965: 318; Danzlger
1978: 26). If this is the case, the Anishlnabe may have acquired, at least Indirectly, some of the technological innovations offered by the
French before arriv in g on the shores of Lake Superior. Hoffman (1891:
150) seems to support th is in te rp re ta tio n when he c ite s William Warren, who stated that the Anishlnabe had knowledge of Whites as early as
1612.
Regardless of when the migration occurred or the circumstances surrounding it, authors agree the Anishlnabe had only lived in the Lake
Superior basin for a maximum of about 120 years— and perhaps no more than a generation or two— before the Europeans arrived. If they had received items of European manufacture before migrating westward, they may have been predisposed to accept them when the French entered the
Lake Superior basin. Even i f they had no previous contact with
Europeans, as relatively new inhabitants of the Great Lakes Region, they may have been more prone to accept European manufactured goods to help them adapt to the new region and/or defend themselves against the traditional inhabitants of the area.
The Anishlnabe practiced a generalized subsistence pattern of hunting, foraging, fishing, collection of wild rice and maple sugar.
Some bands also practiced limited agriculture. Women performed the majority of the agricultural labor (Keller 1981: 1), a situation about which Protestant missionaries expressed alarm in their writings 39
(Pltezel 1857: 405). However, the Indian women thought their work
equal to the work performed by the men (Ibid.).
During the spring to autumn months, when there was an abundance of
resources, neighboring bands aggregated into villages with up to 300
inhabitants to collect various products. These included maple syrup
and greens in the spring, b e rrie s and wild ric e in the summer, and nuts and tubers in the fall (Vecsey 1983: 10). Fishing was important during
the spring, summer and fall months (Hlckerson 1962: 2). During the winter, faced with diminished concentrations of resources, the
Anishlnabe villages broke down into band-sized aggregates composed of extended family grouping (Vecsey 1983: 8) of about thirty individuals
(Vecsey 1983: 10).
If a particular community was beset by economic hardships for extended periods, i t could disband (K inietz 1947: 16). Each family would move to another band, where they were adopted by members of their clan, which were spread throughout the region (Ibid.). Similarly, a community could fission as a result of social tensions (Hlckerson 1962:
40). The dissenting factor usually moved (Kinietz 1947: 16) and established a new community.
Thus, the composition of a band could be different from one time
to the next. Individuals could migrate to and from other communities with ease, especially if the new band contained a member of the
Individual's clan (Cornell 1986: 78). This was due, in part, to an ethos which held that "...each individual [had] a responsibility to
take charge of his own life and needs insofar as possible" (Black 1977:
146).
The Anishlnabe fam ilies were grouped in to exogamous (K inietz 1947: 40
130), patrilineal clans (Eggan 1966: 83; Vecsey 1983: 8).* Each
community was p o litic a lly and economically autonomous (Hlckerson 1962:
49; 3ishop 1974: 66-67), although it was in contact with other
communities because of ties of kinship and marriage (Eggan 1966: 83).
Most marriages within a village took place during the summer when bands
coalesced Into villages (Danzlger 1978: 14). The large distances
between any two villages (Eggan 1966: 88) militated against marriage
between villages. Thus, for all intents, the local group, whether
consisting of 30 or 300, was the largest persisting corporate entity
(Farb 1978: 62; Bishop 1974: 66-67).
Individuals gained prestige by following the prescribed behaviors
for his/her sex and age. The same was true for an individual's
participation in economic ventures. All men could equally hunt, trap,
^ i or fish.2 Similarly, all women could equally engage in horticultural
activities and collect nuts, berries, and roots. Although some
individuals may have been more skilled in these and other prized
endeavors— such as oratory — Anishlnabe society was egalitarian and
unstratified.
Political leadership was based on one's expertise and ability to
convince others to follow him (Vecsey 1983: 10). There were no clear cases of hereditary rulers before White contact (Friedl 1950: 40).
Individuals could dissent from the leader's plans. If an individual
1 Hlckerson (1970: 49) is uncertain whether the Anishlnabe had patrilineal or matrilineal clans. It is important to note, however, that Bishop (1974: 350) indicates Anishlnabe social organization changed radically through time.
2 S k ills in the a r ts of war became im portant determ inants of an individual's status with the arrival of Europeans because these skills were highly praised in western Europe (Friedl 1950: 25-26). 41 dissented too frequently, s/he could migrate to another band (Landes
1937: 2). The same held for religious leadership (Vecsey 1983: 170).
If a religious leader or medicine man lost respect, Individuals would seek a person better qualified to relieve their misery. Given these general patterns, It Is safe to characterize traditional Anishlnabe social organization as band level society as defined by Fried (1967) and Service (1971).
2.3 The French Era
It is convenient to segment the French era into two phases. The first lasted from the beginning of French - Anishlnabe contact until about 1698. The second phase ended with the French defeat in the
French and Indian Wars. The first phase Involved temporary visits when the French traders and accompanying missionaries made contact with the
Indians only during the trading season (see Verwyst 1886: 260; Hamilton
1939: 167). As a r e s u lt, the Indians were protected from the negative impacts of White contact. Anishlnabe society, while affected to some extent, remained much as it had prior to French Intervention.
The second phase of French contact began with the construction of a permanent trading post at Chequamegon in 1698 (Danzlger 1978: 29).
This was in response to the construction of a British post at
Michilimackinac (Kellogg 1925: 230-231; Stone and Chaput 1978: 603-
604), and was part of the French effort to protect their Interests.
The establishment of permanent trading posts had fundamental Impacts on
Anishlnabe society because it provided the context in which to develop permanent relationships. Traders established close personal ties by marrying Indian women (Warren 1957: 133; Trask 1983: 8) and the 42 missionaries established permanent missions.
The Indians reacted in one of three ways: openly and warmly, openly but guardedly, and so guardedly that it bordered on rejection.3
All of these reactions were manifested within a single community.
Moreover, an individual's acceptance of the traders or the missionaries does not necessarily mean the acceptance of the other group. Both groups, individually and together undermined the influence of traditional religious practitioners and those who had gained political or social prestige following traditional patterns (Kohl 1865: 270-271).
The missionaries' early efforts to 'convert the heathens' were acceptable to some. Two reasons for conversion stand out in the literature. First, some saw conversion as a means by which they could acquire European goods and wealth because the Anishlnabe expected to receive material rewards following conversion (Vecsey 1983: 53). It is important to note, however, that conversion does not imply wholesale acceptance of a doctrine, a point discussed in greater detail below.4
Second, some converted because the priests demonstrated some success in treating those ill with European diseases when the traditional healers were unable to do so (Jaenen 1976: 65; Brenner 1980: 138; Vecsey 1983:
170). Consequently, in keeping with traditional patterns, the traditional healers lost prestige and the missionaries gained follow ers.
The missionaries, however, only enjoyed limited success. There
3 Evidence suggests that the majority of Indians learned to tolerate the missionaries (Nammack 1969: 86) because the 'Black robes' posed no threat to the majority of them (Vecsey 1983: 46), and because priests had access to the goods the Indians wanted.
4 The comments made here also apply to reasons why individuals converted to Methodism or Catholicism in the nineteenth century (see Pitezel 1857: 189-190, 214-215). 43 are a number of reasons why th is was the case. F ir s t, from the
Indians' perspective the priests were unskilled, unproductive and poor
(Vecsey 1983: 45). In terms of Indian values a priest was "neither a comrade nor a counselor, and certainly not a father..." (Danzlger 1978:
30). Second, their temporary visits did not provide opportunity to develop the close and prolonged interactions necessary for the thorough indoctrination of the Anishlnabe.
The British entered the fur trade in the late seventeenth century.
By the 1670s the two European nations were competing for Indian furs in the Lake Superior region, and the Anishlnabe played one nation against the other to get the best bargain (Farb 1978: 62). They would do this again in the nineteenth century (James 1956: 179) when the Hudson's Bay
Company and the North West Company competed for the Indian trade.
The French responded to British encroachment by establishing permanent trading posts and missions. By establishing such institutions, the French also established permanent residence among the
Indian and married Indian women, thus resulting in the emergence of the
Mixed-bloods.
Indians married Whites for at least two reasons. First, disease and alcohol (Kay 1984: 265), and wars had k ille d many of the e lig ib le
Indian males (Armstrong 1892: 100). Second, doing so provided those whose daughters married traders further access to European goods because they could receive them at a lower price (Armstrong 1892: 101).
Intermarriage also benefitted the trader by ensuring that some Indians would be loyal to him. Moreover, Armstrong (1892: 101) reports that an
Indian community would not trade i f a trad er did not marry an Indian woman. Thus, a mutual dependency emerged: the trader, desiring to obtain furs and have and have an edge over competitors had to accept an 44
Anishlnabe woman as a wife; the Anishlnabe, wanting European products provided him with furs and pelts.
The French Jesuit missionaries established permanent missions among the Indians when the traders established permanent trading posts.
The period of Jesuit expansion, however, was short-lived. Soon after the Jesuits became active in New France, they faced a shortage of priests (Danzlger 1978: 30). French missionary zeal declined and their expansion ended (Vecsey 1983: 30). Ultimately, the Jesuits were ordered by the King to leave New France (Trigger 1965). In spite of these conditions, the Jesuits played an important role in French -
Indian relations.
Jesuits oversaw the interactions between the fur traders and the
Indians, thereby offering the Indians some protection from unscrupulous activities (Jaenen 1978). They were also instrumental in developing
Franco - Indian policy. The French government, partly due to pressure exerted by the Jesuits, developed two programs to regulate and preserve the Indian trade. The first called for the construction of forts to protect and safeguard Indian loyalty to France. The second, promulgated by Louis XIV in 1698, required that fur traders be licensed and all trade to occur at licensed centers (Danzlger 1978: 31).5
As a result of the various factors involved in French and
Anishlnabe relations—the giving of presents, the Intermarriage with
French traders, the mediation of Jesuit priests, and others—the French enjoyed relatively good relations with the Anishlnabe. It is instructive to understand why the French treated the Indians relatively
5 While the Indians also traded with unlicensed traders, both England and the United States passed similar laws to regulate the fur tra d e . 45
better than did other Vhlte powers, assimilated more easily with them,
and became a p art of Indian so cie ty . Chief among them was the
relatively small number of French in the area.
The dominance of the fur trade in French-Indian contacts especially in the absence of extensive white settlement in aboriginal territories, was a behavioural pattern which had far-reaching results for both French and Indian attitudes. The relationship between behaviour and attitude was so marked in this case that ethnic stereotyping resulted. This in some manner explains the prevalent Indian view of the Frenchman as a trader/ soldier, dispenser of merchandize and brandy, and not as a farmer interested in land acquisition (Jaenen 1978: 62).
Additionally, the ethos of French society and, by extension, that of
the trad ers and the m issionaries also contributed to good re la tio n s
(Trask 1983: 10). These ideas, briefly stated, are as follows:
1. The Myth of the Terrestrial Paradise. 2. Belief in a recently created and emerged 'infant w orld." 3. Concept of a utopian dream—"the humanist vision of a better world for the downtrodden and oppressed of the world" (Jaenen 1978: 64). 4. The belief of the four ages of mankind, with emphasis on the so -called 'Golden Age." 5. The myth of the m illennial kingdom and imminent end of the world. 6. The concept of a chain of being, in which all of creation was ranked hierarchically with 'heavenly host" at the top, humans next, followed by animals, vegetables, and minerals. 7. The belief that part of the world was still under Satan"s hegemony (Jaenen 1978: 64-67).
Most of these are consistent with a Roman Catholic ethos, the dominant doctrine in France.6 Both the m issionaries and the trad ers were imbued
6 The Huguenot movement, the French counterpart to P rotestantism in England, never gained the prominence that Protestantism acquired elsew here. 46
with this ethos.
Although there were differences in their behaviors, traders and
missionaries shared these ideas and attitudes (Stevens 1916: 17) and
lived at the same settlements. Thus, the French manifested a
consistent behavior toward the Indians, a pattern not shared either by
the British nor the United States. Equally important, the French fur
trade provided an environment in which Indians could interact with the
French as more or less equals. The French treated the Indians as
people—benighted perhaps, but people nonetheless.
2.3.1 Impact on the Anishlnabe
Current interpretations suggest the Anishlnabe migrated in band
sized groups into the in te rio r of the Upper Peninsula (Danzlger 1978:
27), into Wisconsin and Minnesota (Cornell 1986: 78), and into Manitoba
(Vecsey 1983: 15) in search for new sources of furs (Hlckerson 1973:
25). By moving into Canada, they displaced the Cree (Vecsey 1983: 13);
by moving westward into Wisconsin and Minnesota, they displaced the Fox
from the 'rice lakes" in Wisconsin by 1748 (Mittelholtz 1957: 10), and
learned how to use this resource (Spencer et al 1965: 398). They also
displaced the Sioux from Mille Lacs in Minnesota (Mittelholtz 1957: 9)
by 1750, initiating a long-standing hostility with them (Hlckerson
1970: 66).
The Anishlnabe had first received French goods through Huron
(Danzlger 1978: 26) and/or Ottawa (Warren 1957: 130) interm ediaries.
The French made contact with the Anishlnabe in 1641 at Sault Ste. Marie
(Danzlger 1978: 26). By 1650 (Warren 1957: 122) or 1659 (Danzlger
1978: 28) the French had reached Chequamegon. The Anishlnabe accepted 47 the French products eagerly (Shifford nd: 3; James 1954: 19; Copway
1851: 172), although se le c tiv e ly (Bishop 1974: 1) and became the
Intermediaries between the French and Sioux (Danzlger 1978: 36). They married into Sioux bands to obtain trading alliances (Kinietz 1965:
325-326). The increased production of furs and their position as intermediaries allowed them to acquire a larger variety of European products.
The French required very little alteration of traditional
Anishlnabe society and culture (Danzlger 1978: 29). Although the
French introduced many material artifacts into Anishlnabe culture, it maintained a large degree of its traditional patterns. By the end of the French era, the Anishlnabe:
had adapted their hunting and trapping skills to European material goods, maintained traditional subsistence, settlement, and seasonal patterns to a large degree.... Leadership existed on the village level, even for warfare which was taking on a more Important ro le in Ojibwa society as a means of gaining prestige. It appears that population was increasing rapidly and new totems were forming. The Ojibwas were changing, but not rapidly enough to create discomfort (Vecsey 1983: 14).
In the meantime, Indian population, after reaching its nadir in the seventeenth century, had increased dramatically (Kay 1984: 280). Kay
(1984: 277) attributes much of this growth to immigration and adoption, and credits the abundant resources available in spite of the depletion of beaver and other animals (Ibid.). Population growth undoubtedly contributed to the internal dynamics occurring in Indian communities.
The opening of permanent trading posts among the Anishlnabe had many immediate effects. First, it intensified the hostility between the Sioux and the Anishlnabe (Danzlger 1978: 36). Their establishment 48
la the western part of Lake Superior gave the French direct access to
the Sioux. The two Indian groups were now competing for the same hunting grounds (Henry 1966: 197-198, Copway 1851: 30). Intermittent warfare broke out, a recurrent theme in European - Indian relations for
the next century and more (Danzlger 1978: 36-37).?
Second, the erection of permanent posts caused Indians to move
from the inland areas to lake shores where the trading posts were
located (James 1954: 19). The seasonal aggregation and dispersal of
bands into larger entities continued for a time, but the village became a permanent habitation zone (Vecsey 1983: 19), whose location was
determined by the trading post (Eggan 1966: 83). The French virtually
dictated many of the Indian activities by 1670 (Stone and Chaput 1978:
603). This has lent to the suggestion that the Anishinabe was a
'“nation' produced by the French trade (James 1954: 19; Dunning 1959: 4;
Vecsey 1983: 12).8 The villages lost their kin-based structure and
7 The hostility between the Sioux and the Anishinabe lasted until the mid-nineteenth century. It was responsible for the closing down of many Protestant missions in the western Anishinabe territory in the la te 1330s (Vecsey 1983: 34), and may have underlain the government's decision not to move the Anishinabe west of the Mississippi during the 1840s:
The general policy of our Government in removing the Indians west of the Mississippi can never be carried into effect, in relation to this portion of the Chippewas; this portion would by such removal have to change their habits entirely, besides being exposed to their natural enemies, the Sioux.- objections never to be obviated so long as they are able to find an asylum among their own tribe in the extensive region north and west of Lake Superior. I conceive it highly Improper and Inhumane to hold out any inducement to them to go into the country occupied by or contiguous to the Sioux. (Bushnell February 10, 1839).
8 Greenberg and Morrison (1982: 91) have suggested the term 'Ojibwa' was applied to all types of Algonquian-speakers inhabiting the region. 49 became regular towns (Vecsey 1983: 168).
Third, the exploitation of fur-bearing mammals Increased considerably. "So large was the volume of Lake Superior furs that
French prices plummeted by 1698, and for the next twenty years official operations about the Sault were suspended" (Danzlger 1978: 29). This reduced. Indians' self-sufficiency to the extent that when the
Chequamegon post was reopened in 1718 the French found Indians who had forgotten their traditional skills (Danzlger 1978: 31).
Fourth, the marriage of Indians to French was a source of friction among community members (Barnouw 1950: 73) fo r a number of reasons. 1)
It helped reduce the traditional authority of the chiefs because the
French placed their favorites in positions of authority (Kohl 1865:
270-271; Danzlger 1978: 31). 2) The practice may have enhanced the position of women in Anishinabe society (Brown 1983). 3) The progeny of these unions gave rise to a new social element in Anishlnabe communities. And 4) the hereditary chieftainships may have emerged under these conditions. For example, the hereditary chieftainship at the Keweenaw Bay (Schoolcraft 1962: 134) began shortly after a permanent post was established there in 1710 (Vecsey 1983: 12).
It is not clear from the documents available how those opposed to
French-Indian Intermarriage reacted to those who married Frenchmen.
They may have migrated to other bands, just as they had done in earlier days. However, their reliance upon French goods may have caused them to remain in the general vicinity, if not in the village proper.
Changes in Anishinabe re lig io n also seem to have occurred, 50 esp ecially with respect to the Mldewiwln S ociety.9 Hlckerson (1963:
77) has stated "That the Midewiwin was celebrated in i t s p urest form a t
Chequamegon means nothing more than that at that place the old shamanic
rites of magic and medicine first became the property of an organized priesthood." With all due respect, the correlation between the purity
of form and its location is highly significant. I argue that the
placement of a permanent trading post and mission at Chequamegon placed
additional stresses on Anishinabe society in the immediate area, thus causing the Mide to perform the rites more strictly according to
tr a d itio n .10 The pressure becomes less acute as one moves away from
the point of maximal force.
In summary, the French presence in the Great Lakes region resulted
in a great deal of social disruption in Anishinabe society. Burgeoning population, depletion of fur-bearing animals, the consequent migration
and dispersion of populations, the intermarriage with the French, and factionalism as a result of this Intermarriage all contributed to weakening social cohesion (Vecsey 1983: 20). Alterations in the religious system also contributed to the erosion of social relations
9 This was a medicine society composed of both men and women, whose members were invited (Johnston 1976: 84). It contained aspects of the traditional religious beliefs, such as the individual relations with the spirits (manidog) (Danzlger 1978: 19) and had an eight-level hierarchical priesthood (Levi 1956: 193; Landes 1968: 52). It was a primary mechanism Integrating the disparate bands into a single unit through annual ceremonies (Hlckerson 1962: 5-6; Bishop 1974: 9). With the advent of the French it also became a revitalization movement organized as a voluntary association or sodality.
Johnston (1976: 82) lends support to this interpretation when he states that the "Medicine men had not only to appear to be upright; they had to be upright." With Whites located nearby the temptation to stray from the " s tra ig h t and narrow" would increase and strengthen the resolve of those opposed to the Whites to keep the traditions pure. MacLeod (1973: 109) has used this logic in another context. 51 among the Anishlnabe, If only because traditional religious authorities, unable to provide treatment for those afflicted with
European diseases, lost followers to the Catholics.
However, by the beginning of the eighteenth century the British
had entered the region. While the British initially had little
influence on the Indians, whose primary allegiance remained with France
(Vecsey 1983: 14), they may have contributed to social decay. They offered better quality articles, a wider range of products, and at better prices, thus competing with the French for Indian allegiance.
Split allegiances may have resulted in creating factions within
Anishlnabe communities.
2.4 The British Era
While the British did not gain formal control of the Northwest
Territory until after the French and Indian Wars, French control began
to decline as early as 1713 with the Treaty of Utrecht (Innis 1933:
323). This treaty forced the French out of the region of Hudson's Bay and required them to concentrate their attention around the Great
Lakes.
Britain won control over the area because she could offer goods of better quality and at better prices. She could do so because she integrated the Indian trade with other aspects of British economy
(Innis 1933: 324). Equally important was the lack of central control over traders. Traders were allowed to compete with one another in the same area resulting in lowering the prices of goods.
Although the British were able to win control over the area, they did not easily win the Indians allegiance. Indeed, Indians were 52
reluctant to open negotiations with them (Vecsey 1983: 14). There were
both endogenous and exogenous factors Impeding good relations with the
Indians. The British held an ethos of cultural superiority (Bowden
1981: 113; Axtell 1985: 133). There are many manifestations of this.
The Hudson's Bay Company traders did not leave their posts but waited
for the Indians to bring the furs to them (Tilby 1912: 215). British
traders did not give them alcohol, presents and ammunition (Danzlger
1978: 53; Stevens 1916: 22), and held more stringent trading policies
than those to which Indians were accustomed under the French (see
Rossentiel 1983: 90). Neither were the British interested in extending
missions to the Indians (Bowden 1981: 135). These patterns lent an
impression of a lack of friendliness (Trask 1983: 13).
Exogenous factors also Impeded favorable relations with the
Indians. The French who had Intermarried with the Indians may have
undermined English - Indian relations (Stevens 1916: 22). They may not
have openly aided and advised the Indians to prevent British
occupation, but they may have helped sow the seeds of discontent
(Warren 1865: 195-196) by spreading rumors that the British planned to
settle on Indian lands (Stevens 1916: 22). Although the Crown issued a
Proclamation prohibiting British settlement on Indian lands in 1763, it was too late to offset an Indian uprising (Stevens 1916: 22).
These factors may have played a role in the Conspiracy of Pontiac
(1763) which took place almost immediately after the French and Indian
Uars. With the exception of the massacre of British subjects at
Michilimackinac in 1765 (Henry 1966: 77-78), in general, Lake Superior
Anishinabe did not participate in the uprising (Danzlger 1978: 55).
They did, however, b e n e fit.
Pontiac's Conspiracy caused Britain to change her Indian policies. 53
Britain adopted many of the French trading policies (Stevens 1916: 15;
Danzlger 1978: 57). She used French forts; required that traders be licensed; granted exclusive trading rights to single individuals, and established official trading centers at central locations (Henry 1966:
191-192; Stevens 1916: 27). Many of these policies, however, were also influenced by other fa c to rs.
The British order removing French traders from the area created a vacuum (Stevens 1916: 24) quickly f ille d by B ritish m igrants (Tilby
1912: 209; Vecsey 1983: 14). Their entry caused the Crown to institute central trading posts and licensure of traders (Stevens 1916: 24).
Neither of these policies, however, followed British tradition, and the influx of large numbers of traders hampered their implementation.
The new traders employed French traders who had married into
Indian tribes as their agents in the interior (Stevens 1916: 25; Warren
1865: 195-196). Several conditions encouraged these partnerships.
They were not familiar with the area, the Indian language, or the rules of the Indian trade. Also, because the Indians had been against them in the French and Indian Wars and during Pontiac's Conspiracy, many
British were unwilling to enter Indian Territory (Warren 1865: 219).
The French living among the Indians, saw a place for themselves in the new trade and provided their services to the British.
The British instituted programs to stimulate the fur trade. To begin the Indian trade at Chequamegon Bay, for example, Alexander Henry and Jean Baptiste Cadotte advanced the Indians credit to provide the h u n te rs' fam ilies with enough provisions and goods to allow them to subsist while the hunters were away (Henry 1966; Danzlger 1978: 58).
Meanwhile, the high quality of pelts produced around Lake Superior made this region the focus of the British trade. This increased the 54 competition between the fur traders (Bryce 1968: 97; Danziger 1978:
5 9 ) .To ensure good trading relations, some of the new traders, like
John Johnston (Mason 1958: x i), m arried Indian or, more freq u en tly ,
Mixed-blood, women. However, this was not as common a practice as it had been with the French (Bieder 1980: 21).
Barely had Britain quelled the Indian Rebellion when the Lower
Colonies revolted. The British Crown was unable to devote any attention to Indian-Brltish relations, but kept her trade routes open.
She enjoyed a monopoly over the Indian trade during the American
Revolution (Danziger 1978: 49) because the United States was ill-prepared to conduct the Indian trade (Prucha 1973: 76).
Britain did not wish to lose this advantage after the War (Stevens
1916: 66-67). It appears however, that Britain was concerned about the
Northwest Territory not only as a result of her advantageous position in the fur trade, but also because she feared that the United States would continue to force her out of the New World (Tilby 1912: 344-345).
In support of this perception, it can be noted that
At the peace table in 1783, [Benjamin] Franklin acting for the new nation, tried to secure Canada although the American military had failed to conquer it during the war (Cowing 1971: 140; also see Parks 1986)
Cowing (1971) suggests Franklin's goal was to secure Canada from the
Catholic French (see also A Bishop for 1917: 79). His actions, however, were interpreted as expansionism at British expense. This interpretation was reinforced in the War of 1812 (Zinn 1980: 125-126)
11 Danziger (1978: 59) states John Johnston arrived at this time, but Bryce (1968: 179) s ta te s he did not a rriv e u n til 1792. The discrepancy may be due to the question when Johnston became a part of the North West Company. 55 by the United States invasion of Canada in 1813 (Tilby 1912: 349).
Even after the War, the United States taunted Canada's colonial status, causing Canadians to consider her southern neighbor a threat to their national security (Tilby 1912: 354), a perception which persisted up to the Civil War (P. Smith 1982: 189).12
To secure her hold in the Northwest Territory, Britain instituted two policies: giving presents to Indians and settle in Indian
Territory. Present-giving had been a part of British policy since the end of Pontiac's Conspiracy, but the practice now served "to gain and maintain [the Indians'] good will, and enlisting [them] in wartime to fight" as her allies (Prucha 1973: 11). Although the government often gave the same gifts sold by merchants (Stevens 1916: 158), merchants found the policy profitable for three reasons. First, they were responsible for giving the gifts from the government (Stevens 1916:
159), encouraging Indians to trade with them. Second, the expanding fur trade resulted in increasing the demand for their products (Ibid.).
And, th ird ,
The political attachment of the Indians was absolutely essential to the welfare of the fur trade, and the merchants were fully aware of the efficacy of the custom as a means of retaining their friendship” (Stevens 1916: 160).
The second part of Britain's policy with regard to the Northwest
Territory began in 1800, when the Hudson's Bay Company began a colony on the Red River. Until then few British citizens had settled in the
I2 P. Smith (1982: 189) states that Britain regarded the United States as "the seedbed, in their view, of the subversive democratic ideologies spreading all over Europe and keeping the masses in a constant ferment," and for this reason supported the South in the Civil War. 56
Indian Country (Danzlger 1978: 53). Traders feared that settlement would destroy the fur trade (Johnson 1919: 148). No doubt the
Proclamation of 1763 and the Indian massacre of British subjects at
Michilimackinac also kept the British from settling In the area.
The establishment of the Red River colony intensified the rivalry between the two leading fur enterprises, the North West Company and the
Hudson's Bay Company. The former believed that settlement would destroy the fur trade (Bryce 1968: 214). By 1815, the two companies were skirmishing with one another and used Indians to plunder the other's posts (Kohl 1865: 68). The conflict ended with the murder of the colony's governor, Rupert Semple, and other colonists (Tilby 1912:
253; Bryce 1968: 206, 214),13 but settlement of the region continued.
These settlements included missionaries. Up until now, Indians had not been a primary goal for British missionaries (Stone and Chaput
1978: 606; also Bryce 1968: 417). Now, however, for the first time since Britain entered the Northwest Territory, Indians began to receive some religious Instruction through "native missionaries." Some authors believe the new interest in saving Indians' souls in the nineteenth century was a hum anitarian concern, and a re su lt of the Great Awakening
(Cowing 1971: 85; Sweet 1963: 239). However, I argue the primary motivating factors were political and economic, not ideological.
The late years of the eighteenth and the early years of the nineteenth century were marked by alterations in international re la tio n s due to the United States war for independence. Due to the a lte ra tio n s in the power stru ctu re re su ltin g from th is war, extending
13 This conflict would continue throughout the British period and into that in which the fur trade was dominated by the United S ta te s. 57 missions to the Indians was a means by which both powers sought to win
the Indians' allegiance.
Religious principles were supposed to pervade all facets of national experience, including the Indians. Nineteenth century missionaries were citizens of a new nation who hoped to persuade the Indians to accept civilized habits along with baptism as Integral parts of the American subculture. Anything that threatened national homogeneity had either to be converted or removed (Bowden 1981: 165).
Bowden refers specifically to the United States; however, Britain's attempts to retain the Northwest Territory suggests the same was true for Canada. Although conversions of Indians to Protestantism occurred during this era, it is uncertain to what extent conversion really occurred, or whether the "change of heart" as interpreted by the missionaries, were pragmatic (Vecsey 1983: 51-56; Jaenen 1976: 66).
2.4.1 Impact on the Anishinabe
The dispersion of Anishinabe that had begun under the French continued under the British. The Anishinabe stopped their northward migration and pushed westward into Manitoba (Vecsey 1983: 15).
H o s tilitie s continued between them and the Sioux for control over lucrative trading areas (Danziger 1978: 61). The dissolution of kinship ties that had begun under the French also continued. By developing relations with French and French-Indian former traders,
English did not have direct contact with the Indians making the Indians more peripheral to the British social and economic structure than they had been with the French.
The British paid little heed to the Anishinabe social structure 58
and placed Individuals with whom they could work In power. Permanent
settlement In the region, combined with the Increasing extent to which
the Anishlnabe had become dependent on the Europeans undermined the
authority of traditional leaders to a larger extent than had been the
case before. The proselytlsm of Indians by English missionaries also
undermined the au th o rity of the Mlde p r ie s ts , causing them to be
hostile to Christianity because It represented a threat to their power
and p restig e (Hoffman 1891: 151; Vecsey 1983: 170).
The competition between French and British traders had resulted
In an over-exploltation of animals and increased the Indians'
dependence on European goods. By 1797, beaver had become depleted in
the international border areas between Canada and the United States;
deer and other game animals were also becoming scarce (Vecsey 1983:
170). The French and Indian Wars and the Conspiracy of Pontiac took
to lls on Indian liv es and property (Trask 1983: 4) and had l e f t the
Indians without European goods for about a decade, on which they had
become dependent (Warren 1865: 219; Henry 1966: 195).
The two British policies — giving presents and settlement— also had impacts on the Indians living In the Northwest Territory. First,
they effectively decreased the resources upon which the Indians
depended for food and the extent to which they could engage in the fur
trade. Second, because of the larger number of traders in the area,
there was increased competition. Indians could obtain better prices for the furs they traded and better bargains for the goods they purchased.
Increased competition had two secondary effects on Indian society.
First, to retain their trading advantages, some traders married among
the Indian bands. 59
There is ample evidence, both in [the traders] journals and diaries, and in the hybrid population which survived him, that he mingled his blood with that of the savages. On the other hand, the white man did exercise a certain degree of self-control; and occasional contacts with the civilization of the outside world presented his complete assimilation to the society of the wilderness (Stevens 1916: 146).
Uhile there are several instances of both patterns, the Indians were unable to assimilate with the British as easily as they had among the
French.
Second, the multiple traders and trading companies caused factionalism to emerge w ithin an Indian community as each trad er sought to secure trading alliances.
A question, in which the Indians, in reality, had no other interest, but what which a serf might be supposed to feel on an exchange of masters, in which he has n eith er the rig h t to choose nor the power to r e je c t. Whichever party prevailed, they were sure to lose or gain nothing, if they kept aloof from the contest, or if they had any hopes from its e ffe c ts upon th e ir condition, they arose more from a prolongation, than a termination of the rivalry, as they were sure to fare better, both "in script and store", so long as they possessed the option of rival markets (Schoolcraft 1958: 65-66).
This further undermined the authority of traditional leaders.
The introduction of permanent White settlements also had effects on Anishinabe society. By cutting down forests to plant their fields, the settlers reduced the area in which fur-bearing animals could live.
Indians living in these areas had two options (excluding conflict): to leave and r e ta in .th e ir adaptation (Vecsey 1983: 15) or to remain and change their adaptation. The strategy of leaving would have taken them away from areas where Whites had settled. This would have allowed them to retain their traditional adaptation away from White Influence. 60
However, so dependent had the Anishinabe become on Whites th a t Chief
Hole-in-the-Day remarked that the Anishinabe could not "get along without [the Whiteman]" (6. Johnston n.d.a).
Alternatively, they could remain where they were and change their
economic strategies. The environmental alterations brought about by
the White settlers required the Indians to hunt for smaller game and
fish (Bishop 1974: 189-190). Because there was not enough game and
fish to support them (Vecsey 1983: 21), they turned first to wild rice,
and later, to agriculture (Ibid.; also 6. Johnston February 28, 1828).
The missionaries' ideology rested upon sedentism and agriculture. The missionaries provided Indians with agricultural training. They also
provided a means by which some Indians could participate in British
society by becoming Native missionaries. Thus, during the final years
of the British era there were two narrow ways by which Indians could pass into White society—through the traders or the missionaries.
2.5 The United States Era
To adequately understand the basis of United States - Indian
interaction, it is imperative to focus first on the overwhelming concern of the United States that Britain would attempt to regain her former colonies. This fear formed the foundation of the United States economic and political policies until the eve of the Civil War. This section describes how this fear was manifested in general United States policy; the next describes how it was played out in the Northwest
T e rrito ry .
When Britain established the thirteen colonies in North America, she was interested in exploiting the natural resources available, not 61
In the development of a nation. This exploitation led the thirteen colonies to develop two distinct economies, based largely on environmental factors. The northern colonies developed an economy largely based on mercantilism and shipping while the middle and southern colonies were agricultural (Schlesinger 1957: 22-23; Rossiter
1971: 150-152). Prior to the war, and for some time afterward the colonies were dependent upon B ritish markets for the sale of raw m a te ria ls, upon B ritish fa c to rie s for to o ls, and upon B ritish c a p ita l
for the export market and transportation (Rossiter 1971: 105).
So commanding was the position of Britain in the early years, so essential was the existence of Britain for the health of the American economy, th at we are forced to wonder just how much real independence the Republic had won in the War for Independence (Rossiter 1971: 105).
The former colonies had won their political independence but not
their economic independence. They realized their continued political independence was threatened by the existence of distinct economies, the lack of economic and so c ia l in teg ra tio n among them, and the presence of a large British force in Canada. They also realized that to maintain their political independence they must unite, become a part of the world economy (R ossiter 1971: 138, 105), and become an in d u stria l nation (Goodykoontz 1939: 116). Secretary of Treasury Alexander
Hamilton stressed the importance of this goal when he remarked that
"'the extreme embarrassments of the United States during the late war, from an incapacity of supplying themselves' were still 'a matter of keen recollection'" (Cole 1928: 231).
The United States had to solve other problems to become an industrial nation. Her victory in the War for Independence caused her to lose many of her previous markets (Phillips 1961 II: 48). Therefore 62 she must regain these or cultivate other markets. Second, many of her products were subject to high duties abroad.
The realization of the problems underlying the development of a new economy prompted the House of Representatives to request Secretary of Treasury Alexander Hamilton to provide "data upon the manufacture > of the country and the means of promoting such as w ill tend to render the United States independent of foreign nations for military and other essential supplies" (Cole 1928: xv-xvi) in 1790. In response, Hamilton issued his famous Report on Manufactures (1791), containing a prescription for a policy leading toward a "United States:"
Mutual wants constitute one of the strongest links of political connexion...Suggestions of an opposite complexion are ever to be deplored as unfriendly to the steady pursuit of one great Common Cause and to the p e rfe c t harmony of a ll the p arts (Cole 1928: x v i).
In brief, economic independence and a united front could be achieved by stim ulating in d u s tria l production (Cowing 1971: 118). This idea was voiced until the eve of the Civil War (Rossiter 1971: 137, 161;
Scheiber 1980: 105).
2.5.1 Unifying the Two Economies
The first element in Hamilton's plan for national unity was the unification of the different regional economies through industrialization. To manufacture industrial products, the United
S tates had to ex p lo it her own raw m a te ria ls. As co lo n ies, her raw materials had gone to England. As an independent nation, they had to be diverted to the East Coast factories which were being developed following Hamilton's policies. The drive to replace older East Coast 63 raw material sources with newer western sources prompted the westward expansion of Whites.
The Louisiana Purchase provided raw materials and domestic markets mainly in terms of Indian communities living there. The Importance of finding new sources of raw materials to feed the eastern industries increased by the nineteenth century when the push for economic
Independence had risen to greater heights. By then, "a widespread notion that somehow imports were undesirable and even distinctly harmful" (Cole 1928: xx-xxi) promoted increasing numbers of domestic industries (Ibid.).
Additional expeditions were carried out to find new mineral deposits (McLaughlin 1972: 117). The United States drafted many Indian treaties containing provisions for mineral exploitation. In the
Northwest Territory alone the United States signed the Treaty of
Prairie du Chein [1825] (Schoolcraft 1851: 245-256), the Treaty of Fond du Lac [1826] (Drinnon 1980: 169; Magnaghi 1984: 91), the Treaty of La
Croix [1837] (Armstrong 1892: 10-12). The Treaty of La Pointe [1842], ceded land around the Keweenaw Bay (Vecsey 1983: 17). Finally, the
Treaty of 1854, allotting land for that Community, ceded the suspected mineral land on the western side of Lake Superior.
The development of Industries on the East Coast required the exploitation of raw materials located in the frontiers where few United
States citizens lived. Western expansion created vacancies in the in d u stria l labor pool (McLaughlin 1972: 158; R ossiter 1971: 117) and few individuals possessed the new skills (Cole 1928: xxii; Cohen 1985:
613, 624).
These deficiencies were eased by conditions in Europe.
Immigrants, many possessing the necessary skills, left Europe due to 64
famine, civil and religious dissentlon, and absentee landownership
during the eighteenth (Goodykoontz 1939: 49) and nineteenth centuries
(op. cit.: 222-223). The United States offered them higher wages
(Cohen 1985: 611), and freedom from the problems a t home.
Immigration had been steady since the Uar for Independence.
By the year 1800, there were to be found In the Allegheny and Ohio valley regions nearly one million inhabitants representing all classes of society and a great variety of nationalities. Nearly every nation in Europe had furnished its quota, each bringing its own peculiarities, yet each actuated by the common desire to better temporal and spiritual conditions in the New World (Cleveland 1916: 1).
Immigrants continued to arrive throughout the early and middle part of
the nineteenth century (Schlarman 1939: 2).
2.5.2 Religious Unity
The second tack by which national unity was attempted was through religion. To begin this discussion, it is important to consider that just as pre-Revolutionary “United States” consisted of two economies, it also consisted of distinct ideologies: Congregationalism in the
Northern States, Presbyterianlsm in the Middle States, and
Episcopalians in the Southern States (Cleveland 1916: 13). Each of which had th e ir own perceptions of r e a lity .
The C ongregatlonalists and Presbyterians la te r merged to form a single group. Although the process by which this occurred and the eventual schisms that later tore them apart are not of importance here, the point is that they merged and established the American Board of
Commissioners for Foreign Missions. To place this in context however, 65 requires an examination of missionary societies.
A religious awakening occurred early in the eighteenth century
(Goodykoontz 1939: 41). Among its tenets was the perception nthat the
United States was the chosen nation, destined to inaugurate the millennial Kingdom of ChriBt on earth" (Coleman 1984: 11). Another revival occurred during the middle of the eighteenth century. This was accompanied by the Great Awakening and the M ethodist Revival
(Goodykoontz 1939). A third revival, the "Second Great Awakening," began around 1800 and la ste d for "two generations” (Coleman 1985: 10).
After the War for Independence, missionary societies sought to create a "new so ciety ” (Bushman 1970: x i i i ) by esta b lish in g n ational unity. The victory over Britain, the call for economic independence, and the development of a new economic base, along with the notion of the new nation as the "Promised Land” lent to the millennial fervor in the United States of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries
(Goodykoontz 1939: 87; Pearce 1965: 41). The economic and ideological movements were sy n e rg istic and stim ulated p a trio tic and re lig io u s zealousness. In evidence, protective tariffs were imposed on imported products (Cole 1928: 233-234).
2.5.3 Mitigating Conditions
These moves toward unification proved to be hampered by some unforeseen consequences of Hamilton's programs. Industrialization hindered national* unity in at least two ways. Western migration brought the issue of States Rights to a head and immigrants came to provide labor in factories and mines. Both of these "made a mockery of most programs of national action in the national interest" (Rossiter 66
1971: 276).
Western expansion exerted pressures upon those families living in
the rural areas of New England to migrate westward in search of
agricultural land (Cleveland 1916: 15-16). They were not pleased by
the government's emphasis on industry. As the distance between them
and Washington, D.C. increased, so too did the chasm between th e ir
needs and Washington's dictates (see Appendix B). Sectional
differences, in part over which the War for Independence was fought,
increased. The cry for States' Rights grew louder, culminating in the
Civil War (Rossiter 1971: 298).
The problems associated with the attempts to achieve ideological homogeneity are clear when we recall that the development of industries on the eastern seaboard forced farmers to move into the frontier zones.
F ro n tier towns contained c u ltu ra lly and id eo lo g ically heterogeneous populations (Goodykoontz 1939: 29). Life was characterized by poverty, little leisure, and isolation. Isolation encouraged social gatherings such as spinning-bees and corn-huskings (Cleveland 1916: 11), camp meetings and revivals (Goodykoontz 1939: 32)—complete with trances
(Pierson 1938: 249)— turned these into emotional e v e n t s .*4
By contrast, "The coast towns... thanks to the accumulation of a little capital and the emergence of a small class that had some leisure time, were developing a polite society; the townsmen were becoming
14 For example, Chandler, a missionary at Keweenaw Bay wrote in his journal that
I began to sing praises to God; and as I sung I began to be happy, and could not stop singing. It was happy more and more u n til I could not see the trees th at were a ll around me, and then all my strength was gone, and I fell with my load of wood into the snow (Prindle 1842: 36, emphasis in the original). 67 urbane" (Goodykoontz 1939: 64-65). The settlements were dominated by relatively affluent people with similar backgrounds. The presence of a single church is Indicative of their ideological homogeneity
(Goodykoontz 1939: 30).
The east coast religious groups frowned upon the ecstatic nature and 'b o d ily e x e rc ise s' (Cleveland 1916: 134) of relig io u s expression in the west (Goodykoontz 1939: 32). They regarded the western missionaries as ignorant and illiterate because they had little formal education (Goodykoontz 1939: 33) and condemned western preachers who engaged in secular activities (Hamilton 1939: 171; see also Crooks May
11, 1835; Greene December 12, 1835; Hall February 3, 1835). Western denominations, such as the Methodists, denied the allegation that the missionaries were illiterate (Education 1841; Mathews 1949; Cleveland
1916: 27). Thus, western settlers had an equally unfavorable view of easterners. This increased denominational rivalry and sectionalism.
The second impediment to national homogeneity was the increasing presence of non-English, non-Protestant immigrants, lured to the new nation by the idea of the Promised Land. Although the East Coast industrialists needed them to provide labor and services, the majority of the citizens of the United States were hostile to them—especially if they were Catholics (Goodykoontz 1939: 232; Rossiter 1971: 118).
There seems to be an economic basis for th is sentim ent. The migrants were attracted to lower-level industrial positions in the east coast and in the mining operations in the Northwest T e rrito ry (Cohen
1985). Presbyterians, predominating on the East Coast, were primarily industrialists. The low-Protestant denominations (e.g. Methodists and
Baptists), were composed largely of blue-collar laborers (Demerath
1965: 2-3, Cleveland 1916: 13), and provided labor for the new 68 enterprises. The high-Protestant sects may have been more tolerant of
Catholics on the east coast because they provided "much-needed unskilled labor" (Goodykoontz 1939: 222). Members of the lower-Protestant churches, on the other hand, saw the Catholic new-comers as competitors for their jobs. Consequently, they were apt to be an tag o n istic to the C atholics. Documents in the National
Archives mirror this pattern (see, for example Brunson July 18, 1843;
Brunson August 29, 1843; and Stuart October 13, 1 8 4 3).
All Protestant denominations, however, reacted to the immigration of Catholics by charging missionary societies to combat Catholicism in the frontier area, fearing that "fragments of western Protestantism were about to be absorbed into the Church of Rome" (Hamilton 1939:
1 7 2).16 xhe hostility toward Catholics was also manifested by a n a tiv ls tic movement, defined as an "intense opposition to an In tern al minority on the grounds of its foreign (i.e., "un-'American'’")
This distribution was present in the United States as late as 1950. Although lower and middle classes had become members of the high Protestant denominations, Baptists, Methodists and Roman Catholics obtained a high proportion of their congregations from the lower and middle classes:
Social P ro file of American Religious Groups
Denomination Upper Middle Lower Class Class Class
Episcopalian 2 4 .1Z 33.7% 42.2% Congregational 23.9 42.6 33.5 Presbyterian 21.9 40.0 38.1 M ethodist 12.7 35.6 51.7 B aptist 8.0 24.0 68.0 Roman C atholic 8.7 24.7 66.6
Source: Demerath 1965: 2, Table 1-1.
The Catholics feared the Protestants, too. They feared the progress made by Protestant denominations. Richard Badin wrote in 1828, 'If Catholics do not make and [sic] effort the Indians will become Christian but Protestant'lJezernik 196S: 43). 69 connections" (Barry 1958: 138-139), and as a "defensive type of nationalism " (Higham 1958: 150).17 I t continued to the mid- nineteenth century as indicated by the Know-Nothing Party (McLaughlin 1972:
309-310), whose primary platform was anti-Catholicism (Anderson 1970:
101 ).
Thus, to be Catholic was to be foreign; and foreigners, in this era aroused fear for the safety of institutions United States citizens held dear. This feeling was held before the Revolution (Bosworth 1975;
Blackey 1975; Goodykoontz 1939: 41), and in to the nineteenth century.
As Catholic Immigration increased after 1825 (Rossiter 1971: 118), the feeling heightened.
The number of C atholics in the United S tates increased greatly as the result of immigration. It has been estimated that the average number of aliens entering the United States at the beginning of the 19th century was only 5-6,000 a year. Between 1820 and 1826 the figures ranged from 6,000 to 10,000 annually. Then they began to mount rap id ly : 23,000 in 1830, 65,000 in 1834, 84.000 in 1840, more than 100,000 in 1842, more than 300.000 in 1850, and over 400,000 in 1854 (Goodykoontz 1939: 221).
The intensity with which anti-Catholicism was felt varied throughout the period, but the hostility toward them was never far below the surface.
The rising tide of Catholics, coupled with the Intense feelings of nationalism brought about fears of "enemies."
17 Nativism and anti-Catholicism had an impact on Indians who became Catholic. The government withheld money from the Catholic m issions, a recu rren t phenomena in Michigan (see Bourassa November 1, 1865, Buros March 16, 1860).
18 Although animosity toward Catholics would ebb and flow over the next 300 years, it has never entirely disappeared, as demonstrated by the controversy over whether John F. Kennedy should be elected President and Geraldine Ferraro's bid for the Vice-Presidency. 70
Few young nations have been more lav ish ly b le sse d ...b y the existence of an enemy than the United States In the early years of independence.... Whether this enemy was Europe as a whole...or that special corner of Europe called Britain or England, as it was literally in 1812 and prospectively in 1845, its mere presence in the world helped speed up the course of self-identification (Rossiter 1971: 127).
Presbyterians believed Catholic influence in the west would increase
the loose moral conditions and religious degeneration in the west
(Goodykoontz 1939: 25-34). Concerned by reports reifying their fears—
"loose morals' "illiterate' preachers, trances and increasing numbers
of Catholics — they increased missionary activity. Nationalism and
xenophobism, especially prominent after the War of 1812 (Dangerfleld
1965: 32), contributed to the home missionary movement (Sweet 1963:
262).
The Federal government, heavily dominated by Presbyterians, tried
to strengthen the nation's economy and promote national unity by encouraging industrial production. This encouraged westward expansion and immigration. Westward expansion and immigration of fo reig n ers, in
turn, stimulated the activities of missionary societies who were charged with the task of making the west homogeneous with the e a st.
Missionaries and East Coast businessmen sought to integrate the westerners with the eastern economy by encouraging domestic consumption. The government stressed national unity and attempted to accomplish this by stressing economic and ideological unity. These values were not shared by Whites in the Northwest Territory. 71
2.6 The Northwest Territory
With her focus on m ercantilism and commerce before the War and
Industry afterwards (Zinn 1980: 65), the United States had little regard for the fur trade (Stevens 1916: 42). Her merchants did not have access to goods with which to conduct the fur trade (Stevens 1916:
66-67; Schlesinger 1957: 16) and the British post at Oswego blocked the entry of United States traders (Stevens 1916: 101). Consequently, the
United States did not have the tradition, the superstructure, nor deep interest in the Indian trade after the Revolution.
After the War the fur trade was laden with foreign competition
(Bryce 1968: 208; Stevens 1916: 190; G ilpin 1970: 46). The fur traders complained to Alexander Hamilton:
The Scarcity of Beaver and some other Furrs produced in the Back Country is a great impediment which arises not from the Nature of the Country, but from other Nations being principally possessed of the extensive Furr Trade of this vast Continent.. ..If this Trade was commanded by the United States, it might prove a great Source of Wealth, exclusive of the manufacture of Furrs among ourselves (Cole 1928: 81).
The government sought to eliminate competition but other obstacles emerged. The fur trade was expanding (Bryce 1962: 120) and Britain had no intentions of leaving the Northwest Territory (Danziger 1978: 60).
2.6.1 Fear of Britain
The British presence in the Northwest Territory reified the United
States1' fear that Britain would attempt to reclaim her lost colonies. 72
This was 'substantiated' by other actions. Article Eight of the Treaty of Paris gave England permission to navigate freely upon the Great
Lakes and the Mississippi River (Stevens 1916: 71). Uhen Britain realized the two waterways were not connected she made numerous requests that the Grand Portage district (in Minnesota) return to
British hands (Stevens 1916: 176). This had become a very Important center in the Indian trade (Stevens 1916: 106). Her request would have
Increased British control in the area.
Equally important, the Indians recalled their relatively favorable experiences with the French and B ritish (N ico llet 1972: 117; Jones
1861: 217-218). Thus the Indians were not part of the United States and posed a potential threat, if only because of a predisposition to ally with foreigners.
Between 1826 and 1844 the Federal government carried out many expeditions to the Northwest Territory. While one purpose of these expeditions had been to scout for mineral deposits, another was to determine how to keep Britain out of the area (Schoolcraft 1958: xxii).
Thomas McKenney (1972: 257), the Commissioner of Indian Affairs while at Fond du Lac in 1826, wrote, "one of the chief difficulties with which the government has to contend in this quarter, is that which relates to the exercise of British influence over these people." The
British had a trading post on Drummond Island in 1827 (George Johnston
January 25, 1827); the garrison was removed two years later (Johnston
March 21, 1829).
The British still gave presents to the Indians, a practice about which Henry Schoolcraft expressed concern.
The amount of goods, arms, and ammunition, Issued a t these convocations [in Canada to Indians residing in the 73
United States], Is unknown to me, but whatever it may be, it is quite unimportant, so far as relates to future p o litic a l consequences, compared to the employment of capital of the Hudson's Bay Company, who not only line the frontier from la Cloche to Red River, as they have a legal and proper right to, but spreading west of the Rocky Mountains, have extended their operations through all the length and bredth of the Columbia Valley and wage a warfare of commercial opposition to the American traders penetrating into that region, which is rather open than assiduous...It has been found, that the local factors, on this frontier, adopt all practical means of drawing the Indian population to these stations, and have, in a number of instances over leaped the territorial boundary,in the pursuit of trade (October A, 1838, emphasis in the original).
It is clear that his concern was on the political and economic consequences. Evidence suggests the Indians actively traded with
British traders as late as 1843 (Schmalz 1977: 12; Ord September 1,
1838; Brunson April 22, 1843), thus the fear of a British - Indian alliance continued.
This fear continued well into the middle part of the nineteenth century. George Johnston (n.d.b.) learned of an Indian plan to attack
Fort Brady in 1838 during the Canadian war for unification, mistakenly thinking i t was a war between Canada and the United S t a t e s .*9 The fear underlay the claim of United States control up to 54' 40° in 1848
(Dunbar 1970: 56) and was p resen t on the eve of the C ivil War: In
1861, United States Interpreter Edward Ashneur (October 17, 1861) wrote to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs:
I accompanied Hon. D.C. Leach, U.S. Indian agent for Michigan, to L'Anse this fall when he made his payment to the Indians of that region. I acted as his Interpreter. Mr Leach in his council with the Indians
19 Two years earlier Schoolcraft (August 3, 1836) discounted a similar rumor, "which are in my opinion without foundation." Tilby (1912: 354) notes the United S tates held th is fear Canada became federated in 1862. 74
explained the policy of the Govt in the pending war and the relations of the Govt to the Indians [toward?] the same...They were entirely satisfied with his explanation and gave strong proofs of their loyalty. I have no hesitancy in saying that they are loyal, and the Department need have no apprehension of any trouble from that quarter.
Notwithstanding, six companies of soldiers were dispatched to the Upper
Peninsula the following year because rumor held the Indians were to stage a revolt (Armstrong 1892: 66).
Some authors have stated the fear was more imaginary than real
(fo r example, McClurken 1986: 18-20; Calloway 1986: 12). Vhether real or imaginary the rhetoric helped shape United States foreign policy and laste d u n til the early 1860s (see Helms 1975: 232, LaFeber 1983: 24).
By then, the United States had attained an economic base so strong it vied with Britain for first place in the world (Rossiter 1971: 148) and the fear of foreign intervention could no longer be justified.
Precisely how the United States acquired this is largely tangential to our present Interests. Extending United States manufactures to the
Indians through the Factory System, however, was one way this was accomplished.
2.6.2 The Factory System
President Washington viewed the increased British presence in the
Northwest Territory with concern. He assuredly internalized Hamilton's
Report on Manufactures and saw the place of Indians in a larger scheme.
In 1792 he stated that Britain would retain its influence on the
Indians until the United States could supply them with goods at rates competitive with the British (Stevens 1916: 104). He requested 75
Congress to Implement the Factory System to address this problem.
The Factory System was at its base a government-run and
government-sponsored program designed to stimulate industrial
production and Integrate the Native Americans into the national
economy. As conceived, th is f u l f i l l the n a tio n 's primary objectives in a number of ways. F irs t i t would stim ulate in d u stria l production
because most of the products sold at factory posts were manufactured in
the United States (Peake 1954: 45). Second, it would provide the
United States with a market in which to market her products since she had lost most of her previous outlets (Phillips 1961 II: 48). Third,
it sought to win the Indians' allegiance by "link[ing the Indians']
interests and feeling with those of the people of the United States"
(Irving 1865: 26-27).20 This, would increase the United S ta te s' ability to repel foreign invasion by undermining the British - Indian a llia n c e . F in ally , the Indian te r rito r y would become buffer zone between the United S tates and Canada (K eller 1978: 4 ).
Congress enacted the program in 1795 (Stevens 1916: 103-104). The
Legislature's reluctance was due to pressures exerted by east coast merchants, who argued i t would be a source of com petition (Viola 1974:
47). In 1794 Jay's Treaty required Britain to remove her garrisons from the Northwest Territory (Stevens 1916: 179). The following year,
Congress agreed to enact the program. In essence, Congress agreed to the plan only after merchants were assured economic and military protection.
20 Drinnon (1980: 86-87) opines that the factory system "entrapped [the Indian tribes'] leading men into running up debts at government trading posts so that they would have to sell their lands to pay.” I do not argue with his view. However, the Keweenaw Bay Indians were not removed from th e ir an c e stra l lands. Thus his argument is not relevant here. 76
Although the government Instituted the Factory System to benefit
United States manufactories, businessmen were skeptical of it from the
start and sought to have it abolished by 1818. Ramsay Crooks argued
before the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs that private citizens
served the Indians better than could the government because private
traders could go into the wilderness while the factors were confined to
their post (Lavender 1964: 319). He also questioned their ability to
christianize the Indians (Lavender 1964: 319), which had become a major
plank in Commissioner of Indian A ffairs Thomas L. McKenney's goal
leading toward assimilation (Peake 1954: 177).21 The American Fur
Company courted Governor of Michigan Territory, Lewis Cass, Senator
Thomas Hart Benton (Terrell 1963: 314), and other government officials
to help them achieve th e ir g o a l.22
Traders also alleged the goods sold at the factories were inferior
to theirs (Ibid.). There was truth to this claim. There are frequent
reports that supplies provided at factory posts were of poor quality
(Dunbar 1965: 266), Inappropriate (Danziger 1978: 63; Peake 1954: 69),
or both (Peake 1954: 62-80). Some merchants sent articles of poor
quality thinking "that any quality of goods would answer for Indians"
(Peake 1954: 6 9).23,24
21 Recall the Hudson's Bay Company had been sending missionaries with the settlers since 1808. McKenney's call for misslonizlng the Indians, then, was part of a larger trend.
22 Benton and Cass received payments from the American Fur Company (Porter 1931 II: 713-714; Terrell 1963: 251 note).
23. Hagan (1976: 160) reports the Sioux received shoddily manufactured blankets, shoes, pants, and suits. Indian agents made similar statements later in the nineteenth century for the Anishlnabe. [The Indians responded in kind by selling poor quality furs to the factories and the better ones to private trading posts] (Peake 1954: 132). Recalling the problems hampering production of good-quality 77
The United States produced goods of inferior quality (Dunbar 1965:
266; Porter 1931 II: 834-835). The poor quality was a result of lack of proper machinery, unavailability of materials, and lack of knowledge
(Cole 1928: xx-xxil). Furthermore,
change for the sake of change had taken hold of the emotions of millions of Americans; and far too many of them had fa lle n in to the easy h ab it of equating change with progress (Rossiter 1971: 280).
This cultural pattern was a part of the nationalistic fervor characteristic of the time.
Businessmen criticized the factory system from the start and sought to destroy it. Rather than providing the Indians with appropriate goods and of suitable quality, the factors sold goods not marketable to Whites.25 This accomplished the merchants' goal: to force Indians to purchase goods at private trading posts. The program did not accomplish the government's objectives; Indeed, it was abolished because it had not kept the Indians away from British (Peake
1954: 184). Is it any wonder that the Indians did so? Due to these pressures the Factory System was abolished in 1822 (Gilpin 1970: 125).
Buley (1951 I: 402) claims its failure was due to:
material to begin with, one can imagine how poorly these products served the government's purposes.
24 The practice of giving articles unsalable elsewhere (Abbott July 3, 1843), and of poor quality continued throughout the nineteenth century (Jamison 1946: 91; Danziger 1978: 81; Richmond October 26, 1845; Stuart July 9, 1843). It continues in the ethnographic present (Senate S elect Committee on Health and Human Needs 1977).
25 in 1843, big business was even more firmly in control of the Indian trade. Indians continued to receive shoddily manufactured goods and s t i l l preferred B ritish trad ers (Schmalz 1977: 12). 78
Private capital and political influence, combined with superior goods, underselling, use of liquor, and the power of trad ers frequently interm arried with Indians, proved too much for the government system.
I concur and offer the program failed because it did not have the
support of businessmen.
Faced with competition from Britain who offered products of
superior quality, the United States fur traders had to do likewise
(Lavender 1964: 259; Hlckerson 1970: 101 note; Cole 1928: 81).
However, p ro te ctiv e ta r if f s made these products expensive (Zinn 1980:
90), and the British offered the same products (Lavender 1964: 259) "at about 65%" less (Stuart Hay 16, 1831; Phillips 1961 II: 69).
The fur traders and United States government also operated at
cross-purposes over xenophobism. Fur traders living or working in the
Northwest Territory needed foreigners to conduct their business. In
1816, the Federal government passed a law prohibiting the employment of foreigners. Ramsay Crooks argued:
[Canadians] are indispensible to the successful prosecution of the trade, their places cannot be supplied by Americans who are for the most part too independent to submit to a proper controul and who can gain any where a subsistence much superior to a man of the interior....Although the body of a Yankee can resist as much hardship as any Man, tis only in the Canadian we find the temper of mind to render him patient, docile, and persevering[.] In short they are a people harmless in themselves whose h abits of submission f i t them peculiarly for our business and if guided as is my wish they should be, will never give just cause of alarm to the government of the United States (Lavender 1964: 257; Porter 1931 II: 703).
Thus, fur traders argued against the sentiments voiced by other sectors of the United States by hiring foreigners and buying foreign products.
The inferior quality of United States manufactured products put them at 79 a competitive disadvantage with British traders. They also saw the destruction of forests as injurious to their business. In virtually all respects, fur traders perceived the government's actions as in terv en tio n and com petition:
The Indian traders will always endeavor to lessen the value of the goods furnished the Indians by the Government, as they consider the government as intruding on their rights when goods are paid to the Indians in place of specie (Dodge July 6, 1838).
The payment of Indian annuities later in the nineteenth century also contributed to friction between the government and the business community.
By then, however, another dynamic process had become evident.
Following British precedent, businessmen controlled access to the
Indians. States Rights and the emergence of laissez-faire capitalism caused the government to turn over her previous obligations "to states, municipalities, corporations, or private citizens—or even, as it were, to no one at all” (Rossiter 1971: 226-227). By 1840, people sympathetic to business had been placed in strategic places—including the Indian Service—thus dictating Federal - Indian policy.
2.6.3 Missionaries and Misslonization
Just as Indians were Included in the government's attempts to woo them away from the B ritish and assim ilate them, m issionary a c tiv itie s in the nineteenth century were also extended to include Indians. Three missionary societies were especially active in the region of Michigan which forms the focus of this monograph: the Presbyterian/
Congregatlonallsts, Methodists, and Catholics. I treat each of these 80 groups separately because they had distinct histories.26
In 1819 Congress enacted legislation requesting that missionary societies introduce "civilizing arts” (education and agriculture) to the Indians (Schoenfus 1963: 48), appropriating $10,000 annually for the purpose (Prucha 1973: 222). In 1824, Congress provided additional funds for this purpose (Shoenfus 1963: 48-49). In the beginning, missionaries learned the language of their Indian converts. By 1819, however, instruction began to be conducted in English (Viola 1974:
187).27
The Congregationalist/Presbyterlan missionary society, the
American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, established its first mission among the Indians in 1816 (Viola 1976: 47). In 1822 it received Federal assistance to establish missions among the Anishinabe
(Prucha 1973: 220; Viola 1976: 49). They established a mission at
Sault Ste. Marie the following year with the support of the American
Fur Company (Vecsey 1983: 32). Indian Agent Henry R. Schoolcraft helped them establish other missions in the Northwest Territory
(Schoolcraft 1958: xxv), including one at Chequamegon (Vecsey 1983:
34). Although they did not establish a mission at Keweenaw Bay, their close relationship with the Federal government and the American Fur
26 Missionaries played a crucial role in United States - Indian policy throughout the rest of the nineteenth century. Their importance increased when the Peace Policy was promulgated in 1869 (Vecsey 1983: 42, Coleman 1984: 40). Although the Peace Policy form ally ended in 1882 (Keller 1983), missionaries still received appropriations from the government in support of Indian missions until the early twentieth century (Vecsey 1983: 43, Ketcham 1908: 12).
27 The call for instruction in English began as early as 1868 (Atkins 1973: 198). By 1880, the Indian Bureau issued regulations stating "all instruction must be in English...” (Atkins 1973: 199). Instruction in English began as early as 1865 at the Keweenaw Bay (Vecsey 1983: 42; Nelson 1965: 58). 81
Company influenced United States - Indian policy and thus had indirect impact on the Keweenaw Bay Indians.
The Canadian Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church began its missionary activities among the Indians in the Northwest Territory in 1823. This effort seems to have been a reaction to their fear of
United States conquest. Their missions were transferred to the
Wesleyan Methodists, who, in turn, were replaced by the Michigan
Conference in 1837, very likely a part of the general effort to rid the
Northwest Territory of British influence. These missionaries, however, did not focus attention on the Indians, but rather on the Whites who were arriving daily in the Upper Peninsula (see Lambert 1967a).
Chapter III presents a detailed study of the activities of the Michigan
Conference at Keweenaw Bay.
The Catholic Church of the United States was expanding rapidly with the influx of European immigrants during the early nineteenth century. This occurred again after 1848 due to revolutions in various
European countries (Schlarman 1939: 2). There were few United
States-born priests to attend to the needs of this expanding population, so priests arrived from Europe (Pierson 1938: 299). The
Diocese of Detroit provides an example of the conditions it faced, and by extension the conditions of many Catholic diocese in the United
S tates.
In 1830, the Detroit Diocese— consisting of the state of Ohio and
Michigan and Wisconsin Territories— had 988,799 inhabitants, of who i
17,000 were Catholics. There were twenty-five priests to minister to their needs (Ibid). To meet the demand, the bishop sent his vicar general, Father Frederic Rese, to Europe to recruit priests (Jezernik
1968: 27). Rese went first to France, where a missionary society had 82
answered a similar appeal made by the Bishop of New Orleans (Ibid.)*
This society was unable to provide support, but it published Rese's
treatise describing the history of the diocese and expressing concern
about the spiritual needs of the Indians, who were without priests.
This publication was widely disseminated throughout the Continent
( Ib id .).
Father Rese then went to Austria where Emperor Francis I responded
to his petition with funds and established the Catholic missionary
society, Leopoldinen Stiftung (Jezernlk 1968: 28; Payne 1915: 51;
Policy 1845: 7 4).28 One of this missionary society's priests is discussed in Chapter III.
2.6.3.1 Trader-Missionary Relations
Traders both championed and hindered the missionaries' cause.
Some were supportive of the missionary's efforts, while others were adverse to them. Whether a particular trader had positive or negative feelings towards the presence of a missionary did not seem to be predicated on his religious affiliation. For example, Father Andrew
Viszoczky stated that a particular Catholic trader was his worst enemy, but was friendly with the Protestant missionary (Viszoczky October 20,
1835).
Many traders believed that the missionization of the Indians would result in decreased profits (Hickey 1883: 29). This perception may have been valid:
28 The Methodist Church viewed this Catholic missionary society with alarm. Coggeshall (1837: 180-181) wrote it was part of a "regular and well-laid conspiracy against the liberties of these United States." Others shared his views (Elliott 1841; Literary 1844; Policy 1845). 83
I always heard said about the Indians In that region that most of them are outspoken enemies of the Christian religion. They are kept In this hostile attitude towards the religion by godless traders who often visit them to bring them rum for th e ir furs because these godless men know that the Indians, when they accept Christianity, renounce drunkenness entirely, to which the pagan Indians are very much addicted. In order to always have good trade with them, they seek to keep them in paganism by all possible means (Baraga June 29, 1832).
It is common knowledge that the traders reaped large profits from the
Indians by making them intoxicated. Baraga expressed a concern about this practice. "The fur traders here so shamefully defraud the poor
Indians, they nevertheless always receive little for their many pelts"
(Baraga March 7, 1834). If Baraga and other missionaries were observing these activities, it could not help but sour their relationships with traders.
The strained relations between missionaries and traders in the frontier were not found in the central offices of the fur companies.
Ramsay Crooks, for example, wrote, "You will however understand that I have no special objection to anyone attached to the Missions, either
Protestant or Catholic who have the permission of the Government to come into the Indian Country” (August 22, 1835, emphasis in the original). Crooks helped Baraga build a church at La Polnte (Baraga
February 25, 1836).29 Many documents in the Papers of the American
Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions indicate the close relationship this organization had with the American Fur Company. One letter, written when the American Fur Company planned to shift its base
29 He also helped Baraga receive funds from a French merchant by s e llin g wine (Loisson October 24, 1838, Crooks July 27, 1843, Crooks. August 2, 1843, Crooks March 3, 1840, Crooks March 14, 1840) and giving suggesting how to stimulate sales (Crooks July 8, 1839; November 10, 1840) 84
from Mackinac to Sault Ste. Marie clearly expresses this relationship:
"...How far the recent changes in the arrangements of the American Fur
Company are going to effect [the Mackinac mission's] importance in this
respect others, I cannot say...” (Greene February 19, 1835). The mission was abandoned a few years later, a result, at least in part, of the removal of the trading post.
2.6.3.2 Impact on the Anlshlnabe
As far as can be determined there was no factory post located near
the Keweenaw Bay. However, this system influenced United States Indian
policy, and thus had impact on th a t Indian community in three ways.
First, it demonstrates that the Federal government at first was acting
in a manner that it perceived to be benevolent toward the Native
Americans and propitious to United States businesses. Ironically, the
business community undermined th is p o licy .
Second, it demonstrates how industry manipulated government
policy to suit its ends. By 1S43, industrialists placed individuals
sympathetic to their goals in key positions— including the Indian
Office. Consequently the Indians were cut out from direct influence on
United States - Indian relations. In so doing, Uhites Insulated
themselves from the Indians. Third, the Factory System demonstrates
the degree to which xenophobism affected United States - Indian policy.
The rationale for its creation was a fear of Britain, its demise was
because the Indians continued to trade with Britain. British presence
in the Northwest reified the concern that Britain would attempt to
recover her lost colonies. Thus, the Indians' allegiance to Britain
affected United States - Indian policy in that the Federal Government 85
sought to woo Indians away from Britain through Its largesse.
Uhether the United States" fear of the British was real or
Imaginary, documents in the National Archives indicate it influenced
United States - Indian policy. Henry Schoolcraft (February 26, 1839)
wrote "It should also be borne in mind that these tribes are adverse to
emigrating South; that they have been long subsidized from the
Canadas...". By this he indicated the idea of removing Indians from
Michigan would subvert the government's attem pts to win the Indians"
allegiance and use them as a buffer between the United States and
B rita in .
The fear of Britain extended well into the nineteenth century.
Ashneur's commission and the government's sending of troops to squash a
suspected Indian uprising suggests this fear had evolved in a curious
direction. By 1860 the United States had achieved its economic
independence and become a member of the Atlantic community. Canada's
internal problems could not have been a crucial factor.
However, the fear remained. With Britain no longer a reason for
fear, the fear was directed to the Indians (see Utley 1976). This
s h if t was p a rt of the process by which Indians became excluded from
participating in the national fabric by mid-century. Before they were, and even while this was evolving, attempts were made to integrate the
Indians using missionary societies. Before turning to that issue, however, it is instructive to sketch Indian - White relations at the
Keweenaw Bay. CHAPTER I II
THE KEWEENAW BAY TO 1849
3.1 Introductory Remarks
The primary purpose of th is chapter Is to show th at the community at Keweenaw Bay fissioned in 1832 and that, within a short period o :
time, two daughter communities had developed from It Into distinct entitles. There are five principal sections. The first presents a general history of White -Indian relations at the Keweenaw Bay and how the themes presented In the last chapter affected the community. The second describes the Introduction of the Methodist missionary to the
Bay in 1832. The la te n t factionalism th a t characterized the community in 1827 (Schoolcraft 1962: 137) became v isib le with his a r riv a l. The section describes the formal establishment of the Methodist mission,
Its subsequent development and the Indian response to 1843. This year marks the arrival of the Catholic missionary, Frederic Baraga, who established his mission on the west side of the Keweenaw Bay.
The third section describes Baraga's activities at other mission sites from his arrival in the United States in 1832 until he arrived at the Keweenaw Bay. This discussion Is Important for two reasons.
First, because the environmental pressures exerted upon Baraga—a result of his "un-American" heritage—were different from those described in the last chapter that affected "Americans," if only because he was a Catholic. Second, the documents relative to his
86 87 tenure at the Keweenaw Bay are hazy relative to his missionary activities. His actions at previous Indian mission sites provide clues of what his goals for the Indians at Keweenaw Bay were. These, when placed alongside of the effects of his presence there enable an understanding of the factors that Influenced the behavior of Indians living In his mission.
The fourth section describes the Methodist missionaries' reaction to Baraga's arrival at the Keweenaw Bay and Baraga's reaction to the environmental conditions under which he operated until 1849. By this date it is clear the community fission that ostensibly resulted with
Baraga's a rriv a l was cemented. The completion of community schism was due, in p art to in te rn a l community dynamics. External pressures aided the internal processes. These pressures, although exerted to reunite the two Indian communities, only magnified the differences between them. The f if th section departs somewhat from the general framework of this chapter by describing the growth pattern for the two missions until 1881. This will demonstrate that the two missions were viable.
3.2 H istory of the Keweenaw Bay
The Keweenaw Bay provides some evidence of the quality of relations between the Indians and French priests described above.
Father Mesnard went to the bay in 1660 to establish a mission (Verwyst
1886: 17-18). The chief "refused him and his companions any hospitality, and even bade them to live away from his settlement"
(Rezek 1907: 237). Undaunted, Mesnard established a mission about seven miles north of where the Methodist mission was established later
(Verwyst 1886: 17, Jacker 1922: 316). He remained there for eight 88 months, baptizing about one hundred individuals (Verwyst 1886: 177), before setting off toward Chequamegon (Nelli 1850-56: 107).1
Vecsey (1983: 53), citing Radin's analysis of these Individuals suggests the "converts" represented:
the miserable, the maladjusted, the aged, the infantile, and the diseased in the Indian population, and that such baptisms predictably had no lasting effect on the whole of the Indian communities.
Clearly, they were not those who wielded Influence within the Indian population. This may have hampered the priests' attempts to convert the 'heathens' (see Nida 1978b for an analogous case).
There is no evidence a priest returned to Keweenaw Bay until
Father Allouez made a brief visit in 1665. He reported finding only two women who professed belief in Catholicism (Verwyst 1886: 43), suggesting a superficial internalization of that doctrine.? From then until the nineteenth century the western half of Lake Superior did not receive much attention from the missionaries (Verwyst 1886: 144).
There is no indication Catholic missionaries were there for any sustained period until Baraga arrived in the mid-nineteenth century.
Catholic missionaries, however, did make periodic visits to Indian settlements in the eighteenth century (Vecsey 1983: 27). One document suggests these visits may have become a part of local folklore: "[The
1. Father Mesnard disappeared while going to Chequamegon (N eill 1850-56: 107).
?. This was undoubtedly due to the temporary nature of French-Indian contact at this time. In addition, however, it was also a complaint aired by Protestants against Catholics in the nineteenth century (see American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions 1834: 12). 89
villagers at Beaver Island] have heard much about priests through
tradition from their ancestors, but they have never seen one, never
has one come to th e ir island" (Baraga March 4, 1833).
There is no information about the Keweenaw Bay for the next 140 years. This may be because the Keweenaw Bay area was not a primary
center. In evidence, when the American Fur Company dominated the fur
trade, material destined for the Keweenaw Bay went to La Pointe, even
though the ships had to go past to get to La Pointe. Brown (1875), in
his history of the Northwest Territory, made no mention of the Keweenaw
Bay, although his work ostensibly provides a sketch of the missions,
forts, and trading posts in the area. A final indication is that the
Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Thomas L. McKenney. in his journey to
the Treaty of Fond du Lac in 1826, took pains to describe all the major bands. He stopped at the Keweenaw Bay, but did not give a biographical sketch of the chief there, although he did give sketches of others
(McKenney and Hall 1933-34).
While there is no evidence of events occurring at Keweenaw Bay
specifically relating to European-Indian relations until the early
nineteenth century, data for Chequamegon, 250 miles west of Keweenaw
Bay, suggest general patterns. Most of the French left the Northwest
Territory after their defeat in the French and Indian Wars. The
British Crown gave Alexander Henry exclusive rights to trade with the
Indians at Chequamegon (Henry 1966: 191-192). Henry formed a
partnership with Jean Baptiste Cadotte. Henry's journal (1966) and the
memoirs of others (Warren 1865, Armstrong 1892) suggest Henry turned
his attention to mineral exploitation and extraction of furs further
w est, leaving Cadotte to operate the post a t Chequamegon.
Cadotte, like other French traders, married an Anishlnabe woman 90
(Warren 1865: 213). One of their children, Michel, succeeded his father as the principal trader (Ibid.). He became a partner In the
North West Company and received trading privileges for the region encompassing the headwaters of the Mississippi, St. Croix, and Chippewa
Rivers (Warren 1865: 292). He married an Anlshlnabe woman at
Chequamegon (Warren 1865: 321), for whom Madeline Island (Chequamegon) was named (Vizenor 1984: 41). She was the daughter of hereditary chief, White Crane (Warren 1865: 292). The couple had two daughters
(Warren 1865: 324-325).
Two British traders, Truman A. and Lyman M. Warren, began trading with the Chippewa bands a t Lac Court O re llle s, Lac du Flambeau, and S t.
Croix shortly after Alexander Henry established his post at
Chequamegon. They married Michel C adotte's two daughters (Warren 1865:
326) and worked with the North West C om pany.3
Another British trader, John Johnston, also began working around the Chequamegon region at about this time. He apparently began as an independent trader (Danzlger 1978: 59), but affiliated with the North
West Company in 1792 (Bryce 1968: 179). This Company placed British subjects in high positions, forcing the French to accept lower-level p ositions in the Company or be released . Economic d estru ctio n was a sure consequence of the l a t t e r option. At the La Pointe (Chequamegon) post, John Johnson was made the titular head trader, and Michel Cadotte became his chief employee (Warren 1865: 292).
3 Note the Warrens married Mixed-bloods, not Full-bloods. Lyman Warren became the head of the La Pointe post in 1821. When the American Fur Company began commercial fishing, Governor Henry Dodge appointed him inspector of the fish. Warren was dismissed in 1839 when Gabriel Franchere discovered evidence of mismanagement and carelessness. A Danish physician, Charles W. Borup, replaced him (Nute 1926). 91
A trading post was established at Keweenaw Bay by 1710 (Vecsey
1983: 12). I have found no further Information about the post for the period between 1710 and the beginning of the nineteenth century. The
North Vest Company established a permanent trading post on the west side of the Keweenaw Bay. Francois Roi (Roy) operated the Keweenaw Bay post beginning in 1801-1802 (Coues 1965: 187). When the War of 1812 began, he and other North West traders went to Detroit, leaving the
L'Anse post inactive for the next four years (Chaput 1970b: 20).
Johnston affiliated with the American Fur Company sometime between
1808 and 1812. By 1812, his trading district encompassed most of the
Lake Superior basin (Johnson 1919: 142). He was dismissed from the
Company in 1818, ostensibly a victim of the 1816 law prohibiting foreigners from engaging in the fur trade (Lavender 1964: 283). His trading area was divided into four parts, Ance Qulwinan (Keweenaw Bay),
Lac Court Oreilles, Lac du Flambeau, and Follesvolne (St. Croix). In
July of 1818, John Dyde became head (on paper) of the Ance Quiwinan district (Chaput 1970b: 20). In actuality, John Holliday, his British interpreter (Warren 1865: 382) who had arrived at the Keweenaw Bay around 1808 (Johnson 1933: 9), operated the post.
Holliday assisted the Federal government in 1824-1826 by apprehending Indians suspected of murdering four Whites on Lake Pepin
(Schoolcraft 1851: 198-213). He also encouraged two chiefs to attend the Treaty of Prairie du Chein in 1826 (Schoolcraft June 15, 1825).
During this period (1825-1826) the Indians at the Keweenaw Bay, forced from their hunting grounds by starvation, were living around him
(Holliday February 9, 1826).
In 1832, John Holliday invited John Sunday, a Wesleyan Methodist native missionary, to preach the Gospel to the Indians at Keweenaw Bay, 92 and offered his house as a temporary headquarters for the missionary
(Schoenfus 1963: 70). About two months a fte r he arriv e d , Sunday wrote:
...now I want to tell you about Hr. Holiday, -he is very good to me and a l l his fam ily I c a ll them good fam ily. He built my little church where we worshiping God. Hr. Holiday he talks great deal to the Indians about jesus christ [sic] and also tfilliam Holliday...[John Holliday's son] (February 14, 1833).
Although Holliday married an Anishinabe woman (Chaput 1970b: 21), he did not have good relations with the Indians, perhaps due to intense competition from other traders (Ibid.). Danziger (1978: 71), commenting on Lt. A llen 's memoirs of his trip to Lake Itasca with Henry
Schoolcraft in 1832, states:
Visits with the south shore bands convinced [Lt. Allen] that they had become dangerously dependent on American Fur Company traders. Indians in the Keweenaw region, for example, survived the summer months by eating the plentiful whitefish, herring and trout taken from the bay with g i l l n ets and spears; but there was little food for their families in the winter because of the depletion of bear, deer, and other large game. Provisions were procured from their trader, John H olliday.
The missionary's presence did not alter Holliday's treatment of the
Indians. A letter from the chiefs of that band states:
Ve are at present in great distress take this opportunity to let you hear from us to inform you how really we have been treated are treated everyday. Ue make this a complaint against Holiday our trader. He wish to know from you, from what source he gets his authority, we mean your man Holiday-to use the bad langauge he does bad acts whether lt is from yourself or from the President or of his own accord.-He plucks us of all our furs and peltries, he threatens to take part of our Skins next spring. This is why we ask you from what source he gets this authority. We ask you for r e lie f we wish you to check him because we know you would be m ortified if we were to take the power in our own hands and revenge ourselves upon him. 93
To give you some idea of his conduct we state the following fact. He in the public road caught and stripped one of our most respectable young men, entirely naked, except his Breech cloth, during the coldest weather. We will forbear doing anything until we hear from you. But Father we tell you in the mean time if he raises arms against us- we would not bear with him. We ask your advice. We do not like being plucked of all we have. Father we are afraid if he continues his bad conduct towards us there will be bad doings here before spring... We had a small council at my lodge we requested the Englishman's son to attend, to ask him why they behaved so to the young man before mentioned to know why they talk the way they do. The answer he made was I do it I will always do it so while I live. This is the answer Father, he made us. This is the reason why we say there w ill be bad work before the spring. Two days a fte r the council he invited us to his house, we would no go- we were afraid (Chiefs at Ance December 29, 1832).
Sometime in 1834, H olliday lo s t his eyesight making him of l i t t l e
value to the Company (Crooks October 20, 1834). He was replaced by a
French-Canadian, Eustache Roussaln the following autumn (Franchere
October 11, 1835).
In the interim, conditions at the post deteriorated. Holliday's
employees squabbled among themselves for leadership. The dlssentlon
was so Intense that Charles W. Borup, a principal factor at La Pointe,
went to oversee the post (Chaput 1970b: 21). However, his primary
responsibility lay at La Pointe, to which he returned late in the
spring of 1835. Concurrently, Holliday's employee, Charles Chaboillez,
was accused of selling alcohol to the Indians in 1834 (Ibid.); George
Berthkett and Edward Cadotte were discharged for 'bad conduct' (Crooks
August 22, 1835)— selling alcohol (Chaput 1970b: 21)— the following year. Berthkett presented a problem to the post in 1838-1839, too. 94
3.2.1 The 'Berthkett Affair'
George Berthkett, a Mixed-blood, whose uncle was chief Penashe
(Ord June 27, 1839), was dismissed in 1838 because he sold alcohol to
the Indians (Franchere November 13, 1838). The law stipulated the
removal from Indian Territory of anyone found guilty of selling alcohol
to the Indians. This is what Crooks had anticipated.
Berthkett, however, continued to live in the Indian country.
Subagent James Ord stated (June 27, 1839) that Berthkett was guilty
only of introducing alcohol into the Indian country— which was
perfectly legal (Porter 1931 II: 801, Lavender 1964: 324-326). There was no evidence that he had sold it to anyone; thus, there was no violation of the law. Consequently, Ord permitted Berthkett to return
to L'Anse (Livingston April 3, 1838).
Believing Berthkett had broken the law, the Company arrested him
(Livingston February 25, 1839). Berthkett went to Sault Ste. Marie and had b a ll se t a t $600 and a t r i a l date se t in July (Livingston March 21,
1839b). Ord, however, "for some unaccountable reason allowed [him] to go back into the Indian country”, after revoking his license (Ibid.).
A few weeks la te r , Livingston (A pril 3, 1839) wrote:
Mr. Ord has throughout the whole transaction behaved rather strangely, whether from a fear of offending Schoolcraft, the Ind. Agent, or Hulbert [an employee of the American Fur Company], his bro th er-in -law , or from the natural vacillation of his character, I am at loss to determine.
Crooks then either wrote or visited J. Hartley Crawford, the
Commissioner of Indian Affairs, to find out why Berthkett was allowed 95 to return to the Keweenaw Bay. Crawford apparently asked Schoolcraft for an explanation. I suggest this sequence of events because
Schoolcraft (April 10, 1840) justified Ord's actions.
George Berthkett's license to trade with [the] Indians [was ] revoked according to the laws and your letter of May 16, 1839. His license has not been renewed and he waB remanded from the country. The chiefs did not allow [the] renewal of [the] license. Berthkett, a half breed Indian, was allowed by the Indians to return to his family at Ance to subsist by agriculture and hunting. This was allowed by the Indians, not by this office. In applying the laws and in stru ctio n s in th is and other instances, lt has been my object while securing the observance of the intercourse act, to avoid both the imputation of oppressing an indigent man and not awarding due respect to the character of the informants.
The stipulation that a trader leave the Indian country after his conviction for selling liquor to the Indians was based on the assumption that only Whites would conduct trade with the Indians.
There was no provision for Mixed-bloods or other residents of the
Indian country. The understanding that violators return to their homes upon being convicted meant that Whites had to leave the Indian country.
This area, however, was home for Mixed-bloods. If the Indians allowed him to return, the Federal government could not do much about it.
Crooks (August 25: 1840) scoffed at this reasoning:
That a bad Half Breed or any other bad man had adopted the habits of civilized life, cannot be kept out of the Indian country admits a weakness in the power of the Government which has quite surprised me, and though I think the argument by no means conducive, still I conceive lt is useless to agitate the question any longer when the Indian Agents are determined to protect Mr. Berthket.- You will however note that he is only permitted to remain in the Indian territory for the support of his family but not to trade, (emphasis in the o rig in a l). 96
Berthkett was later accused of setting fire to a hay stack
belonging to the American Fur Company at Keweenaw Bay while awaiting
his trial. Another trader, Pierre Crebassa, testified against him and
Berthkett was convicted of arson. The letter Informing Crooks about
this event stated "[Ord] as usual, Is too frightened of the higher
powers to take any authority or responsibility on himself" (Livingston
March 5, 1839).
The American Fur Company's aggravation with the government's
failure to control other traders intensified In 1842. The Company
accused an independent trader, a Mr. Williams, of violating the law by
selling liquor to the Indians. Charles Borup (July 10, 1842),
complained that "by having liquors he got so much the advantage over
our Traders at Grand Island, that the latter lost nearly half his
outfit." Borup also argued Williams' activities would counteract the
United States government's attempts to civilize the Indians.4
J. Hartley Crawford received a copy of this letter (Borup July 10,
1842). Crawford (August 7, 1842) wrote Robert Stuart, who had replaced
Schoolcraft as Superintendent of Indian Affairs, instructing him to
investigate the issue. In the meantime, Ramsay Crooks wrote again to
Charles Borup (July 21, 1842). The tenor of this letter suggests the
Company had anticipated the government would investigate the matter immediately and was upset because lt did. not do so.
The Berthkett and Williams incidents are important for three reasons. First, they affected the operation of the post and, by
4 Crooks and Astor presented a public image that they upheld the Federal laws prohibiting the sale of liquor to Indians. They did not require their employees to do the same (Lavender 1964: 318; see Abbott October 17, 1843, Abbott August 26, 1836). 97 extension, the Indians who depended upon lt. Second, they provide evidence of strained relations between the American Fur Company and the
Federal government. Third, they demonstrates the declining role of the
Mixed-blood in the Northwest Territory, a subject I address below.
The picture that emerges is that the Federal government, the traders, and the missionaries were operating at cross-purposes with one another; yet, in some ways, supported each other. The Indians were the common grounds upon which these parties operated. The Indians received contradictory messages as a consequence, and these affected their reactions to the Whites.
To observe what behavioral patterns they used, it is important to focus on the what is known about the Indian community a t the Keweenaw
Bay in 1827. This is the last date before 1832 for which information is available. Its contents also provides clues to their reactions to
Whites as e a rly as 1710. The comments provided here focus on Gitshee
Iaubance, then chief of that band.5
3.2.2 Gitshee Iaubance
This chief resides at Keweenaw bay, or as it is called by the French, L'Ance, in lake Superior; where his father, and grandfather lived before him. He traces his claims to the chieftainship of his band to no farther back than to his great grandfather, who received a flag from the French government (Schoolcraft 1962: 134). His father's name was Augussawa. He was killed by the Sioux, at the age of about 50, leaving six sons, of whom Gitshee Iaubance, was next to the youngest (Ibid.).
Gitshee Iaubance has been in three war parties at subsequent periods, by none of which, however, was much effected against the enemy. He has always the reputation
5 Gitshee Iaubance received a medal for his role in capturing the individuals reportedly responsible for killing four Whites at Lake Pepin in 1825 (Schoolcraft 1851: 213). 98
of being an expert hunter, and, what next to courage is most applauded by the Indians, of possessing great personal strength. There can be no doubt from the concurrent testimony of traders and Indians, but he has been for many years, and is still decidedly the stro n g est man in the Chippewa Nation. I t is in fa c t, upon his stren g th and prowess, th a t his fame and authority as a chief, is principally founded (Schoolcraft 1962: 135).
Gitshee Iaubance has six sons, all men grown, neither of whom however, promises to equal the father in activity, strength, or influence in his band. The aggregate hunt of these six sons, does not usually exceed that of the father alone. The sixth and last son, is his favorite, and gives promise of making the most active hunter and the best man. His name is Neezakapenas, or the single bird. This son, who is frequently still addressed by his infant name of Penasee [Penashe],^ is designed to inherit his father's honors ( Ib id .).
Born during the latter years of British supremacy in the American colonies, and continuing in habits of intercourse with the Agents of that government in the Canada, until a recent period, his political partialities were naturally moulded that way. Since the American government has advanced a post to the foot of lake Superior, and thereby insured protection to the Indians living south and west of the national boundary, he had ceased v is itin g foreign Agents, and both by his professions and conduct, has evinced a uniform reliance upon, and attachment to, our government. ....In the summer of 1823 he surrendered a flag, formerly received from the Agents of the Indian department in the Canadas, as an evidence that his visit to them, were terminated: and on returning to his village at Keweenaw bay, hoisted the American ensign in its stead. This step was unpopular with the majority of his band, and caused considerable excitement. His determination once taken, was not sufficient to be moved, and as no Indian of th a t band possessed sufficient Influence openly to oppose him, a tacit acquiesence to his course, had taken place; and his Influence at this moment [1827], is as great as at any former period (Schoolcraft 1962: 136-137).
These statements provide the basis from which I base the following
6 This individual wrote his name as Penashe, hence will be the spelling used throughout this monograph. 99
comments.
First, the band had lived at Keweenaw Bay for approximately four
generations, shortly after the French established "a commercial
beachhead a t Keweenaw by 1710" (Vecsey 1983: 1 2 ).7 Second, Gitshee
Iaubance was a hereditary chief who inherited his position from his
father, grandfather and great grandfather. Since hereditary
chieftainships were not indigenous to Anishinabe society (Vecsey 1983:
10), his predecessors were probably placed in these positions by the
French. Notwithstanding, Gitshee Iaubance also earned respect through
his own talents. Third, one of his sons, Penashe; will figure
prominently below.
Finally, the band was a single community. It existed within a
territorially defined space and consisted of a network of interacting
individuals. Although Gitshee Iaubance became unpopular with many of
the villagers when he allied with the United States, no one could oppose him enough to break his power. Thus, as late as 1827, his authority remained intact; and the band, at least from appearances, was u n ified .
Although there is evidence of factionalism, there is no
information about who leaders of opposition factions may have been.
Nor is there any indication of how large a group were opposed to his actions. Regardless of the size of the opposition party, or parties, as Schoolcraft states, whoever that rival may have been, he did not command enough power to overthrow Gitshee Iaubance. This suggests the opposition party was unable to counteract Gitshee Iaubance's actions.
The decision to remain at the Keweenaw Bay instead of migrating
7 Forty people lived there in 1737 (Neill 1957: 427). 100 elsewhere, as they might have done prehistorlcally, suggests the extent to which they had become dependent upon European products. This also points to an important difference in the chieftainship at the Keweenaw
Bay. The final information we have about the band at the Keweenaw Bay come from statements made by Schoolcraft and Douglass Houghton on their expedition of 1832. Schoolcraft's census shows there were 140 people, of whom twenty-eight were Hixed-bloods (Schoolcraft 1958: 158).
Houghton reported vaccinating 108 persons, 51 males and 57 females, at the Keweenaw Bay (Schoolcraft 1958: 157). This number includes
Mixed-bloods, if they appeared more like Indians than Whites
(Schoolcraft 1958: 299).
In summary, the Keweenaw Bay Indian Community was a semi-permanent settlem ent located near a trading post. They had become dependent upon the trading post and suffered starvation during the winter of 1825-26.
This dependency permitted a higher concentration of people than had been the norm when they practiced a strictly foraging economy and also increased their dependence upon the trader. These conditions helped create a heterogeneous population consisting of Full- and Mixed-bloods, and the establishment of a hereditary chief. Concurrently, and perhaps cross-cutting the heterogeneous society was a division of loyalty, where some individuals favored the British, while others chose instead to become allies of the United States. Unlike earlier times, when the community might fis s io n as a re s u lt of in te rn a l d issen tio n , the factions apparently tolerated one another, perhaps because they could not survive without the trading post, and there was none other in the immediate vicinity.
Their dependency on the trading post caused community members to acquiesce to John Sunday and Holliday's mistreatment of them. It is 101 clear, however, their patience was sorely tried by 1834 by Indicating to Schoolcraft they might have to take matters Into their own hands.
Knowing this could have serious consequences, they requested
Schoolcraft's assistance.
3.2.3 Effect of Euro-Amerlcan Interference at Keweenaw Bay
Traditional relationships between Individual and Individual within a community and between an Individual and the n atu ral environment continued after Whites arrived. But Individual Anishinabe could now enter a new relationship—that between the Anishinabe and the larger world in which they lived. The Anishinabe world had expanded to contain the Whites and their world. There were now three kinds of possible relationships: Indian-Indian, Indian-local environment, and
Indian-White.
The French altered the environment In four ways. First, the over-exploitation of fur-bearing animals altered the natural environment. Second, they caused shifts in the social environment.
The Europeans provided an alternative social system individuals could gain prestige and social standing (Gearing 1962). Third, the
Anishinabe altered their religious systems to adapt to the new environmental conditions. And, fourth, they developed new social organizations to integrate and legitimatize the emerging village political units (see Shifford nd: 3, Vecsey 1983: 177).®
8 Shifford (nd: 3) and Vecsey (1983: 177) opine the Midewlwln may have been one such in s titu tio n . Even i f the Midewiwin was a traditional institution, a resurgence in its practice could provide this sort of function, as occurred in the early 1980s with the rise of the Moral M ajority. 102
The Europeans Introduced firearms and other technological advancements which allowed even a mediocre hunter to bring home meat for his family and furs to trade. This undermined the traditional system by which individuals gained respect and became leaders through exceptional skill at traditional activities (see Trigger 1965: 42).
Consequently, it diminished the relative importance of other members of the community (see James 1954: 36), i f only because the Whites provided a different social network. Thus, there were now two means by which individuals could earn the respect of the community members around them. The first was through the means that closely approximated traditional patterns, and the second was through entrepreneurial activities with the Europeans, calling for increased dependence upon the Whites.
The full traditional lifestyle was no longer possible by the nineteenth century. Every individual had acquired something from the
Whites. For present purposes, however, we will re'fer to the strategy which retained a high degree of traditional values, in which relationships with Whites were unavoidable, but not desired, and in which individuals maintained a majority of their relations with Indians as Conservative. Within the option of accepting the non-traditional path, there were two possible routes. First, one could merely accept the pathway advocated by Whites more fully than did the Conservatives—
a strategy we will refer to as Progressive. Second, one could become almost completely a part of this new lifestyle by marrying a White
(viz. Chapter II), or otherwise attempting to assimilate with them, a strategy we will call Mlxed-blood.
Virtually every Anishinabe village included members using each of these three s tra te g ie s . The community a t Keweenaw Bay was no 103 different. I will first describe the differences between the
Conservatives and Progressives. I will then focus on a specific subgroup of "Progressives," the Mixed-bloods.
3.2.3.1 Conservatives and Progressives
Evidence for the differentiation of Full-bloods into Conservatives and Progressives comes from a document presenting a list of debtors from the Keweenaw Bay band and their debts incurred between 1832 and
1834 (Table 1). The data from Table 1 is reorganized in Table 2 to present three patterns of indebtedness. The data in these tables suggests the new lifestyle affected virtually every Indian. More important, many individuals had incurred debts, not all were equally indebted. This suggests that not all Indians were equally attracted to the alternative lifestyle presented by the Whites.
These data are relatively reliable and are believed to reflect the indebtedness of individuals because ”[I]t is not considered right to contract a second, third or fourth debt, to as many different traders"
(Gilfillian 1898: 73). Equally important, the extent to which a trader allowed an Indian to become indebted was dependent upon the former's conception of the latter's ability to repay (Ibid.). This conception, however, was based, at least in part, on the amount of furs an individual provided the trader.
The absence of debts between $30.00 and $40.00 suggests a distinction between the Conservatives the Progressives (lt is also possible their absence is a result of sampling error). On the other hand, there is no clear separation between the Progressives and
Mixed-bloods, although the latter (tentatively identified by surname) 104
TABLE 1
MEMORANDUM OF OUTSTANDING DEBTS OF L'ANSE INDIANS FOR THE YEARS 1832-1843 WITH JEAN BAPTISTE DUBAY
Acinance 16.50 Benjamim C lu tier 22.00 Abretau Hagewas 4.50 Champaigne 71.00 Waubekaaklcke 13.50 Qulvlsenshlsl 6.00 Tagamance 3.00 Meegeesee 5.10 Young MacGlllvray 164.40 Wa ba noo 182.60 Waga-cootoonis kols 8.00 Joseph Laundron 29.00 Antoine Lendron 26.00 Naose key tea yea 50.00 Homme des Pere 162.20 Qulnlsahlshlsh Ojlbway 72.90 Young Wolf 80.70 Manog sld 64.20 Pay-can-nouch e 19.40 Wah poose 27.30 Matt way ance In a quols 10.00 Mlau wash 212.10 Me gee since 21.50 Le Lou cheux 1.00 Quivisance 114.00 Tay ache 51.90 Puck go na ga shlck 66.60 Dee been dee 8.50 Caug waw 15.28 L ittle Frenchman 82.90 The B ell 19.00 Qulway no quette 13.00 Pin ny shlsh 24.30 Pee waw blca kay 40.50 Nay gan ash 40.40 Cay Kaik 29.10 Match e gee shlck 28.00 0 saw gee 21.40 Ocupe wan 115.10 Pansleek squaw 4.00 Lhomme des Been Delshl 131.60 Lhomme du S ault 6.00 Attaya 4.80
Source: NAM M 1, Reel 54, Frame 37 105
TABLE 2
CATEGORIES OF INDEBTEDNESS OF L'ANSE INDIANS
I
Le lou cheux $1.00 Tagamance 3.00 Kay che In mln ney 3.00 Pansleek sqaw 4.00 Abcetau wagewas 4.50 Attaya 4.80 Negeesee 5.10 Qulnlsenshlsh 6.00 Lhomme du S ault 6.00 Uaga-cootoonis kois 8.00 Dee ben dee 8.50 Matt way na quette 13.00 Sagataugan 13.00 Waubekaakicke 13.50 Caug waw 15.20 Aclnance 16.50 The B ell 19.00 Pay can nouch e 19.40 0 saw gee 21.40 Me gee since 21.50 Benjamin Clutler 22.00 Pin ny shish 24.30 Antoine Lendron 26.00 Wah poose 27.30 Match e gee shlch 28.00 Joseph Laundron 29.00 Cay Kaik 29.10 106
TABLE 2 (continued)
II
Pee uaw blc a kay 40.50 Nay gan ash 44.00 Naose ke tea yea 51.90 Tayache 51.90 Hanog sld 64.20 Puck go an go shlck 66.60 Champalgne 71.00 Quinlshashls Ojibway 72.90 Young Wolf 80.70 Little Frenchman 82.90
III
Quivlsance Champalgne 114.00 Ocupe wan 115.10 Lhomme des been Delshl 131.60 Homme des Pere 162.20 Young MacGlllvray 164.40 Ua ba noo 182.60 Mlau wash 212.10 107 appear to have Incurred among the highest debts. Vhile individuals with non-Indian surnames also appear among the ranks of those with the lowest debts, all but one were in the upper part of the range.
There were, of course, exceptions to the general trend described.
For example, documents indicate that Wabanoo was a full-blood Indian
(Walker December 25, 1829); yet he incurred the second highest debt in the community. This suggests the difference between the Progressives and Mixed-bloods was minimal. Indeed, because there were fewer Whites than Indians, Whites frequently had a larger number of potential spouses from whom to choose (Armstrong 1892: 101-102). Consequently, the distinction between the two subgroups was a result of chance, not the choice of an Individual Indian. The overlapping pattern of indebtedness bears this out.
3.2.3.2 Mixed-bloods
The beginning of permanent White settlements in the Northwest
Territory resulted in the emergence of a new social group, the Mixed- bloods. To secure better trading relations, some Anishinabe men offered their daughters as wives to traders (Armstrong 1892: 100-101).
The offspring of these marriages served as "cultural brokers" between
White and Indian societies. These individuals were the primary means by which members of an Indian community gained access to goods and services provided by Whites and typically held a higher social position than Full-bloods '(Conway 1975: 51).
Unlike traditional society, in which social relations were egalitarian, relations between Anishinabe and Whites were restricted and hierarchical. These qualities were the result of two factors: the 108
few number of Europeans In re la tio n to the number of Indians in an area
and a general ethos of cultural superiority that Europeans held. This
ethos was most clearly manifested by the British and citizens of the
United States who married Indians less frequently than did the French.
These two factors combined with the Increasing Indian population during
the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries to restrict the number of
individuals who could participate directly in White society.
This section is divided into four subsections. The first
discusses the ways in which Anishinabe could participate in White
society through the mediation of the Mixed-bloods. Beginning around
1826, however, all of the avenues became virtually closed to Indians and p a rtic ip a tio n in White society became even more re s tric te d than before. The second subsection discusses how this occurred. The third
subsection discusses a necessary result of this trend, the ultimate
consideration of Mixed-bloods as Indians rather than as Whites. This
final subsection discusses the different impact these trends had on the
Progressive and Conservative elements of Anishinabe society.
3.2.3.2.1 Routes by Which Mixed-bloods Participated in White Society
Previous sections of this chapter brought forward the Important position of the Mixed-blood in Anishinabe society from the last half of
the seventeenth century. The only way Indians could marry into White society during the second part of the French era was by participating in the fur trade and marrying a trader. Indians could not marry government officials or Catholic priests because the former did not enter the Indian territory and the latter had taken vows of celibacy.
Thus, the number of Indians who could participate fully In the White 109 society through interm arriage was lim ited by the number of trad ers in the region.
The British did not marry into Indian families as frequently as did the French (Stone and Chaput 1978: 608). Consequently, fewer
Indians could participate in White society in this way. Adding to this more constricted avenue of access was the steadily increasing Indian population and a stronger interest on the part of the British in mineral exploration than in the fur trade.
Indians, having had little use for copper and not skilled in its mining, were not integral parts of those teams that entered Indian territory to extract the mineral. Neither were Mixed-bloods integral to these economic enterprises, perhaps because as former French nationals they were still a threat to British hegemony.9
Alexander Henry's (1966: 205-223) journal, for example, suggests that his partner, Jean Baptiste Cadotte, was primarily charged with conducting the fur trade while Alexander Henry and other British citizens focused their attention on mining. Mixed-bloods were not mentioned as having any connection with this venture. The exclusion of Mixed-bloods from mineral exploitation reduced the Indians' access to White goods and services because availability of these products depended in large measure upon the mediation of Mixed-bloods.
The British began to lose their hold on the Northwest Territory after the American Revolution. As indicated in the last chapter,
Britain sought to retain their hegemony over the region by encouraging
9 Alexander Henry's partners in his mining enterprise were "His Royal Highness the Duke of Gloucester, Mr. Secretary Townshend, Sir Samuel Tutchet, Baronet; Mr. B axter, consul of the empress of Russia; and Mr. Crulkshank: in America, Sir William Johnson, Baronet, Mr. Bostwlck, Mr. Baxter and myself" (Henry 1966: 235). 110 settlers to move into the region. Due to the religious revival occurring in White settlements, British settlements also included missionaries (Vecsey 1983: 41). As part of their missionary efforts, the Wesleyan Methodists employed Anishinabe Mixed-bloods as "native missionaries." This preserved the alliances between the British and
Indians by allowing some Mixed-bloods to participate in White society who were unable to do so by through marriage with a trader.
The United States provided another avenue of access to White society by using Mixed-bloods (e.g. George Johnston) and Whites who had married Mixed-bloods (e.g. Henry R. Schoolcraft) as government agents.
For a brief period, Mixed-bloods had three paths through which they could participate in White society: through participation in the fur trade, by becoming native missionaries, or by becoming a government agent. If an individual was denied one path, s/he could try either or both of the others. It is important to note that nationality was not of importance, but access to goods was.
3.2.3.2.2 The Declining Role of Mixed-bloods
The Canadian Wesleyan Methodists were pushed back into Canada as the United S tates gained hegemony over the Northwest T e rrito ry . The
Wesleyans were replaced by United States Methodist missionaries. The
United States Methodists, entering the area prior to large-scale White migration, initially continued the practice of employing native missionaries. However, as soon as Whites began to migrate into the I l l a rea, the Canadian n ative m issionaries were removed from the a re a .10
They were replaced by White m issionaries, whose primary focus was on
White settlers rather than on the Indians (Lambert 1967a). Thus, participation In White society by becoming a native missionary virtually disappeared.il
Concurrently, the route of participating by becoming a government agent also closed down. The La Pointe Subagency closed due to adverse economic conditions In 1832. When the post reopened in 1836, a White was appointed subagent. In 1842, Henry S choolcraft, too, was removed from office. His ouster appears to have been a political move by ex tern al agents, possibly the American Fur Company.1? Henry
Schoolcraft (July 22, 1839) wrote to United States Senator John Nowell and Representative J.C. Crary about an
odious monopoly of the Lakes, [the] so-called the American Fur Company, at Mackinac and as such, holds a position adverse to the department to the laws forbidding the traffic in ardent spirits with the Indians, and to me, as the official organ for enforcing those laws.
Less than a year later, Robert Stuart had replaced Schoolcraft as
Superintendent of Indians in Michigan. Stuart, a Presbyterian, had no
A perusal of their biographies (Copway 1847, 1851, Jones 1861, and others) reveals that most of them returned to Canada and continued their activities there.
The dominant sentiment during the 1830s and later held that Indian - White marriages were 'not only unnatural, but revolting...to every feeling of delicacy in man or woman" (Bleder 1980: 21).
1^ The ouster of Major William Putnam, Indian Agent at Mackinac, in 1818 established this precedent (Lavender 1964: 244-277). His successor, Boyd George, found "that the [American Fur Company's] dominant position hampered his freedom of action and helped create his lackluster record in executing federal policy" (Humans 1975: Abstract, P. 2 ). 112
Indian experience other than through the American Fur Company. Nor did his superior, Indian Commissioner William Medill (1845-1849), have prior experience with Indians (Faust 1975: 129-130). From this date onward few Mlxed-bloods would hold the positions of au th o rity w ithin the Indian Service.13
The Mlxed-bloods were also becoming alienated from participating
In the dominant economy. By the early 1830s i t was c le a r there was little future in the fur trade. Crooks, replacing Astor as President of the American Fur Company, instituted a massive reorganization and began commercial exploitation of the fish in the Upper Great Lakes
(Nute 1926). He hired many of the former White employees (both Anglos and French Canadians) as fishermen and coopers, placing French Canadian
Mlxed-bloods in lower level positions and White Protestants in higher p o sitio n s.
A number of documents point to the concomitantly declining importance of the Indian. Charles Borup (May 8, 1839) wrote, "Thank you for the four men sent and will be glad if you can get me four more good fishermen for Ance." This suggests the American Fur Company was more willing to import White labor for the fishing industry than to employ the indigenous population (see also Warren January 10, 1837).
Another letter points to a similar interpretation (Franchere February
2, 1836).
Roussain states that sickness has prevented the Indians at Ance to pursue the hunts. The sudden appearance of winter at such an early period than usual in these climes affected us all materially in the fishing concerns.
The only obvious exception to this trend was the appointment of Eli Parker, a Seneca, as Commissioner of Indian Affairs under the Grant Administration. 113
This suggests Indians were occupied in the hunt while Whites were
employed a t fish in g .
Hickerson (1965: 13) also discusses this pattern for the Pillager
Indians in 1833. Sider (1987: 16) has observed that Europeans allowed
Indians "to become commercial producers from diminishing resources
—resources that declined—usually rapidly, from the onset of commercial production in any specific area" (emphasis in the original).
This pattern is observed in at the Keweenaw Bay.
The Indians were confined to hunting and trapping when the fur market had all but disappeared, the yearly harvests of furs were declining, and the American Fur Company placed more emphasis on
commercial fishing. A few Indians engaged in commercial fishing, but
Whites filled the more prestigious positions*. With the advent of additional immigrants in the mid-nineteenth century, Indians were
increasingly marginalized in commercial fishing ventures (Cleland and
Bishop 1984: 4-5).
The commercial fishery venture was short-lived (Nute 1926). A new
economic in te re s t, copper, became prominent and the area f ille d with copper companies. The employees of these companies were immigrant
Whites, not Indians or Mixed-bloods. Thus, between 1832 and 1842, the
Indians had moved from being integrally Involved in the economy (the exploitation of fur-bearing animals) to being excluded from it. We will return to this topic in Chapter IV.
By the 1840s, there was no coherent Indian policy with regard to
the Indian. Rather, there were a series of contradictory policies urged by different interest groups with different goals. My reading of government documents suggests that some high level government officials 114 attempted to Include the Indians In the national fabric.
For example, although the Treaty of 1842 stated that Indians living where Whites moved would be ordered to move to a new location,
Stuart did not order the removal of the Keweenaw Bay Indians. Not doing so would be consistent with the desire for homogenization of the population and securing Indian allegiance against the British. Why
Stuart did not order the Indian removal is not known and there is no documentary evidence. Perhaps he wanted to have Indians serve as inexpensive laborers in the mines. This would be consistent with the
Presbyterian strategy encouraging assimilation and not preventing the
Whites and Indians from mingling (Coleman 1985: 156). If this was his m otive, however, a number of forces Impeded his e f fo r ts .
Among them were the government's inability to enforce its Indian policy (Washburn 1971: 65), the increasing in d u stria liz a tio n of the
United States; the flow of migrants from Europe to the United States who became laborers skilled in the new industries; the ethos of White superiority, and the concomitant negation for any group that was not
White; and the forced migration of the White rural economic sector
(themselves becoming Increasingly marginal to the national economy) from the western areas of New York and Pennsylvania towards the western regions of the country. Economic pressures forced them to seek lands further west, but poor agricultural conditions often required them to participate as low- to mid-level employees in the new companies. These individuals were the most antagonistic to foreigners, Catholics, and
Indians. Consequently, individuals from this sector of the population sought the removal of Indians from those areas to which Whites were beginning to migrate (see Appendix B).
Thus, between 1836 and 1842 virtually all avenues of access to 115
White society and I ts economy—the fur tra d e r, the m issionary, and the government agent— were highly constricted. A few individuals were able to participate in White society in these manners, but the proportion who could do so was smaller. Even then, the Mixed-blood was
the primary means by which it occurred, and their position as "cultural broker" had waned.
3.2.3.3 Mlxed-bloods and Whites
The discussion of changes in the social structure with the advent of Whites is not complete without mentioning a final trend which directly affected the Mixed-bloods. The pattern which emerges in the following discussion demonstrates that by 1843 Mixed-bloods, formerly enjoying close relations with the Whites and considered Whites, were considered I n d i a n s .*4
Mixed-bloods had been cultural brokers between the Indians and the
White. By the 1830s and 1840s they lo s t th e ir power and p re stig e . The case of John Tanner, a White captured by the Shawnees and then returned to White civilization thirty years later, provides an example of White perception of the Mixed-bloods (James 1956). Because he had less biological tie to the Indians than did Mixed-bloods, the treatment he received may be perceived as better than (if not equivalent) to individuals who had closer ties to the Indians. Although Tanner was
14 Bleder (1980: 22) opines this trend had emerged by the 1830s and correlates the declining role of the Mixed-bloods with the rising interest in cranlology in the United States, when one cranlologist argued Mixed-bloods, as a "...Hybrid, is a degenerate, unnatural offspring, doomed by nature to work out its own destruction" (Bleder 1980: 24). Samuel G. Morton, a leading c ra n lo lo g ist, stated the cranial capacity of Native Americans was five cubic inches less than Caucasians (Gould 1981: 51, 56). 116
not an Indian, he was perceived as such by other Whites. James' (1956:
xv-xvi) study Indicates that Tanner was shunned and ostracized by
Whites and that he was accused of all crimes committed in the area.
"Anything connected with Indians was looked on with deep suspicion by
Whites on the frontier" (James 1956: xvi).
Although Whites had previously regarded Mlxed-bloods as White,15
th is perception had faded, and by 1848, i t had disappeared (Richmond
December 8, 1848). The Whites now regarded the Mixed-bloods as
Indians. It made no difference whether they had "adopted the habits of
civilized life" (Crooks August 25, 1840). Beginning in the latter
1830s, Mixed-bloods were the In d ia n s' problems. There would be no
special provision made for them in the treaties unless the Indians demanded them. Even then, the provisions made for them were p a ltry in comparison to those made for the Indians (see Treaty of La Pointe,
1842).
The Mixed-blood's role as political intermediary also declined.
This comes out clearly when one contrasts the power that the
Mixed-blood had in the 1820s with a l e tte r from David King ( la te r the chief of the Methodist band at Keweenaw Bay) to Robert Stuart (August
23, 1842).16 King requested Stuart appoint William Holliday, John
Holliday's son, chief of the band. Stuart did not grant the request.
16 George Johnston (March 12, 1828) asked Henry Schoolcraft whether Mixed-bloods were Indian or citizens. Johnston (February 24, 1829) later told M. Cadotte that Mixed-bloods were citizens.
16 A l i t t l e la te r , S tu art (March 15, 1843) wrote to J . H artley Crawford, stating Brunson was "no doubt honest but his reasoning and views appear to me both crude and visionary—the rights he claims for half breeds as well as their virtues and influence he attributes to them are superlatively magnified (emphasis in the original). 117
Schoolcraft, himself, although married to a Mixed-blood, stated (July
15, 1840):
The traders are strenuously acting against government Intercourse policy, but the partially educated halfbreeds have been hitherto found the most effective and unscrupulous advocates among the bands. Too Indolent and Improvident to succeed In business among the shrewder whites, and having lost their relish for the hunter state, this turbulent class, generally fill the places of petty clerks and interpreters at traders' houses, or wander to and from the Indian villages, liv in g on th e ir bounty, preying on th e ir p reju d ices, and filling their minds with discord and dissatisfaction.
In short, even Schoolcraft regarded the Mixed-bloods as impediments to the government's attempts to assimilate the Indians into White society.
The lowered position of the Mixed-blood had consequences for on the Indians. As the Mixed-bloods were no longer considered important as intermediaries between Whites and Indians, the Indians, too, lost whatever routes to assimilation they may have had. David Greene, the
Secretary of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, expressed his view of native missionaries. He did not believe there were enough good Indian evangelists and teachers to justify providing a school for them:
There is nothing we more desire and labor for, at all our missions, than good native helpers. They are an invaluable acquisition, but our experience teaches us that they are exceedingly rare. Not one educated heathen youth in ten, even if pious when he commences his studies, has been found fit for an office requiring judgment, good common sense, and energy of character (Schoolcraft 1851: 508).
By 1837, when the Canadian Wesleyan Methodists were expelled from the country, the institution of native missionary all but disappeared. 118
3.2.3.2.4 Disincorporation of Mlxed-bloods and Indians
The primary point being made In the previous sections is that up
to about 1826 Indians had increasing access to White society and its
economy. The United S tates government policy sought to include the
Indians and did so by extending products manufactured in the United
States to them and by considering Mixed-bloods as Whites. This policy
was followed as part of the goal of achieving total independence from
Britain. The Indians were instrumental in this goal in three ways.
First, they would be United States allies in case of British invasion.
Second, the United States wanted Indians to purchase their goods to
stimulate the nation's economy using the Factory posts and later, the
annuity system.
These policies had a number of impacts on the Indians. First, the
promotion of industry required the eastern factories to acquire raw
materials located in the west. This required the development of
transportation networks and westward expansion of people to exploit the
natural resources found in the west (Scheiber 1980: 105). This had
environmental and economic impacts on the Indians because it resulted
in the westward expansion of Whites and deforestation. Second, westward expansion and the rapid immigration of foreigners, resulted in
an ideologically heterogeneous west. These features, combined with the
goal to achieve Ideological homogeneity, resulted in the drive to
proselytize Indians along with the foreigners in the west. This
combined with the goal to include them in the national economy because
the Protestant missionary societies encouraged the development of a
sedentary lifestyle, a lifestyle that, if adopted, would lay the
foundations for the consumption of industrial products by Indians. 119
Although the traders, missionaries, and government had similar objectives during the French era, by the nineteenth century their goals competed with one another and did not result in a consistent Indian policy. Beginning with the British era Indians were increasingly excluded from the national fabric. The British married Mixed-bloods rather than Full-bloods, insulating the Vhites from the Indians. The
British focus on mineral exploitation further reduced the Mixed-bloods and Indians a b ility to p a rtic ip a te in the dominant economy. This process quickened after 1826 when Mixed-bloods lost their intermediary position. The process was completed by 1843, if not earlier (Bieder
1980).
This was a product of xenophobism which was applied to Britain in the Northwest Territory. This fear was transferred to the Indians due to the British-Indian alliance. The process, however, was not instigated, nor fomented, by the Federal government. Rather, the exclusion of Indians was part of an informal policy implemented by settlers and businessmen in the west in reaction to the flow of immigrants.
The immigrants were attracted to the United States and took advantage of the industrial expansion and the demand for labor in the eastern industries and western mines. These immigrants, largely
Catholic, competed with the Protestants for jobs, as (potentially) did the Indians. Members of low-Protestant denominations resented this competition and actively sought to exclude them. Indians (a term which now included Mlxed-bloods), were glossed as foreigners and a potential source of competition for scarce jobs.
Initially, the Indians reacted to Whites in two ways: an acceptance of White culture and an almost total rejection of it. When 120
the British began to exert their Influence, the French began to marry
the Indians. This resulted In three distinct patterns: a wholesale
acceptance of European life (by marrying the French), a reserved
acceptance of that way of life, and a pattern suggesting rejection of
I t .
These three patterns continued as Uhlte presence In the area
Increased. Although the Conservative way of life was Increasingly less
viable, It continued as a cultural expression. The admission of
Indians Into the national fabric—through economics, religion, or
politics— encouraged the evolution of Mlxed-bloods from the
Progressive sector. It did not make the Conservative way of life
maladaptive. Indeed, the low number of Whites in the area allowed It
to continue.
These different orientations were reflected at the keweenaw Bay
economically in the pattern of indebtedness described earlier in this
chapter. In terms of world-view, these orientations were reflected by
the pattern of participation in the two missions that were established
a t the Keweenaw Bay in 1832 (M ethodist) and 1843 (C atholic). The
Progressives opted for Methodism; the Conservatives, for Catholicism.
The Mixed-bloods, differentially affected by their exclusion from the
national fabric during this period, opted for both. Ve now turn to the
study of the development of the two missions at the Keweenaw Bay.
3.3 The Methodist Mission
The M ethodist Church a t Keweenaw Bay was founded in 1832 and
provided the Initial impetus for the subsequent fissioning of the community. This is not to say that the church caused the schism, but 121 people who shared particular social and economic characteristics were attracted to this Institution. Their acceptance of Methodism prompted the schism. Two aspects of this Protestant denomination seem to have attracted adherents. One was the use of Mlxed-bloods as missionaries
(referred to as native missionaries), some of whom were charismatic.
The second was due to the "ecstatic" nature of Methodism (James
McClurken personal communication, Lansing 1985)—the same quality that attracted White frontierspeople and was a source of alarm for easterners (Chapter 11).
The Methodist Church at Keweenaw Bay was the joint effort of three institutions: the Wesleyan Methodist Church of Canada, the American Fur
Company, and the New York Annual Conference. In 1823 the Reverend
William Case, a Wesleyan Methodist minister conducted a revival in the region of the Rice Lake band of Anlshinabe near the present-day location of Belleville, Ontario (Johnson 1933). A sixteen-year-old
Mixed-blood boy, Kahkewaquonaby— la te r known as Peter Jones— was there and converted. Kahkewaquonaby's fa th e r was a Welsh surveyor,
Augustus Jones, and his mother was the daughter of Mlssissaga chief,
Wabanosay (Copway 1847: 210, Jones 1860: 2 ). Jones was responsible for the conversion of many other Indians in both Canada and the United
States (see Jones 1860).
Between 1823 and 1827, the Wesleyan M ethodist Church in Canada took Methodism to many Canadian Anashinabe Indians. Among those who converted were O-Shah-Wun-Dah, (John Sunday), a ch ief of the Alnick band;17 Kah-ge-ga-gah-bowh (George Copway), a chief of the Rice Lake
17 The designation c h ie f, here and elsewhere in th is work should be understood to be in quotation marks, i.e., "chief", as it is often not well determined whether the individual in question was a chief as considered by the Indians, or a "chief” as considered by the 122 band; John Taunchey, Copway's uncle; Copway's cousin John Caubage
(Kah-beeje), and Thomas Frazer (Copway 1847, Jackson 1908). John
Johnson (Enmegabowh)— a Canadian Ottawa (Science Museum of Minnesota
1980: 12)—also converted to Methodism. All these individuals went to the mission at Keweenaw Bay during the early 1830s.
Although Jackson (1908: 5) states John Sunday was at Keweenaw In
1831 and considers this the beginning of Methodism there, other sources s ta te th a t Methodism came to the Keweenaw in 1832 (Church and Church personal communication Lansing 1985). John Holliday was at Sault Ste.
Marie and met John Sunday th ere. Holliday invited him to the Keweenaw area (Algic Society 1833: 21) because the Indians' "degraded, drunken, and quarrelsome condition" concerned him (MacMillan 1967: 104). Sunday describes this meeting as follows.
When I am at St. Mary a trader come there after skoot-a-wa-boo (fire-water). By and by he come to me and say Ke-wa-we-non and speak to my Indians. I feel very bad; something in my heart don't want me to go. I can't sleep thinking about preaching there. This was November, very cold. By and by I think I not go home: I 'll go to Mr. Schoolcraft, Indian Agent, on American side. He was very pleased to have me go, and give me provisions. Mr. Holliday, the trader, took to me to Ke-wa-we-non.... We travel two weeks. When we get there we get all the Indians together and the trader say, 'This time I got no fire-water, I change my mind down there.' The Indians very angry because he don't take skoot-a-wa-boo (Hall 1856: 102-103).
The Missionary Society documents report about 250 Indians residing at
the Keweenaw Bay in 1832 (H all 1856: 122). This fig u re is somewhat higher than Schoolcraft's census figures (June 15, 1832), thus probably including the inhabitants at Ontonagon, about 50 miles away.
In February of 1833, Sunday wrote of events a t Keweenaw February
Whites. 123
14, 1833):
I received your kind l e t t e r . I understand you you want here the Indians from this place. I will tell you what the Indians doing, they worshiped Idol God. they make God their same. I understand Mr Dubay [one of Holliday's traders]. He told all Indians, not going to hear the word of God. so the Indians he believed him. he tell the Indians do worship your own a way you will get heaven quick is us. so the Indians they do not come to hear the word of God.
Many of the Indians resented the missionary's presence. Copway (1847),
Jones (1861), Hall (1856), and Johnson (1933) state the two most prominent members of the opposition were the medicine man, John
Southwind, and Kah-be-wah-be-ko-kay (Spear Maker).
Shah-Wan-Ne-Noo-Nin, and his fam ily converted to Methodism (Johnson
1933). John Southwind converted in October of 1833 because his daughter had died after an illness and his own medicine had proven powerless (Jones 1861: 270-271).18 Shortly after his conversion, Spear
Maker also converted (Copway 1847: 99).
Other members of the band converted after the medicine man had done so. There were nine members of the Keweenaw community who "gave evidence of a change of heart" (Hall 1856: 124) after the first winter.
I do not know whether this means there were nine converts or merely nine people who expressed an interest in Methodism. Opposition to the
Methodist mission continued, holding their "pah-wahs" on the other side of the bay while the Methodists held their evening meetings (Copway
1847: 101).
Sunday l e f t the Keweenaw area a fte r the w inter of 1833. Thomas
M'Gee (Thomas Magee, according to Jones [I860]) and Thomas Frasier
*8 He may have been a Mide p r ie s t. 124
(alt. Frazier) succeeded him (Clark July 7, 1834). These native missionaries spent the winter of 1834 at the Keweenaw Bay. The annual report for 1833 states
brother Frazier... has formed a class of thirty one members, and also established a school for the instruction of the children, and those of the adults who are willing to attend to his instruction (Methodist Episcopal Church 1834: 11).
Both Magee and Frazier left the mission during the autumn of 1834 (Hall
1856: 124). "But on the return of Frazier in October, he readily discovered that in his absence the devouring wolf had been prowling around the little fold" (Clark July 7, 1834). I assume Sunday's co workers arrived later because he does not mention them on his initial visit. On July 6, 1834, the Reverend John Clark, the Superintendent of
Methodist Missions, stationed at Sault Ste. Marie, visited the Bay and baptized fifteen Indians, and "to about 40, I broke bread in the name of the Lord J e s u s ..." (Ib id .).
The reference to the Reverend John Clark introduces a third factor that was responsible for the establishment of the mission at Keweenaw.
In 1832 the Mew York Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church had determined that it should establish missions in the Northwest
Territory, especially at Sault Ste. Marie (Hall 1856, Detroit Annual
Conference 1955: 5).19 Clark, a former tanner (Hall 1856: 24), was at the 1832 Conference and answered the call. He went to Sault Ste. Marie in the fall of 1832, where he assumed responsibility for the missions at Green Bay, Keweenaw, and Sault Ste. Marie (Hall 1856, Johnson 1933).
Encouraged by the work done by n ative m issionaries, Clark wrote to
19 Michigan had become a principal target for the trained m issionaries from New England by the 1830s (Thomas 1967: 25-26). 125 the Reverend William Case In Canada in 1832, requesting two native preachers and two native teachers to assist him. This request was conveyed to the Reverend Daniel McMullen, a Wesleyan M ethodist missionary stationed in Canada, who sent John Taunchey, John Johnson,
George Copway, and John Caubage to the Lake Superior region (Copwa :
1847: 88). John Taunchey and John Caubage went as n ative preachers and
George Copway and John Johnson as the teachers (Jackson 1908: 5).
Documents give c o n flic tin g reports about who was stationed a t the
Keweenaw Bay in 1833-1834. Both Johnson (1933) and Clark (July 21,
1835) s ta te Taunchey and Caubage were a t Keweenaw during these years; and Jane Schoolcraft states (September 23, 1833) that Thomas Magee had been at the Keweenaw mission during the summer of 1833. Clark (March
9, 1834) however, says that Thomas Frasier was at the mission.
F ra sie r, he said ,
has interesting seasons at that place, the whole number who has joined him in the service of the Lord at that place is 30—10 since he went up Oct last. Frasier has done what he could by way of teaching school also....(Ibid.).
In the summer of 1834, Clark sent the Reverend Daniel Meeker Chandler
(a White), George Copway, John Taunchey, and an interpreter to the m ission a t Keweenaw (Hall 1856: 137). John Sunday was the in te rp re te r
(P rindie 1842: 51).
Chandler left Sault Ste. Marie for Keweenaw on September 3, 1834, with instructions to build a house for himself and a schoolhouse before winter set in (Prindle 1842: 19). This structure was "built of logs, flattened on two sides by hewing, the roof of flattened timbers, covered with clay mortar, and secured from storms by a strong coating of cedar bark" (Hall 1856: 158). Reuter (1985: 21) and Pitezel (1857, 126
1882) state that the schoolhouse was the first Methodist church at
Keweenaw.
Chandler's first day of teaching was on December 1, 1834, with
thirteen children present. His journal entry for that day says most of
the children were able to read a little already because the native
missionary who had been there the year before had taught them (Prindle
1842: 33). But things were not well at the mission.
This day my soul has been with the Lamb, but my body In a circle of lions. I looked out my window and saw two Indian canoes approaching the shore near my dwelling, and waited to receive the new comers. At length my house was filled with Chlppeways, among whom was the chief [Pin-ne-she] who presides over this section, painted black. Yet his face would have appeared like pure snow if compared with his heart. All were seated, and silence for the space of half an hour, brought forth its convincing argument to prove that their call was not that of friendship. The painted chief broke the silence in a tone which I shall long remember. Said he—'Where did you come from? Who gave you a right to build a house on my land? I have come now for my pay.' 'You were from home, said I , on a hunting to u r, so th a t I could not consult you; and as winter was at hand, 1 was obliged to build before you came back, or not at a ll.' 'Well, now pay me for the land your house covers.' What do you ask, said I'. 'A great deal,' was the reply. 'How much? Name it if you wish me to pay you?. 'I will not sell it, but every year, I must have a barrel of flour, one bag of corn, and some tobacco, for the land your house covers, and the wood you b u rn .' I was in Indian country, and must therefore, to preserve peace among them, yield to th is demand, a t le a s t for one year. I went directly to the trader and engaged the flour, corn and tobacco and his party went after them. But before the wicked crew broke up, my exhorter gave them an exhortation to fle e from the wrath to come. To this, they all replied—'that they never would embrace the Christian religion while they lived.' Their God is their belly, and all their happiness consists in the worship, of this God. Lord have mercy upon them (Prindle 1842: 38-39; emphasis in the original).
On Christmas Day, a French trader asked Chandler to preach at his house to the other traders, all of whom were Roman Catholics. Chandler did 127 so, preaching at a house "full of Chippeways and Frenchmen" (Prindle
1842: 39). Throughout the winter and following spring, Chandler worked at his trade. His journal frequently says that he preached to the brethren, but he does not say how many Indian brethren he had.
John Clark made his missionary v isit to Keweenaw in June of 1835 to establish a mission village at Keweenaw at Henry Schoolcraft's request. I have not seen a document indicating such, but Clark (July
15, 1835) leads to the understanding that the United States government had given Clark permission to build a mission there. Clark states
Penashe "cheerfully gave me the use of what land I wanted to build on and to till for the use of the mission family" (Ibid.). Four entries in Chandler's journal indicate just how cheerfully:
June 24th. I have spent this day very pleasantly in the company of brother Clark. We have been traveling most of the day to find a convenient location for building a small Indian village. We do not know as yet, that the chief will permit us to build a single house; but to-morrow will determine that, as we have appointed a general council, at the house of Mr. Holiday, for this purpose.
25t*n. At the hour appointed, and even before, the chief and all his men were on the ground, the most of them painted, men, women, and children. The council soon began, and brother Clark requested permission to build a little village, and a school-house, for them, that they might all be comfortable, and their children eventually become wise. But the ch ief sa id , 'no houses should be built on this bay, so far as he could prevent it,' and he remained unyielding in his purpose.
26th. The brethren are resolved to stand up for their rig h ts , and hold on fo r land to build on. They have talked with their chief again to-day, but all they could say availed nothing. They told them they would do as they pleased as came away, leaving him to reflect on their resolution.
29th. This day the chief and all his men, came to offer us the privilege of building on this side of the bay [the east side], where we please; but as for himself and party, they wished to remain in peace, on the other 128
side, as they Intended to have nothing to do with our religion. While the writings, giving us permission to build, were being drawn, the chief requested us to make him a house in our village, where he might hold his councils; forgetting that he would be mingling with his praying neighbors. Brother Clark smiled at this request, and told him to choose the spot where he wished to have it stand (Prindle 1842: 52-57, emphasis in original).
Clark's letter to Schoolcraft, describing its establishment, states the
Methodist Mission was "one mile down the Bay from the Trading House of
Mr John Holladay, whom I have also made a contract with to have 10
houses built for the benefit of the Indians under our care” (Clark July
15, 1835). Chandler began preparing the timber for building the new
village on August 18, 1835 (Prindle 1842: 67). His replacement, Rolla
H. Chubb— formerly a fur trader (Johnson 1933: 7), wrote:
The mission is situated on the southeast side of this bay, which at that place, is 3 1/2 miles wide, and nearly 4 miles from its head. One mile further toward the head of the bay on the same side, is a trading post of the American Fur Company, consisting of two dwelling houses, occupied by the trader and his men, store and cooper shop (P rindle 1842: 77).
He also states that the mission village consisted of ten "houses built
exactly alike,” spaced at regular intervals, in which the Christian
Indians would live. The Bchool house stood in the midst of these
houses (Ibid).
On June 30, 1834, Clark left Keweenaw and took George Copway and
John Taunchey with him. Two other native missionaries, William
Herkimer (a Canadian Indian who arrived with his wife) and John Johnson
(Clark July 21, 1835; Methodist Episcopal Church 1837: 8-9). The latter served as Herkimer's interpreter and assistant (Jackson 1908:
5). Chandler wanted to leave, too, but Clark told him to remain at 129 le a s t one more year and promised him he could then retu rn to the e ast
If he desired (Prindle 1842: 57).
Copway (1847: 104-105) mentions an Incident that occurred on his way back to Sault Ste. Marie with Clark, which indicates there was a good deal of anti-Methodist sentiment on the part of some of the
Indians.
...w e saw th a t one of the Points of Grand Island had sunk. It was formed of quicksand. It was told to the trader Charles Holiday [John Holiday?] that the Great S p irit had removed from under th a t point to some other place, because the Methodist Missionaries had encamped there the previous fall, and had, by their prayers, driven the Great Spirit from under the point. They did not wish the missionaries to encamp any where on their island, fearing that the Island would sink (emphasis in the original).
Thus, the distrust of the missionaries expressed as early as 1832 had not abated by 1835, nor would it abate for some time to come.
Only a few noteworthy events occurred during the rest of
Chandler's tenure at Keweenaw. Chandler wrote to his parents that there had been much sickness among the Indians who had converted "and some of our good sisters have gone rejoicing to that heavenly land..."
(Prindle 1842: 70). He also wrote, "It is true some of our brethren have died; but the Lord has filled up our ranks with new converts, and the prospects of this mission are much better now than when [John
Clark] was with us" (Prindle 1842: 71-72).
Chandler left the Methodist mission in June of 1836 and went back to New York to visit his family and friends. He married while he was there and returned with his wife to the Upper Peninsula in October of
1836. He was then responsible for the ministering to both the Sault
Ste. Marie and Keweenaw missions (Prindle 1842: 81). Since he had 130
responsibility for both missions, he probably became the District
Superintendent of Missions for the area; this was the title held by his
successor, the Reverend William H. Brockway. Since few further
statements were made in his journal about the mission at Keweenaw, it
can be inferred Chandler spent little, if any, time at that mission.
This may have been due to poor health; Chandler died in 1838 (Methodist
Episcopal Church 1837: 8-9).
During Chandler's absence from Keweenaw, Reverend Rolla H. Chubb
and William Herkimer were the missionary and native missionary,
respectively. Johnson (1933: 7) states two of the members had died,
and one had been "laid a sid e ," but three new members were added, making
a to ta l of 33 members. The annual rep o rt of the Missionary Society for
that year states there were 60 members, but this total included the
Sault Ste. Marie mission (Methodist Episcopal Church 1837: 8-9).
In 1837 the annual report of the Missionary Society had nothing to
report on the Keweenaw mission (Methodist Episcopal Church 1838). I
have seen no documents for that year from other sources, either. This
may be because between 1805 and 1836, Keweenaw Bay was p art of
Wisconsin Territory (Johnson 1933: 9). In 1837, the Keweenaw Bay was
transferred to the Michigan Conference as a single charge with Sault
Ste. Marie. This Conference was responsible for the mission until 1856
(MacMillan 1967: 202-203). Since 1856, the mission has been in the jurisdiction of the Detroit Conference (Ibid.). The absence of
information for 1837 was probably due to temporary confusion as the jurisdiction of the mission changed hands.
The period from 1837 to 1843 is not well represented in the documents from the Methodist Church, but some Information is available from other sources. A letter from Chandler in the Advocate (the 131
Methodist Church's newspaper), dated March 5, 1838, states Rolla 9.
Chubb, the exhorter and teacher, had sent him some Inform ation about the mission at the Keweenaw Bay. Chandler wrote that on December 31st, the Methodist Indians had invited "the chief and his councillors, all of whom are heathens," to join them for a supper at the mission house.
The chief and his colleagues arrived, and Mr. Kah-beeje and John
Southwind gave speeches. When they were finished, Me-squa-keenee
(Yellow Head), a p rin cip al chief of a band in Upper Canada who had recently converted to Methodism, presented the Keweenaw chief with wampum. The next day, the Keweenaw chief responded favorably toward
Methodism but did not embrace it (Prindle 1842: 84-88).
Chandler reports in his journal that within three days of this event, two of the subchiefs, two women, and their relatives joined the
Methodist group (Prindle 1842: 88). One of these subchiefs would later become known as David King, a prominent force in the subsequent history of the Keweenaw band.
At Keweenaw the native missionary has labored with success and during the past year nine or ten of the natives have renounced their heathenism and joined the Christian Church, so that there are now about forty members all of whom are very steady and attentive to their duties. The school was discontinued through the winter, though a great desire is expressed for its establishment (Methodist Church 1838: 8).
Henry Schoolcraft (October 30, 1837) also reported on the condition of the school this year, stating "Mr. Bangs, the Secretary of this Board at New York, writes to me that their efforts will be prosecuted among these Indians, without abatement.”
A letter from Chandler, written on March 12, 1838, reports "The two subchiefs mentioned in my last [letter] appear like truly converted 132 men, as do the others there mentioned, all of whom are relatives of one of the chiefs (Prindle 1842: 91). Otherwise there is no information available for the mission. A document from the James Ord (September 1,
1838) provides a possible reason.
No report is received from the Methodist Mission Mr. Chandler having left it last June in consequence of poor health....A t the Ance Mr Chubb of the Methodist Mission had 14 scholars who were taught to read and write. He left it last spring. The school is under the care of Mr. Cau blsh, a native.
In 1839, Keweenaw and Sault Ste. Marie became a Mission D is tric t in its own right. Keweenaw became a separate mission, "and left to be supplied with the expectation of engaging an Indian preacher" (Pilcher
1873: 178). The Conference appointed the Reverend William H. Brockway, the missionary at Sault Ste. Marie in 1838 (History 1883: 194),
Superintendent of the mission district; George King was his assistant.
William H. Brockway was a blacksmith before becoming a missionary
(Dickie 1917: 44, 194; Brunger 1966: 20). He apparently continued his vocation while he served as missionary because the Indians gave him the name Pewablc, "Iron Man" (Pitezel 1873: 14, History 1883: 194).
There is only a single sentence about the mission in the annual report submitted to the Michigan Conference for 1839 (Methodist
Episcopal Church 1841: 24). "Keweenaw has been but partially supplied during the past year; nor has anything occurred worthy of particular reco rd ." Brockway also reported a to ta l of six ty fiv e members fo r the
Sault Ste. Marie D istrict.
MacMillan (1967: 133) sta te s the Conference appointed Henry
Colclazer to the missions at Sault Ste. Marie and Keweenaw, "but there is no evidence that Colclazer ever saw the work at the Soo and 133
Keweenaw...." Also th a t year, Brockway (October 21, 1839) informed
Schoolcraft:
I take the liberty of saying to you that I have concluded to comply with your suggestions in reference to an immediate commencement at the Bay. We have had a number of men choping [sic ] the la s t week + sh a ll proceed as far and as fast as our means will allow. I have no doubt you will use your endeavors in our behalf that we may get the money from government as soon as possible. As 1 made my report to Mr. Ord before our conference I could say but little - though it may be but to late now for you to make any official use of it, yet I will say our appropriation this year is more than two thousand dollars, we have 4 men now connected with the mission three of which are preachers the other an Interpreter.
In 1840, the Keweenaw mission reported having forty-three Indian members (Methodist Church 1841: 24, Michigan Annual Conference 1840:
26). John Cahbeeje and Peter Marksman were stationed at Keweenaw that year (MacMillan 1967: 139). The next year, 1841, there were only thirty-five members reported from this mission (Methodist Church 1842:
30). V illiam Brockway (May 20, 1841) wrote in his rep o rt there was
one dwelling house one school house, and ten Indian dwellings also belonging to the Mission one yoke of oxon [s ic ], one cow, + one c a lf a yoke, chain, and harrow. The Indians raised the past season some 2 or 3 thousand bushels of potatoes + have enough of them and such other things as can be raised in the country.20
In 1842, Peter Marksman became the Junior preacher a t Keweenaw (Brunger
1966: 20).21 He assisted the Reverend George V. Jones. That same
20 This suggests the Methodist Church had a policy of c o lle c tiv e ownership of property (see also William H. Brockway January 15, 1842). The mission later adopted a policy of private ownership of property (Kohl 1985: 227).
21 I have found no report from either the Michigan Annual Conference or the Missionary Society for 1842. 134 year, the Reverend William H. Brockway (January 15, 1842) provided a
clue to the Inner workings of his mission at Keweenaw:
Our m ission is a kind of community among the Indians for their benefit, in which we have many things, and indeed most things about the place in common, for the benefit of all. for Instance, the oxen, cart, yokes, chains, plough, harrow and a chest of joiners tools +c, are used in common by the mission and the Indians and I think a majority of the whole belong to the Indians.
The following sequence of events suggests Brockway's letter alarmed
Indian Agent Robert Stuart.
The next year, as provided by the Treaty of La Pointe of 1842,
government-appointed farmers, blacksmiths, and carpenters were sent to four Indian communities around Lake Superior. The Keweenaw Bay was one of the four locations. Stuart, a Presbyterian, assured the Reverend
E.R. Ames, head of the Methodist Episcopal Missionary society, that
I have endeavored to obtain good men of the Methodist persuasion for this posts....My opinion is, that such mechanics and fanners should always be selected for the different stations as will agree in religious sentiments with the Missionaries at such points.-this will preserve harmony a t le a s t (June 30, 1843).
However, he placed a Congregationalist farmer and carpenter there
instead (Stuart March 16, 1843; Carrier March 13, 1843; Howe May 27,
1843). Whether this concern was due to the Methodists" efforts at the
Keweenaw Bay or to their policy of communal ownership is uncertain.
In 1843, fifty-eight were "Colored" members returned to
Conference—there was no designation for Indians—(Michigan Annual
Conference 1843: 30). This represents an Increase of twenty-three members over the previous year. The surge in membership may have resu lted from Marksman's charisma (Brunger 1966). 135
The year 1843 was, however, the beginning of a period of "crisis"
for the Methodist mission at the Keweenaw Bay. The problems began with
the death of chief Penashe on or about February 28, 1843. His death was critical to the subsequent events at the Keweenaw Mission.
Reverend George Brown (March 9, 1843) wrote the following account.
Nez-he-ka Benashl [Penashe], head of the band of Indians, died the last day of February. His son James, whom he had designed as his successor died last fall. The chief left his medals, together with all his offices, with his youngest son, Estum-e-he-zhek, a lad of about 10 years old. The Indians thought it necessary to appoint guardians to his family: accordingly, one o a the brothers of the deceased, Little Stone (a pious man) was chosen to take care the family; and War Club, another brother, to act the part of head chief. The manner in which the latter was chosen, has given a great offense to the majority of the band. It was brought about principally by 2 or 3 half breeds, and a few men called "Benashl's Band." These met a t the house of one of the h a lf breeds, and arranged the m atter among themselves. They then called a council of about 25 men, but among them only 3 or 4 belonging to the mission. One Indian and one h a lf breed made speeches, and then the two above named brothers signed a writing signifying in th at they would fa ith fu lly discharge the duties imposed upon them. The thing was so unexpected and done so p reclp ita b ly th a t no one concerned had time to think and speak before they signed. As second chief David King was called on the sign the paper, but he utterly refused and told them they had done very wrong in not c a llin g a general council for a work of th at kind. They then broke up and concluded to meet in general council after sugar making. War Club is a very intemperate man and a heathen in every respect. The Christians are determined not to have him, and this is the feeling of as many as two thirds of the band. They often ask me if the Govt will recognize such a man as head chief. I tell them they must all meet in council, and there inform the Govt of all the circumstances. The general feeling is toward David King. Without doubt he is the most proper man in the band for that office I think he will yet be chosen. Probably if the Govt were to appoint him, it would clear away some difficulties and give great might to his in fluence. We have but faint hope that Benashl has gone to a better world. Last season he was twice intoxicated— once after he had arrived at our mission. After he was taken sick, he turned fully to the heathens and the 136
conjurors worked around him until he died. They told him that someone caused his sickness. This they learned in the spirit wigwam. He fully believed them and wished th a t the same sickness might be put upon the one who had caused it. This was said to War Club, and he said it should be done, intimating that the life of that man must be taken. Three were charged with [accused of] it, and one of them was John Southwind, a second c h ie f, and for a long time a Christian. These things gave us some anxiety. We endeavored to look to God to turn aside such wicked counsels. I spoke to them publicly and endeavored to break it down.
A few comments about this document are in order.
Although Penashe and his followers had moved some distance from the M ethodist community in 1834, i t appears th at they la te r returned to the general vicinity of the mission village. There are three documents which lend to this view. First, the Reverend George W. Jones, in his letter describing the chief's death, states "he had arrived at our mission.” Second, a letter written about four years later by Jones' successor, the Reverend John H. Pitezel, states (February 20, 1847)
that the Indians again had separated "from the rest of the Band go to
another place." Finally, a letter written by Penashe and Renewals
(David King) (July 20, 1842) states "we saw that you were pleased with
our laws." This suggests not only that Penashe's group had returned
to the east Bide of the bay, but also that he still had some control
over both factions.
The splinter group may have returned to the Methodist mission for
at least two reasons. First, the Methodist Mission offered some
benefit to the Indians, but so did the American Fur Company's trading
post, also located on the east side of the bay. Thus, the presence of
the fur trader may have been a factor in the return migration. This
would be consistent with a point presented in Chapter II: that Indians
moved to areas near the trading post when they were first established. 137
The document suggests th at the Keweenaw band was beginning to fission shortly after Penashe's death. The statement alluding to the presence of only three or four Methodist Indians at the council meeting following Penashe's death suggests th a t the community had begun to fission. The allegation that John Southwind, originally a 'conjuror' and now a Methodist, caused Penashe's death completed the fission.
This accusation drove a wedge between the two communities.
In October, 1843, the Superintendent of Michigan Indians, Robert
Stuart, informed his superior (October 13, 1843).
...more than half the Band have embraced Christianity, live under an excellent code of laws of their own devising; have a very successful Methodist Mission + school, and with the aid and moral influence of the mechanics and farmer lately sent there by the Government, we may expect a rapidly increasing improvement not only amongst them, but also in the Bands around them.
Earlier that month, the government-appointed farmer, Chauncey T.
Carrier (October 5, 1843), reported there were thirteen head of cattle a t the mission; Mrs. Marksman, Peter Marksman's w ife, taught fo rty pupils; and there were fifty-six members in the church. The Methodist mission seems to have been making headway among the Indians. But then, calamity struck the mission. To place the subsequent series of events in their proper perspective, it is necessary to detail the history of the protagonist force, the Catholic missionary who arrived at the Bay in October of 1843. 138
3.4 The Catholic Mission
The Catholic mission was founded by Father Frederic Baraga In
1843. Baraga was born in 1797 at Ljublyana, Yugoslavia (Jezernek 1968:
17). He studied civil law at the University of Vienna before entering the seminary at Laibach in 1821 (Jezernek 1968: 20) and was ordained in
1823 (Jezernek 1968: 21). He was ardent in his convictions and zealous, a quality that was instrumental in forcing him to move to another parish on at least one occasion (Jezernek 1963: 22). After reading Reze's pamphlet calling for missionaries to work among the
Indians (Jezernek 1968: 31), he requested to be transferred to the
Diocese of Cincinnati through the recently founded Leopoldinen Stiftung
(Jezernek 1968: 32). He arrived at Cincinnati in January of 1831, studied Ottawa under William Maccatebinessi,22 and sent to Arbre Croche in May of that year. Between then and 1843, Baraga served at two other
Indian missions.
There is a great deal of information about Father Baraga's activities at the other missions before his arrival at the Keweenaw
Bay, but there are few data about his work a t the Keweenaw Bay i t s e l f .
As a result, it is necessary to discuss external factors that influenced him and his activities at other mission sites before arriving at the Keweenaw Bay.
22 Andrew J. Blackbird's father (Blackbird 1387: 34). He was later sent to Rome to study for the priesthood (Blackbird 1887: 35), but was murdered on the eve of his ordination (Blackbird 1887: 41-42). 139
3.4.1 Factors Influencing Baraga's Ministry
Baraga's ministry among the Indians was affected by a wide range of factors. Some of these were products of Baraga's personal qualities; some, specific to Catholicism; and others that can best be described as products of the times. These combined to result In two primary themes that underlay his missionary activities among the
Indians: his sensitivity to, and tolerance of, traditional practices and customs and his conviction that the key to the Indians' salvation lay in their becoming as self-sufficient as possible. These dynamics so affected Baraga's ministry it is important to discuss them.
I mentioned above that Baraga was zealous. There is no better indication of this than the words of his protagonist at Keweenaw Bay:
The Priest labours for the promotion of Roman Catholicism with a zeal worthy of a better cause and should put the blush on Protestants. While I abhor in my very heart the tyrannical power, the false and idolatrous worship & erroneous doctrines of that Church I admire the spirit of this priest. He does not sleep more than four or five hours in twentyfour [sic], and as long as he can have fish and potatoes, he is willing to live and labour among these Indians. And shall he with a false and delusive religion outdo us who profess to believe in a re lig io n which is the power of God to the salv atio n of so u ls. If so to our shame be i t [unintelligible word]. 0 that our Church was only alive as it should be to the efforts Roman Catholics are making throughout our whole country (Pitezel July 11, 1845).
His zealousness is also manifested by his publication of a number of works. He wrote and published a prayer book in Ottawa, claimed to be the first book published entirely in that language (Lambert 1967b: 74).
Baraga, however, stated that Father Dejean, whom Baraga had replaced, 140 wrote It (Baraga February 11, 1 8 3 4).23 Whether or not Baraga wrote this book, he did write A Catechism and The Life of Our Lord Jesus
Christ, in both Ottawa and Anlshlnabe (Jezernik 1968: 70). All told, he published thirty-tw o works in these languages (Jezernik 1968: 52), including volumes on Anlshlnabe grammar and a dictionary (Gregorlch
1950: 2).
He also published works in German and Slovenian (Jezernik 1968:
70). These and his frequent communications with the Leopoldinen
Stiftung, published in the foundation's newsletter, permitted Baraga acquire funds to continue his work among the Indians (Lambert 1967b,
Verwyst 1900). He was so successful at receiving funds that Bishop
Rese apparently withheld a fairly large quantity (Lambert 1967b: 149, see also Gregorlch 1949: 4). Baraga (March 4, 1841) demanded th a t he receive at least $400 of this money. The vicar general, Father Richard
Badin, stepping into Rese's place while the latter was called to Rome to answer charges against him, agreed.24
Baraga's tolerance of traditional practices is apparent in his letters. Among the practices that impeded all missionary efforts, and of which Protestant and Catholic missionaries alike complained, was the migratory life style of the Indians. Baraga did not appreciate this pattern either (Baraga July 26, 1833), but whiled his time doing other things while waiting for the Indians to return to the mission village.
23 Cujes (1968: 12) states that Father de Jean wrote the first Ottawa prayerbook, but Baraga had to rewrite it due to 'deficiencies.'
24 Between 1835 and 1840, Bishop Rese had been under scrutiny by Rome for a series of offenses, including accusations of him being an alcoholic (Jezernik 1968: 63-65). He was recalled to Rome in 1840 and replaced by Peter Paul Lefevre, who did not share the concern for evangelizing the Indians that either Fenwick or Rese had (Jezernik 1968: 44). 141
On one occasion he went to Chicago to v isit Catholics (Baraga February
11, 1831). On other occasions he waited for the Indians to return In
the spring (Baraga January 4y 1832). Undoubtedly, he wrote his books
during these periods.
Baraga's biographers state that he "had the true pioneer spirit
which first overcomes obstacles, goes on to dig and lay deep
foundations to the new edifices, then leaves others to develop and
direct what he has created out of the wilderness" (Jezernik 1968: 46).
Ecologists note, however, pioneering species are not those responsible
for establishing deep roots. In fact, pioneer species frequently have
little , if any, root systems (e.g. lichens) (Pianka 1974: 54).
Nevertheless, the notion of Baraga as a pioneer is appropriate. Less
than a year after he had arrived at Arbre Croche, Father Baraga was
looking for new fields.
The savages of my station, will soon, I hope, all be Christians, except for some bad ones who boldly resist the Christian truth. After they are all converted, I shall, with permission of the Rt. Rev. Bishop, betake myself to another place, where there are, as I certainly know, many savages, who are longing after the Bread o i Life, and there is no one to break it to them, because, as I hear they have no missionary (Rezek 1906: 33, Jezernik 1968: 46).
This suggests Baraga was primarily interested in converting '’heathens'
and not in those who had already become Catholics. The latter, by all appearances, had altered their traditional practices considerably (see
Baraga March 10, 1832). The h isto ry of his movements from m ission to mission clearly portrays his 'pioneering' spirit. Father Baraga was at
Arbre Croche for two years (1831-1833), Grand River for two years
(1833-1835), La Pointe for eight years (1835-1843) and Keweenaw Bay for a decade (1843-1853). 142
The 'pioneer' feature of Baraga's ministry is not specific to
Baraga, but one that was principally a Catholic quality. Protestants of the time (American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions
1834), and contemporary scholars (Stone and Chaput 1978: 604), frequently alleged that Catholicism was only a veneer. This is at le a s t p a r tia lly due to the concern th a t Indians become baptized and not in their Indoctrination. Evidence for this assertion is the frequent mention in the documents of how many individuals were baptized.
Nowhere did I find mention of the extent to which their conversion was te s te d .25
In addition to Baraga's personal qualities and features that may be a ttrib u te d to Catholicism , are number of facto rs th a t can b est be ascribed to the products of the times. Among them is the high rate of
Indians who professed conversion to Catholicism (Verwyst 1900: 189,
Rezek 1906: 69). A l i t t l e over two months of his a rriv a l a t Arbre
Croche, he baptized "already 70 Indians, partly children, partly adults" (Baraga August 10, 1831). Father Dejean had baptized 600 individuals in a little over one year (Baraga February 11, 1834). At
La Polnte, his success may have been attributed to the low rate of death among those who had submitted to baptism.
This seemingly unimportant event may have aided him greatly in his missionary labors. If many persons had died soon after Baptism, the people...would have attributed it to the Sacrament (Levi 1956: 45)
Yet other considerations may have been responsible for mass
25 This contrasts markedly with Protestant orientation which focused on individual conversion. The Methodists, for example, maintained a two-year trial period (Brunger personal communication May 23, 1985) and are known to have removed from th e ir r o lls in d ividual t who strayed from 'correct behavior' (see below). 143
conversions. L atourette (1937: 156) remarks th a t mass conversion was
characteristic of Indian conversion patterns In the nineteenth century.
It was characteristic among Indians who converted to Catholicism.26
This pattern may be a product of the rapid changes in the Anlshlnabe
economy occurring during the nineteenth century.
Many authors have remarked on the close association of social
(Rutledge 1985) and economic upheavals (Kietzman and Smalley 1978: 526,
Tyrrell 1979a: 7) with a resurgence of religiosity among peoples
affected by the upheavals. Rose (1984: 35) states conversion is a
response to the uncertainty that is present in times of rapid economic
and so cial change.27
Mass-conversion may have been a reaction against Protestantism.
Vherever he went, P ro testan ts had preceded him and had gained few
converts (see Baraga July 26, 1833). Some documents suggest Indians were not treated well by some P ro testan ts (see Gray 1934: 154), and
others may have become Catholics after being withdrawn from the
Protestant rolls (see below). Thus, it is not surprising that many
Indians were attracted to Catholicism.
It is also possible that Indians were attracted to Catholicism for
other reasons:
26 The high rate of religious conversion to Catholicism in the nineteenth century is interesting when we recall that the Anlshlnabe had been previously reluctant to embrace Catholicism. Perhaps by the mid-nineteenth century the Indians desired to acquire the benefits accruing to those who had become members of Protestant faiths (e.g., the acquisition of material goods) without entirely losing the Indigenous way of life (Dunning 1959: 15-16).
22 That religious movements coincide with economic upheavals is clear from the last few years in the United States with the introduction of a new economy (computers etc.) and a revitalization movement. M anifestations of th is movement include the appearance and widespread success of television evangelists and the Moral Majority. 144
They [the Indians around Arbre Croche] refuse to listen to any missionary except the Black gowns, who, they Inform us, effected so much good among th e ir fo re fa th e rs. One of th e ir reasons for th is Is somewhat o rig in a l, but Is marked with n ative good sense, since they, having their wives & children, are men like ourselves; but the Black gowns, disengaged from these material encumbrances, are left perfectly free to devote their whole time & attention to spiritual matters, and In this regard are much better qualified to discharge the duties of the ministry before their Almighty Master, who Is a Spirit himself (Baraga July 26, 1833 emphasis in the original).
Whatever the reason—or reasons—mass conversion was a feature present in Catholic missionary activities and a reason for the Protestants" hostile reactions toward Catholic intrusions.
These reactions could only have been magnified when one recalls the general policy of national unity that characterized the period.
Catholicism's superficial concern for conversion permitted Indians to retain much of their sense of tribal affiliation and traditional cultural practices when Presbyterians were concerned about the behaviors of Methodists and other low-Protestant denominations. One can imagine their concern over the Catholic's encouragement of non-
Protestant values and traditional Indian customs.
Baraga, being a Catholic when the United States had a very strong anti-Cathollc bias, and promoting programs fostering Indian identity, only helped strengthen the Protestant's hostility toward Catholics. As will be noted in the subsequent section, Protestants attempted to squash Baraga's activities, which only strengthened Baraga's convictions fostering Indian self-sufficiency. 145
3.4.2 Baraga's Missionary Activities Among the Indians
3.4.2.1 Arbre Croche
Baraga arrived at Arbre Croche on May 28, 1831 (Baraga June 2,
1831), replacing Father Peter John Dejean (Bedford-Jones 1920: 602). A
few months l a te r , he (August 10, 1831) wrote:
...My wish is now fulfilled. I live among the poor Indians, most of whom are still pagans, and have a boundless field open to cultivate, because, (through God's mercy), I am the only missionary of the diocese of Cincinnati who lives among the Indians. True, there are some missionaries in our vast diocese who have Indians in their mission districts, but the greater part of th e ir population i s , n ev erth eless, composed always of whites. However, my mission district consists of pure Indians; far and wide I am the only white man... I cannot tell you... what chlld-llke attachment and submissive obedience these good people of nature have towards their priest...
He wrote in another letter:
It is surprising to find so much virtue among these savages, towards whom I now feel a great love in my heart. Although they are still so crude & ignorant, n ev erth eless, some among them lead a more virtuous l i f e than many well instructed Christians (February 11, 1831).
These statements Illustrate that Baraga, although having the
condescending view of Indians common among Whites of the time, seems to have enjoyed being with the Indians. This distinguished him from the
White Methodist missionaries, such as the Reverend John H. Pltezel
(October 28, 1843, Pitezel 1873: 16), who wrote:
I would much prefer to labor among my own people should 146
I consult my own Inclination. I labour here In the spirit of self-sacrifice.
Baraga's regard for the Indians remained with him throughout his
l i f e . 28
The animosity toward Catholics described in the last chapter was
present at Arbre Croche. Before Baraga arrived the Catholic Indians had petitioned for money from the Civilization Fund. No money was
allocated to them because “nearly all the money had been allotted to
the Protestant missions" (Lambert 1967b: 65). Bishop Edward Fenwick
(November 30, 1831) also p etitio n ed for funds:
Permit me to call your attention to the Petition of the Ottawa tribe of Indians dated Michilimacklnac on the 14 June of 1829, which is inclosed in this communication; and as the Bishop, alluded to in that petition, under whose direction the schools herein named are established, to ask not only the relief they have prayed for but a ll and every assistan ce you can give aid one under the Act of Congress in such cases made and provided. You will perceive by the endorsement upon the Copy of the Act of Congress on that subject which is also enclosed, that releif [sic] has not been sooner extended to those unfortunate people because it was represented that at the time the application was made for them, 'There were no funds at the disposal of the Indian Department'. I have anxiously waited untill [sic] now, and am pleased to know from the personal Interview I had with you in your office on the 21 inst that such is not the case this time; and as no one knows better than yourself the real situation of those people & the great advantages they already received and will hereafter
28 The regard for those with whom he worked was not necessarily characteristic of all Catholic missionaries. Verwyst (1900: 175, 202) states that Indian missions frequently took second place to the establishment and maintenance of White missions. This was characteristic of Protestant denominations, too (Lambert 1967a). Schoolcraft (1851: 491) says that the Secretary of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions wrote him that Presbyterians missionaries were more attracted to foreign fields than to Indian settlements. Letters from this missionary society indicate China was a primary focus (see Greene June 14, 1834; Greene September 2, 1834 and Greene February 19, 1835). 147
receive from the establishments I had made to Improve their condition, and to instruct them in the mode of agriculture suited to their situation, and for teaching their children in reading writing & arithmetic and for performing such duties as may be enjoined.... The school established at Arbre Croche in June 1829 contains j>0 pupils who are fed clothed & instructed by two females half Indian and superintended by the priest. Four children of that tribe are actually under my care & in my schools at Cincinnati—tho two of them are metlfs-and three others [sic], pure Indians, are, by my direction, placed under Tradesmen at Mackinac to learn the Blacksmith and Carpenters trades (emphasis in the o rig in a l).
Cass sent $1,000 in January of 1832 to support the three Catholic
Indian Schools (Fenwick January 20, 1832). The $1,000 was not, however, enough to support his three schools adequately (Ibid.). The
reluctance of the United States government to support the Catholic
Indian schools would plague Baraga when he established other missions.
While Baraga was at Arbre Croche, the Catholic Indians requested a blacksmith instruct them in this art. Fenwick attempted to locate
Whites who were willing to teach the Indians (Lambert 1967b: 75) but was unsuccessful. Baraga bought all the tools necessary to establish a blacksmith shop and found someone willing to teach the Indians (Baraga n .d .a ). One le tte r Indicates th at some of the Indians had became very proficient in new skills (De Bruyn October 30, 1835).
...the Indians are now so far advanced, that a good many of the houses of Mackinaw are out done by several of those in this Village, and of the village called La Croix, bilt [sic] or now bilding [sic] by Indians exclusively....
His efforts in acquiring these services underscores his concern that
the Indians learn to become s e lf-s u ffic ie n t and his commitment to th a t id e a l. 148
3.4 .2 .2 Grand River
Bishop Edward Fenwick died of cholera while Baraga was at Arbre
Croche, (Lambert 1967b: 75). Because the Catholic Church In the
Diocese of Cincinnati had grown so rapidly, Fenwick's successor, Bishop
John B. Purcell, established the Diocese of Detroit in 1833 (P.6. 1937:
472). Frederic Rese became the first Bishop of the Diocese of Detroit,
(Lambert 1967b: 84).
By the early part of 1833, Baraga had grown tired of his inactivity at Arbre Croche. He complained that all those in the area who had any inclination to do so were already baptized. In March of
1833, he wrote th at he wanted to e sta b lish a m ission on Lake Superior, but had not received permission to do so (Baraga March 4, 1833). Rese transferred Baraga to a village on the Grand River, near present-day
Grand Rapids (Lambert 1967b: 85-86).
Lambert (1967b: 86) provides a reason for the Bishop's action.
When the Indians of the Grand River had signed a treaty with the
Federal government in 1832, they had requested the services of a
Catholic priest. Instead, they received a Baptist missionary, Reverend
Isaac McCoy, replaced by the Reverend Leonard Slater in 1833 (Ibid.).29
Three things prompted Bishop Rese to establish a mission at Grand River. Many of the Indians voiced a desire to embrace the C atholic f a ith . Secondly, a growing number of French Canadian Catholics would be doing business with the Indians and would be needing spiritual help. L astly, Indians near Arbre Croche would be residing a t Grand River over the w inter. The C hristians coming from the north would be cared for and the pagans would frequently be in contact with him, thus enhancing their
29 The same request by the Indians for a Catholic missionary, and response by the government reportedly occurred at the 1826 Treaty at La Polnte for the La Pointe Indians (Gregorlch 1951: 3). 149
chances of conversion (Ibid.).
These three factors may have Influenced Re: decision to transfer
Baraga to Grand River Instead of to Lake Superior.
The Indians at that location had probably already been divided
Into two camps before Baraga's arrival: opposing or favoring the
Baptist missionary. Opposition against Baraga was quick to rise
(Baraga October 10, 1833).
Those laborers you furnished us [the government farmer, carpenter, and blacksmith] have worked where we live. It was so, they made fences also f ie ld s . They assisted us in rearing houses. We were very glad when they were with us. Cattle also you gave, to assist in ploughing [sic] for us. Since we have used the Cattle we have plenty of food...While we tried to know what was good, we thought of others who were poor. Now this is the reason we tell you our disposition. Last spring one village below joined us. We called them because their children were poor & had nothing to eat. They came & made a field & listened to our words. They promised to be a ll of one m ind...By & by a Frenchman [possibly fur trader Louis Campau] told them what to do. We thought only our words they would lis te n . Immediately they became of different disposition. They received a French P rie s t. When he came to our v illa g e i t became divided & our village is broken, this it is like. Five families hear the French Priest. Nineteen families of us remain of one mind (Protestant Indians October 29, 1833, also in Lambert 1967b: 94).
Seven months later, the Indians wrote again:
...The State of things here are very hard. We are at the time lonesome. This is the reason why we are lonesome, when we have endeavored to be in health & to love one another, there came among us a foreigner a white man who separated near Friends, now hatred and variance is among us. Everyone that is bad is now in our village....We are all of one mind that sit here in council that you should tell this white man (the Catholick [sic] Priest) to go away from our village... This white man the priest all the time comes to our house & tells us we shall be miserable if we are not Sprinkled & that we shall go to hell & our children. This is the reason we are lonesome, we are not pleased 150
to have him living at our village. We have feeling like you i f the P rie s t t e l l your children th a t would go to h e ll i f they are not Sprinkled you would be lonesom e..." (Noonday e t a l May 13, 1834).
Accompanying th is p e titio n was a l e t t e r from the Reverend Leonard
Slater to Governor Porter (May 13, 1834), explaining the circumstances that brought about the petition. Slater wrote the Indians had requested Baraga to leave and "it is a Statute in the US Laws that no
White person shall locate himself in the Indian Territory without permission from Gov[ernmen]t or the Natives." The letter also suggested the circumstances that led to Baraga's establishing a mission th e re .
The object of th is man's coming to the V illage is e a sily perceived. My neighbor Compow who has long sought revenge on me, by my making a rep o rt of him to you, now employs th is measure by p rev ailin g on a Romish P rie s t to oppose ray religious influence among the Natives of this particular Village...(Ibid.).
In short, a French Canadian fur trader was responsible for bringing
Baraga to the Indian Village at the Grand River. This would recur at the Keweenaw Bay, where, again Protestants charged the Catholic trader with introducing the Catholic missionary (Brown May 29, 1844).
During the f i r s t seven months th a t Baraga was a t Grand River, there was an event that had a marked Influence on him. He wrote of this to the Leopoldinen Stiftung (Baraga February 1, 1834).
The Indians are, as a rule, very much addicted to drunkenness; however, they have not the opportunity everywhere to indulge in this vice because they cannot find whisky everywhere. But here at Grand River there are so many fur traders who follow the Indians everywhere and bring them whisky in order to snatch their precious furs so that the Indians in our environs and even in this locality are almost constantly drunk. I have talked about this with several of these unfortunate 151
traders who barter their own and the souls of the poor Indians Into the claws of the hellish foe, but everytlme I have received In su lts and th re ats for an answer. They heed my words much lesB than the rudest savage; and to revenge themselves upon men, they bring even more whisky among the Indians, and dissuade them very fo rc ib ly from listening to me and believing me; and they speak as slanderously as possible about me.... A few days ago there were especially many drunken Indians In our village. A fur trader had brought them such a large quantity of whisky that they drank continuously for 4 days and nights. Our Christians were extremely grieved about it, and were also in danger. One of my best Christians almost lost his life during these unhappy days. One of these drunkards came to his house, reviled terribly against the religion and finally wanted to stab him with his knife. The Christian could only narrowly ward of the dangerous atta c k .
Baraga also wrote that he was in danger and had been harassed one night by a number of Indians under the influence of alcohol (see also Rezek
1906: 57). Lambert (1967b: 100-101) states this event caused Baraga to refrain from drinking alcohol for the rest of his life.
Baraga wrote to Governor Porter requesting permission to establish his mission on the Grand River (November 5, 1833). He stated there were eighty-two Indians who wanted to receive instruction in the
Catholic faith. He further stated his school already had twenty-eight
Indians and seven Whites attending i t (Document No. 118-E). He gave
the names and ages of ninety-one individuals (presumably those who wished in stru c tio n ). And, on an accompanying sheet (Document 771-E), sketched a map showing that his mission was between the Indian village and the Baptist mission.
Baraga soon had a loyal following. He constructed a church "at
[a] central point of many Indian communities” for the Indians at Arbre
Croche and other villages (Baraga February 20, 1835). He dedicated his church on the Third Sunday after Easter (Baraga May 24, 1834). In 152 spite of the efforts of others to the contrary, Baraga did not move from the mission s it e . As he wrote,
Only our h. religion is able to mold them into Christians therefore into very good people. The governmt [sic] also is very well aware of this is therefore very pleased when Catholic missionaries wish to settle among the Indians (Baraga December 1, 1833).
However, an unnamed Indian Agent complained Baraga was "disturbing the peaceful existence of the Indians” and wanted him to leave (Lambert
1967b: 108). This occurred sh o rtly a fte r there were attem pts to remove the Ottawa Indians from the Grand River area. Baraga had championed th e ir cause to allow them to remain in th e ir homeland (Lambert 1967b:
108-109). Verwyst (1900: 169) and Rezek (1906: 63) suggest Baraga's support for the Indians was responsible for his removal, not his
"disturbing the peaceful existence of the Indians."
The government applied pressure on Bishop Rese, who replaced
Baraga with Father Viszoszky. Baraga went to an all-Whlte settlement on the Saint Clair River and remained there until the spring of 1835.
Verwyst (1900: 166) suggests Baraga was not unhappy with his transfer from Grand River. Once in the all-W hite community, however, Baraga wrote he "felt like a fish tossed on dry land" (Lambert 1967b:
112-116). Baraga went to La Pointe when the snow melted.
3.4.2.3 La Pointe
Baraga arrived at La Pointe on July 27, 1835 (Verwyst 1900: 174).
Ramsay Crooks reportedly offered the priest passage on the maiden voyage of the J.J. Astor, the first propeller-driven vessel on Lake
Superior, (Jamison 1946: 25) but Baraga declined because it was not 153 yet ready to sail (Lambert 1967b: 117). Thus, Baraga's arrival at La
Pointe coincided with the Introduction of a new mode of transportation and the establishm ent of commercial fis h e rie s on Lake Superior.
As at his previous missions, Baraga reported to his superiors his successes In converting Indians to Catholicism. By the end of August of 1835, he had baptized eig h ty -six Individuals; by the end of December of that year, one hundred eighty five (Baraga January 2, 1836). Of these, twenty-one were from Fond du Lac, where Baraga had visited and established a mission at the request of the trader Pierre Cotte. By
August of 1836, Baraga had to enlarge his church (Baraga August 11,
1836). During the eight years he was at La Pointe, Baraga baptized 981 individuals (Verwyst 1886: 148). Due to the rapid rise in church membership and the poor construction of the second church, Baraga built a third church. He salvaged whatever he could from the second building in its construction (Lambert 1967b: 149).
Baraga's entry to La Pointe and his successes were met with alarm by the Presbyterian missionary established at La Pointe, This missionary attempted to have the government remove Baraga from La
Pointe (Lambert 1967b: 118). The Reverend William T. Boutwell, along with two other Presbyterian missionaries and an American Fur Company trader (August 4, 1835), wrote to Schoolcraft:30
You may be aware that the-Mr F Baraga of the Roman Catholic order has visited us & is now actively engaged in building with a view to a permanent location at this place. You are also doubtless of-that the A[merican] Board [of Commissioners for Foreign Missions], have long since adopted and strictly adhere to the principle, not to send their Missionaries to locate where the ground has been preoccupied by other denominations.
30 The arrangement referred to was made with the Methodist Episcopal Church as early as 1834 (Greene June 9, 1834). 154
This Is a mutual understanding between ourselves & the Methodist Epls. denomination. We think the above principle a just one & founded upon the Saviors golden rule of doing to others as we would they should do to us. Now, you are fully apprised of the disposition on the part of our Govt, to aid the Ind[lan]s in civilization & agriculture, & for which purpose appropriations have been made for the benefit of this band & that at Yellow Lake. From our observation & knowledge of Ind character, & the influence which different sects are wont to exert, when they come Into close contact, & differing so widely In doctrine & practice as Presbyterians & Roman Catholics, we are led to the result that if Roman Catholics or other sects are licensed to violate the aforementioned1 principle upon which we act, that the object of our Govt must in a great measure be subverted. The influence of c o llisio n upon Ind. ch aracter is pernicious in every point of view & we feel it greatly to be deprecated. We wish therefore if possible to avoid it, & for this simple reason if there wer [sic] no other, that there sh' ottld-is much ground already unoccupied where they may labour, without interfering with our operations or we with theirs. We have consulted some of the gentlemen in conducting the trade in this section of your agency who fully concur in the opinion of expediency, that it might be for the furtherance of the object of our Govt & the benefit of the Ind[lan]s. that the Rev. Gent, when he calls for license of residence in the country be advised to locate & confine his labours to some of the fields not preoccupied...
Thus the hostility toward Catholics was also present at La Pointe.
Also clear is the fear that Catholics were attempting to subvert
Federal Indian policy. Finally, we observe the close association of traders with the missionaries Protestant. Later that month the Rev.
Sherman Hall (August 31, 1835) wrote that the "Catholic priest as yet, has made no direct and open opposition to [the] Prot. mission.” The
Catholic mission remained on the island.
Baraga had forgotten to procure a license allowing him to establish his mission at La Pointe. He later received this license through the intervention of an American Fur Company employee, James 155
Abbott of Mackinac (Baraga August 21, 1835). How Abbott obtained this
license is curious because Schoolcraft was opposed to the establishment
of Catholic missions among the Indians (Jamison 1967b: 131). This was
clear in a letter from Bishop Rese, again complaining that the Catholic missions had been denied Federal funds:
...A t Grand River an Indian Mission has been kept and directed by the Priests of my Diocese and has caused me heavy expenses, without ever having been refunded one cent of government money in behalf of i t . $1000 were given since several years for the Arbre Croche, St. Joseph's and Green Bay Missions. Only last year some provision has been made for a Menomlney mission. For the many missions among the Chippeway, Vinebagoes, Ottawas of Grand River, as also at the Cross [St. Croix] nothing has been allowed. I mention this first to yourself because what belongs to the Chippeway and Ottaway missions is under your control. It would appear unjust that by the last Treaty large allowances should be made by you for one mission a t Grand River because of its being Protestant, and none for the other because it is a Catholic Mission, particularly when it is well known that the Protestant mission there has been supported by government monies from its very commencement... (Rese August 24, 1836).
Thus, economic woes continued to plague Baraga's efforts. These
problems were engendered, in part, by Protestant antagonism toward
Catholics, as well as the Panic of 1837.
In February of 1836, Baraga wrote that he was without funds and was unable to administer to the needs of his mission. He had no
school, no teacher, and was unable to finish the interior of the
church. He complained the Bishop would not support him, and he had no other source of income. Consequently, he decided to go to Europe to make a request for funds in Rome (Baraga February 24, 1836). He left 156 for Europe around November 1 of that year (Baraga October 31, 1 8 3 6).
In Europe, Baraga petitioned for support and published some of his works (Jezernik 1968: 70). He secured at least $1,600, which he deposited with the American Fur Company (Crooks August 8, 1837). While he was In France, Baraga met Hons. Lolsson, a wine merchant, who offered to ship wine to the United States free of charge. The proceeds of these sales would go to benefit Baraga's mission (Lambert 1967b:
134). Baraga's intention was to secure steady funding rather than donations. Baraga returned to La Pointe In October of 1837 (Rezek
1906: 72).
The sale of the "Baraga Wines" did not go as well as Baraga anticipated. Baraga complained bitterly and accused Crooks of not selling it:
...The Company did with my wine as they did with their fish. They kept their fish until it spoiled, etc. It would have been more profitable to have sent the wine to other places, as I desired, several times, because In New York there is too great an abundance of all articles (October 1, 1841).
This accusation was unfair because the Panic of 1837 had affected sa le s. E a rlie r Ramsay Crooks (December 31, 1839) informed Baraga that he hoped to s e ll the most recent shipment in course of the summer, " if the times improve at all; for really at the present moment people can hardly obtain the means of procuring food, consequently luxuries cannot be thought o f." Crooks (December 6, 1841), upset by B araga's remark, told Baraga would have to have confidence in him or take his business elsewhere. Baraga apologized (August 18, 1842).
31 At about the same time Rese appointed Baraga to be his secretary and diocesan vicar (Pierz November 15, 1836). This prepared the way for Baraga's elevation to Bishop in 1857. 157
In the Interim, La Pointe had become the largest settlement on
Lake Superior (Lambert 1967b: 119). This was in part because the
American Fur Company had shifted its headquarters from Sault Ste. Marie
to La Pointe. Simultaneously, the Federal government began making the annuity payments to the Indians at this location, in spite of negative reactions on the grounds that the American Fur Company held a monopoly on the fur trade (Dodge February 8, 1839); and, later, the complicity of government employees with the agents of the American Fur Company
(Johnston August 21, 1855, Cockhill November 1, 1865).
We noted in Chapter II there were strained relations between the
Federal government and the American Fur Company. A further strain was caused by Company disapproval of the government's handling of the payments. Ramsay Crooks (August 19, 1839) criticized the government stating that the government treated the Indians shamefully; whatever benefit the Indians received from the annuity payments was offset by
their lateness and uncertainty. Another complaint was that the Indians did not receive the entire amount of money to which they were entitled
(Abbott September 27, 1847).32 Baraga was present at these occasions and probably contributed to his conviction that the Indians had to become self-sufficient to the fullest extent possible.
Baraga's relationship with the Presbyterian missionary seems to have developed into one of mutual toleration. Baraga's participation at a funeral for one of the Protestant children attests to Improving
relations (Sproat June 23 1839). Another indication of improving
relations is seen by his solution to lack of funding for his school.
He had many students but was short of funds, while the Presbyterian
32 The Rev. John H. Pitezel (August 20, 1843) made a similar comment. 158 mission had generous funding from the Civilization Fund but feu stu d en ts.
There are two regular schools here uhich the Presbyterians have established, one for the boys, the other for the girls. Almost all of their pupils are C atholic c h ild re n . They teach them to read and to w rite in English and in Indian, but they do not speak a word to them about the religion, for I have warned them well that if they meddled with religion, I would order all the Catholic children to leave their schools, and I am watching strictly this observance (Baraga July 1, 1842).
Baraga established a school for the Catholic Indian children in the summer of 1843 (Baraga September 12, 1843), following a conversation with Robert Stuart during the Treaty of La Pointe (Baraga October 5,
1842). Stuart indicated that the Catholic schools would receive support. Baraga thanked Stuart for allowing him to have $250 in support of this school in September of 1843 (September 27, 1843), but there is no evidence he ever received it.
The anti-Catholic sentiments that had plagued Baraga earlier were still present. The Indian subagent at La Pointe, Alfred Brunson, wrote to Governor of Wisconsin Territory, James Doty, criticizing Indian
Superintendent Robert Stuart for overstepping his bounds (July 18,
1843, Appendix B). He indicated the state of the Indian schools in his subagency. The relevance of that letter here is not only his complaint that the Presbyterians were obtaining more money than were the
Methodists for their Indian schools, but also Ignored the existence of the Catholic school at the community from which he wrote his letter.
Brunson may not have been aware that the Presbyterian mission school contained predominantly Catholic children. It remains, however, true that the Catholics were not allocated funds for their own school. 159
Catholic Indians were victims of White sectarianism.
Eventually, Baraga's 'pioneering' spirit made him restless to seek new fields. By 1839, most of the Indians who had any Intention of becoming Catholic had done so. Additionally, N[t]he ever diminishing fur trade and the fa ilu re of the American Fur Company's fish in g e n te rp rise , brought on much unemployment and cut off even the local petty revenue for the missionary" (Gregorlch 1954: 9). As the number of conversions declined, Baraga started looking for new environs. A letter from Pierre Crebassa, the French-Canadlan trader at L'Anse invited him to go th ere.
In a letter published in the L'Anse Sentinel, Crebassa said:
An old chief named Penashi came to see me every Sunday. I had an old Bible, printed In the French language in the year 1815, and the old chief used to request me to read to him from the book and explain i t , which I did to the best of my ability. He desired to know if I could get a priest to come here, and I replied that I would write to Father Baraga, who was then at La Pointe, Wisconsin, and was the only priest in this part of the Country. Accordingly, I wrote to Father Baraga, explaining m atters, and in v ited him to come. That was In 1840. He replied that he could not leave La Pointe, as he had a church and a large congregation there. Each year I wrote to him, and a t l a s t , in 1 8 4 3 ...he consented (Rezek 1906: 77).
By now, the Indian community a t Keweenaw Bay had fissioned and there was friction between the Conservative and the Methodist Indians. It was'in this environment that Baraga made his first journey to the
Keweenaw Bay.
Baraga visited the Keweenaw Bay in May of 1843 to explore the possibility of establishing a mission and stayed twenty days. Baraga used Crebassa's home as a temporary chapel and place in which to
Instruct the Indians (Verwyst 1900: 207). During this period, Baraga 160
baptized 22 individuals (Rezek 1907: 239).
The community had the ideal conditions to help him develop his
utopian society. It had many 'pagan' Indians and situated in what
promised to be a center of White activity. In addition, the Indians
were being proselytized by "false prophets" (Gregorlch 1954: 13), and
some of them were w illin g to accept Indo ctrin atio n in to Catholicism .
Whether this was a reaction to the Protestants is a moot issue.
Convinced th at L'Anse was a good lo catio n for a m ission, he
returned in October of that year (Rezek 1906: 78-80, Verwyst 1900:
209). Baraga did not handle this mission alone, however. Pierre
Cotte, the trader who had invited Baraga to establish a mission at Fond
du Lac in 1836 and his wife assisted him.33 Pierre Cotte was
apparently a victim of the purging of the French Canadians by the
American Fur Company and was, consequently unemployed. He was thus able to help Baraga at his new mission (Lambert 1967b: 155, Verwyst
1900: 209). Baraga (September 22, 1835) wrote Cotte was "a rare
exception because most of [the traders] are godless men."
3.4.2.4 Reprise
We have noted the primary factors that caused Baraga to act as he
did in his missionary settings. The rampant antl-Catholic sentiment in
the country plagued him at many places. The lack of funds exacerbated
Baraga's problems, but he lived simply and frugally. He once wrote, "I come out comfortably with 150 dollars annually" (January 15, 1840). He
33 a document at the Sault Ste. Marie Bureau of Indian Affairs Office indicates that Baraga also invited Edward St. Arneaud to be the Indian Farmer (Histories). 161 was zealous In his convictions. His lack of funds from the Federal government spurred him to work harder to help the Indians become self-sufficient.
His successes among the Indians may have been the result of his zealousness and because he lived as poorly as they did. External factors also contributed, however. These included the possibility that
Catholicism was a reaction against the previously established
Protestant missions and the introduction of a new economic system.
Whatever the reasons, there was a rapid rise In the numbers of Indian
Catholics at his missions.34
Baraga's relationships with traders also influenced him to some extent. Members of both the upper and lower levels of the American Fur
Company aided him. Ramsay Crooks helped Baraga in a number of ways, as did at least three French Canadian traders—Campau, Cotte, and
Crebassa. Baraga, however, apparently did not receive the same rapport with the middle level traders, such as those stationed at La P o i n t e . 3 5
Although Baraga appreciated the help he received from the traders, his experiences a t Grand River. He was a t Grand River and a t La Pointe when the Federal government began making annuity payments to the
Indians. He observed that the payments were not made on time and sometimes were not made at all. He also observed that the Indians received little money at these payments, and the goods they received were of poor quality. He also witnessed the close relationship between
34 Adverse weather may have also influenced his successes. One missionary stationed at Sault Ste. Marie in 1836, for example, wrote that nearly all of the Indians had scattered into the forests to hunt because a severe frost in August had destroyed their corn crop (Pierz November 15, 1836).
33 This pattern is reminiscent of what Nlda (1978b) has observed in Latin America. 162
the American Fur Company and the Federal government.
His observations seem to have caused him to establish his mission
away from the "unscrupulous'* Whites. By the time Baraga arrived at the
Keweenaw Bay, the trading post was on the east side of the Bay (Rezek
1907: 238). Baraga established his mission on the opposite shore.
These observations, and the tolerance of many traditional Indian
practices underlay Baraga's Idea that the Indians of his mission should become as s e lf-s u ffic ie n t as p o ssib le.
3.5 Baraga a t the Keweenaw Bay
Baraga returned to La Pointe and remained there until September of
1843. He wrote to Robert Stuart, reminding him of his promise to provide money for a school (Baraga September 12, 1843). He also stated his plan to established a mission at Keweenaw Bay that winter:
according to the wish of some pagan Indians that desire to join the Rom[an] Cath. Church. I promise to keep school there all the time; not indeed myself, but a competent teacher, which is Mrs Cotte, who has a particular gift for teaching an Indian school. The branches to be taught in this school will be, for the first year, reading, writing and ciphering in the native language and religious instructions (Ibid.).
He requested additional money from the education fund to start this new school (Ibid.).
Baraga returned to the Keweenaw Bay in October and established his mission on the western side of the bay, about three miles from the
Methodist mission. He dismantled and hauled the old trading post across the ice-covered water (History 1883: 195). This structure, with some ad d itio n al tim ber, became Baraga's f i r s t there (Rezek 1907: 163
239). He dedicated the Church of the Holy Name of Jesus Christ In
September of 1844 (Rezek 1906: 81).
There were three reasons Influencing Baraga to place his settlement on the opposite side of the bay from the Methodist mission.
First, he wanted to establish a village "well removed" from the influences of the Whites. Second, he wanted fertile land to cultivate gardens. Franchere (1839) states the western shore of the bay was fertile, a statement confirmed by Veatch (1941: map). Third, he wanted a site acceptable to the Indians (Jamison 1946: 127), and Indians were already living in the vicinity.
The result was a mission site which Baraga states was "in every way an imitation of the Reductions, which the good ancient Jesuits, these masters in missionary affairs, made in Paraguay" (Verwyst 1900:
228-229, quoting a letter from Baraga). The Jesuits used this system in other places, too—including New France (Ronda 1979). According to the basic principles of this institution, Europeans would gather
Indians from adjacent areas at a central location, where the priests had constructed a church (Verwyst 1900: 2 1 0).36
To entice Indians to reside at his mission, Baraga visited Indian bands living in the adjacent region and invited them to live at his mission. He achieved his goal by allowing the mission Indians wide latitude to accept or reject various aspects of "civilization." For example, the Indians did not have to live in houses nor plant crops
(Jamison 1946: 129-130, 139). Thus, Baraga's mission called for relatively little disturbance to the then-current Indian life-style
3^ The reducclones in Latin America had two goals: to convert the Indians to Catholicism; and to provide the Spaniards with a ready source of labor (MacLeod 1973: 121-123). There is no evidence Baraga, wished to include the second objective in his program at Keweenaw Bay. 164
(Jamison 1946: 133, Andary 1969: 48). Father Eduard Jacker, a Catholic
missionary at the Keueenau Bay from 1855 to 1861, states, In the early
years of the mission,
They lived almost exclusively on fish and various game, keeping neither cows nor horses—dogs and chickens being th e ir only company. The furs of the game which they killed and the berries they picked when the season came round and what sugar they made out of the maple sap, all helped to make ends meet, altho [sic] all or most of these articles, were plentiful, especially the trout and white fish, there was no market for it. They had to dry their berries, and smoke their fish and venison for their own use...(1922: 325).
The absence of a market for these products encouraged self-sufficiency.
Baraga (August 26, 1846) describes another component of his m ission:
They live now all in homes and cultivate the ground. They have a farmer with them, which I hired for three years, and two yoke of oxen to plough a large piece of new ground which they cleared in the middle of a wilderness; and which they enclosed within a common fence; and in this common field each family has a lot which they cultivate according to their wants.
The "common field" to which Baraga refers was a tract of 496.70 acres which he purchased from the United States government earlier that year
(Rezek 1906: 83). The Catholic Indians received all but fourteen acres, upon which was situated the Catholic Church, on July 2, 1863
(Rezek 1907: 243). The property, later known as Assinlns, was the center of the Catholic Indian mission (Pulvermacker 1969: 50, Lambert
1967b: 22).
Lefevre, writing in the Catholic Almanac, stated each family owned about thirty acres of land, "which he clears...plants it and surrounds it with a fence in common and in this common property every head of 165
£amily has a lot..."(Notes 1957: 47). No documents are available which actually report this degree of self- sufficiency remalhed as a feature of Assinlns, but some allow this Interpretation. For example, Father
Edward Jacker wrote (July 3, 1876):
In L'Anse, or as it Is now called, Baraga -thither I went when I wrote you last-I was rejoiced by the sight of half a dozen new Indian farms, or at least the beginnings of such 1/4 or 1/2 mile back from the village and the lake shores the eldorado of idleness and hotbed of vice. Encouraged and assisted by their pastor, himself a practiced farmer, so many families at least— others are expected to follow—have cleared, broken up, fenced in, and put under cultivation from one to two acres and built little log or farm houses. Had this been done 34 years ago, when the mission was esta b lish ed , how much b e tte r would the poor people have fared temporally and spiritually!. But unfortunately, the founder knew too little of agriculture, and the affairs of this world, and was too much engaged in lite r a r y p u rsu its—grammar and dictio n ary & c e t.-to be a leader for them on the royal road of farming. His successor (your friend) was of the same calibre, and even Mr Terhorst [the current missionary] had with altogether insufficient means to work hard until he was able to demonstrate the possibility of cultivating the somewhat ungrateful s o il by an extensive farm of his own the proceeds of which almost support a community of sisters and a little flock of orphans.
Baraga's community continued to be re la tiv e ly s e lf-s u ffic ie n t a t le a s t u n til 1876:
The produce of [the Catholic Mission] farm (30 acres) forms the chief support of the sisterhood and their Indian orphans, as also of four boys adopted by the missionary and being trained, under his direction, to agricultural pursuits—the nucleus of a farming school for the tribe.. . .Father Terhorst has succeeded in making these improvements with little outside help, by the economical management of the lo cal resources (Jacker July 3, 1876; History 1883: 195).
However, the Catholic community was even more s e lf-s u ffic ie n t than th is suggests. In 1875 Edward Assinlns, the chief, wrote to Commissioner of 166
Indian Affairs E.P. Smith (October 28, 1875):
I wish to make a few Inquiries of you. I was a party to the treaty of 1854 made between the United States and the Chippewa of Lake Superior which expired l a s t year. During the present month Ind Agent Betts has visited us with a few goods which he tells us will be sent him to distribute together with Patents for Lands. A few of my Band and myself would not receive the goods as I am ignorant of the source from whence they came. I f you sent us money as Interest on our Ballance [sic] still due us from the Sale of Lands East of Huron Bay. He wish to know where these goods come from and also if we should receive a money payment with them. Please answer me in regard to this matter as I do not wish my young men to receive these goods if they are stolen or do not belong to us.
In short, the Catholic Indians were self-sufficient enough that they could reject government-proffered goods and money. This could have been possible only if the Indians had some alternative means by which to acquire the goods they needed. There is no evidence that they received goods from other sources—including wage labor. Consequently, they appear to have acquired these goods by other means.
Self-sufficiency in economic terms was not the end of Baraga's plans. He also called for political autonomy. A few months before
Indian Agent Hilliam A. Richmond (Robert Stuart's replacement) left office, the Catholic Indians told him of the regulations which they had devised.
1. During the minority of Charles Bineshi [Penashe], his uncle Edward Assinlns will be his guardian and acting chief for band of Indians living on the western side. 2. Edward Assinlns is considered chief during the minority of Charles Bineshi. 3. John Metakosige will be judge and 1st Assistant to Edward Assinlns; all disputes and quarrels w ill be decided by Assinlns and Metakosige (Baraga March 22, 1849). 167
Richmond accepted this arrangement. He wrote, "I am much pleased In this matter of the young chief and hope they will be united and succeed
In carrying out the present arrangement" (Richmond April 15, 1849).
Baraga was able to establish his model Indian village. He purchased a tract of land In his name, then deeded it over to the
Indians as a community (Rezek 1907: 243). Equally important, this village had its own political structure. The community's leaders were chosen by members of the mission. Thus, the retention of traditional elements was present in this component of his plan as well.3?
Other factors that helped Baraga establish a self-sufficient community of Indians were not of his own design, but were forced upon him by the P ro testan t antagonism toward the C atholics. This animosity was perhaps further fueled by the articles written by
Brutus (a .k .a . Samuel F.B. Morse) on the insidious designs of the
Leopoldinen Stiftung to undermine United States political and economic institutions. These articles appeared in the New York
Observer, a Presbyterian magazine, in 1843 (Buley 1951 II: 4 7 2).38 A
Methodist magazine repeated these allegations (Literary 1845: 74).
3.5.1 The Protestant Reaction and Baraga's Response
The Methodist missionaries did not welcome Baraga's arrival.
Even before he arrived there was a sense of dread. Lucena Brockway,
37 in contrast, the Methodist mission held the land they had bought for the Indians "in trust" and did not deed it over, "as it might be got away from them if deeded to each of them separately” (Pitezel June 19, 1850).
38 Goodykoontz (1939: 224-227) states that this series of articles appeared in the New York Observer in 1834; I have been unable to ascertain which author, if either, was in error. 168 the wife of Daniel D. Brockway (the government appointed blacksmith a t the Methodist mission) wrote:
there is a roman catholic minister & a woman teacher coming here to spend the w inter, from La Pointe, 200 miles above here. This idea the people are not much pleased w ith. They w ill probably be a m ile from here up to the traders who is a half breed Indian (Gray 1936: 157).
In anticipation of Baraga's arrival, Indians had begun to move back to the west side of the Keweenaw Bay (Brown December 29, 1843). Whether this occurred at Pierre Crebassa's urging is unclear. This may have been the source of displeasure noted by Mrs. Brockway.
This migration Increased once the Catholic missionary actually established himself at the bay and took Indians away from the Methodist mission. By December of 1843, the Methodist missionary, the Reverend
George H. Brown, and the other m issionaries were alarmed. There were a number of reasons for th is alarm. Most of them stated c le a rly in his letter to Robert Stuart.
...As to this band of Indians when our missionaries first came among them, they were a drunken, degraded, superstitious, and roving people. These missionaries labored long; and under the blessing of God quite a number have embraced re lig io n ; and they and th e ir children are settled around us. Religious truths and correct principles, had also been vividly diffused, and we were earnestly awaiting the time when these sons of the forest should be gathered into the fold of Christ. But we have now to some extent to give up this pleasing anticipation. They had just come to that point wherein they saw the vanity of their own superstitions, and loved their sins too well to bow to Christ in an unreserved giving up of heart and life to him. At this juncture the Priest came among them. Through him they were persuaded that all that was necessary was to take upon them th is form of re lig io n . Thus they have come to believe that they can be Christians [sic] and yet retain their sins. The conversion of many has consequently been an easy task. Just before the Indians started for the payment last 169
fall [at la Pointe], Peter Marksman called a council In reference to this band of Indians. At that time they unanimously agreed to settle around the mission on this side of the bay; and use their Influence for the education of their children and young people. Uhen they came be back, however all was dissatisfaction and they commenced settling on the opposite side of the bay. They are striv in g to throw David king out of his o ffic e , and the Priest and half-breed population are making every exertion to get the Garden Lake and Ontonagon Indians [sic] to settle on the opposite side of the bay. From these causes the Christian Indians are left quite alone. From all that I learned from you last summer this movement is contrary to the views of the Govt. The Indians at this mission are, by comparison, with them, civilized and they have a great desire fox^ improvement. The Govt men can be very useful to them; and could they be s e ttle d in one place then a ll would be a fine fie ld for operation. As it is, there are many divisions and many things that are disagreeable.... He have had some additions to the church, and but some of the 'u n s ta b le ' have gone to the C ath o lics.. . (Brown December 29, 1843).
The Congregationalist/Presbyterian farmer informed him of the conditions at the Keweenaw Bay and the extent to which Baraga thwarted his work (C arrier December 29, 1843):
When the Indians came back from La Point they told us th at the Roman P rie s t would soon be here to e sta b lish his mission. He soon came-and both a man and his wife [Pierre and Mrs. Cotte] as assistants. He has two men who labor for him, two months sawing lumber, one of whom is now busy cutting logs for the houses-When the vessel came last here I expected files for our Pltt-saw [sic] but none came. I went to the [American Fur] Comp's clerk [Pierre Crebassa] and he had promised all his files to Mr. Baraga (Priest), I however obtained two files—which took all his own supply. So you see we have enough to do to find a supply of lumber... I was told a few days since that he has said he intends to get all the floating Indians to join his Church. [Carrier then states he was asked to lend them the oxen, but he said he could not under present instructions]....For me to go over [to help Baraga build houses] is to help him carry out his own design. ...I am not able to say what the difference is, but should think conslderable-The land lying upon the Bay at this Mission is very uneven....A poor location I think for this country; but if the mission is to remain here-I fear the result, unless the Catholics are removed. 170
Many of these complaints were repeated two months later (Carrier
February 5, 1844), when he stated the Indians began to move to the new mission site on New Year's Day. He reported that the Catholic Indians had requested oxen, but denied them because Baraga said he would help
Indians build houses if they moved to his mission.
Stuart became concerned and Informed the Commissioner of Indian
Affairs of the denominational rivalries at Lake Superior. Stuart said that he was a proponent of the long-established Presbyterian rule, "one band-one mission" and requested Crawford either to write a circular or order Doty or Stuart to do so, enforcing this policy (Stuart February
12, 1344). It is not clear whether Crawford so ordered Stuart, or whether Stuart acted on his own initiative, but the document was signed by S tu a rt.39
Stuart sent a copy of the circular to Sub-Agent James Ord (April
4, 1844). Two days later (April 6, 1844), he sent another to the farmer at L'Anse, with the hope "It will relieve you from what you seem to fear as conflicting duties.” Nine days later (April 15, 1844),
Stuart wrote Baraga (without sending the circular), saying that he
"regret[ted] extremely that as you left La Pointe, you did not select a station or Band where there is no other mission or school." He further stated that the War Department had issued a circular, of which
Ord would give him a copy. He told the p rie s t th a t he would get money from the educational fund if he were to go elsewhere. Baraga did not receive the circular until May 18 (Ord April 25, 1844).
39 a copy of this document was sent to Bishop Peter Paul Lefevre. Papers of Bishop Peter Paul Lefevre, Box 1, folder 1-21. Diocese of Detroit. 171
Stuart again wrote James 0rd:40
It has been represented to me that some of the halfbreeds &c at the Ance have influenced a portion of the Band to remove to a distance (across the Bay) from the location you pointed out last spring, for the school, farmer, mechanics, &c. Such interference is highly injurious and criminal, calculated to distract and cause divisions and jealousies among the Indians which will greatly retard their prosperity and c iv lllz a tio n -I fear th a t the enemy of a ll good— sectarian bigotry and proselytism, has induced this movement; but be i t what i t may, we must endeavor to counteract it-should you visit the Ance this spring (which I have been informed by Mr Baraga is expected) please to use your influence to harmonize these matters. I hope you will be able to persuade Mr Baraga to withdraw his mission and school as the M ethodists had their organized at that place for years and have done much good-There are several much more numerous Bands [than] that of the Ance in the Lake Superior region who are entirely destitute of mission or schools, and where he might be highly useful in advancing the welfare of the Ind[lan]s. Without militating against the views and wishes of the Department, as expressed in the late circular you have received. In the event of your not going up the Lake, please to write the Missionaries, at large on the subject, and instruct the farmer and mechanic in conformity with the circular above alluded to, not to render aid to any school or Indian settlement, establishing itself contrary to the rule laid down.-You w ill probably be told th at the Indians invited the Catholic school and mission, this was perhaps the case, but you & I know how easily a few evil disposed person can at any time bring about such events-but be that as it may, there can be no rational doubt but conformity with the rule the Department has prescribed, will result in much good (April 20, 1844a).
Stuart sent a copy of this letter to the Reverend George U. Brown, instructing him to show it to the farmer and blacksmith if Ord did not visit the area (April 20, 1844b). He added,
40 Note in this letter that Mlxed-bloods" were the source of trouble. There is no documented evidence of this as fact other than the statement that Pierre Crebassa had invited Baraga to the Keweenaw Bay. 172
I think the action of the Indian Department in the premises should meet the approbation of missionaries and school teachers, & indeed all well disposed persons, who have more at heart the welfare of the Indians than sectarianism (Ibid.).
If the circular did not anger the priest, the next event did. Baraga
went to the Methodist mission to get sashes Carrier had been making for
the Catholic Indians (Brown May 20, 1844).
Mr. Carrier has taken a very decided stand as to the course which he thought he ought to pursue. They endeavored l a s t w inter to get him and the Govt oxen to go across the bay and hall [sic] the logs for their houses,41 but he constantly affirmed that this was contrary to his Instructions and he could not do it. They tried very strenuously again this spring but he still resisted. The course, I think has been a commendable one ( Ib id .).
The letter also states that the Ontonagon Indians who had settled at
the Keweenaw Bay had fissioned. About half went to the Catholic mission; the others remained with the Methodists (Baraga May 18, 1844).
But whether these Indians [sic] come here or not it cannot help being seen that the establishing of the Catholic mission at this place, has tended greatly to u n se ttle the minds of the Indians [sic ] and set them against each other. I do not know but I may safely say that the civilization of these Indians [sic] has been retarded for years by this movement (Ibid.).
Baraga was far from a passive recipient of these activities. Apparently with the Bishop's blessing,42 he decided to remain at the Keweenaw Bay.
41 This was a common use of oxen in White settlements at Sault Ste. Marie (Ord A pril 27, 1844) and a t L'AnBe (C arrier February 5, 1844).
42 While no document has been found explicitly stating that the Bishop gave Baraga his consent to remain at the Keweenaw Bay, Baraga (May 18, 1844) wrote, "But now your letter has given me perfect assurance that I am following the adorable will of God by establishing 173
He wrote to Robert Stuart (May 20, 1844):
...I take liberty, Mr. Stuart, to make some remarks which you will find reasonable yourself. The said Circular, being a law, can have no force for any time before the day of its publication. This is a general rule throughout the civilized world as a matter of law. Now the day of publication of this law for us was the 18th of May 1844, and It could not be before, because the mall did not arrive before that day. From that day, according to ju s tic e , I am bound by th is law and intend to keep it faithfully. But before that day my dear sir, this could not be applied to my mission and school, because no law can have force before its publication. By the time of the publication of this law in this place my Mission and school had already been in operation fo r nearly 7 months. It is stated in the said Circular, that wherever a Mission or school has been established, the interference of another cannot be permitted.-This, sir, is indeed a new law in the United States, which glory in the freedom of Religion and freedom of conscience. But be that as it is; I am ready to keep this law faithfully as it is now given...I established the school when religious liberty was yet in its full vigor. [He then states that Indians had requested him to come].... Now this, my dear sir, cannot be considered an interference with the Methodist Mission, as I picked up those only that remained pagans after all possible efforts of the Methodists to convert them. This is really no Interference with the Methodist establishment, when truly represented... Some Indians and Half breeds that belonged once to the Methodist Mission, are now indeed Catholics; but even this, if well considered, was no interference with that Mission. These people belong almost all to the fam ily of the deceased ch ief B ineshi; who recommended them before he died, to join the french Religion, as soon as a Priest shall come to the Anse. The last words of their dying relations are sacred to the Indians; for this reason, and because they had no mind, even before I arrived, to continue in the Methodist Congregation, they joined the Catholic mission as soon as I came to this place. Mr. Johnson, the Carpenter for the Indians, made some sashes this spring for the Catholic Indians who wish to live in houses and civilize themselves. They were made but not delivered, before the Circular reached us; but when the Circular arrived he refused to give the Indians their sashes. This can certainly not be just and right. Even if he not be obliged to work now for the Catholic Indians, he was before and the work th at was done for this mission." 174 them before the publication of the circular, belongs to them by a ll r ig h t. The same is to be said of the works of th e ir blacksmith [D.D. Brockway]. Consider now, my dear sir, how can the benefit of the Mechanics, which they enjoyed till now be at once withdrawn from them? for what reason? I can see no other reason, but because they don't join the Methodist establishment. I can really see no other reason, Mr. Stuart; because if they would jo in th is establishm ent, they would have a ll the benefits of the mechanics. This, sir, can certainly not be the meaning of the American government in our particular case, because first, the whole band of these Indians had been promised in solemn Treaty between two nations under public faith, that they shall have for 25 years the benefit of a blacksmith, etc, and no distinction was made whether they be Methodists or Catholics or pagans. How could they now at once be deprived for so many years of this benefit which they enjoyed till now, only on account of their not joining the Methodist missionary establishment of which there was no mention in the Treaty.-And secondly the said Circular, as a new law, can have no force for a time when it was not yet written. These Indians joined the Catholic Mission last fall, when there was no such law yet. I came to this place when Religion was yet free. Had I known that such restrictions should be caused by you against R eligion, I would perhaps not have consented to come to this place. But now my establishment is almost finished, my expenses amount to about $800; I cannot give i t up and go to some other place as you desire me Mr. Stuart. Even if I go, the Catholic Indians will never give up their Religion and never join the Methodist establishment. They did not want to join it before, and much less now, as they joined already the Religion they wished fo r.... Therefore, Mr. Stuart, I think it would be best to act according to justice also in this particular case, and not to extend the force and obligation of this law backwards to a time when it did not exist. Let our Catholic Indians enjoy the blessings of their Religion undisturbed; let them enjoy that freedom of conscience and that glorious liberty of Religion that prevails throughout these happy States-I endeavor as much as I can to keep them quiet. I like peace, as you know yourself from La Pointe, and always try to make peace amongst them. Don't believe, sir, every report that is made by those who do not like my Religion. I hope a time w ill come when you sh a ll c le a rly see the tru th , and be satisfied. It is true, that in the beginning of my establishing this mission, there was some discord and jealousy among these Indians, but all this gradually died away and now we live in peace. This Circular indeed caused some new trouble among us, but now this also is over and we retook our quiet position.... P.S. Mr. Stuart, I cannot help saying that I am under 175
the Impression that nothing but my coming to L Anse, which you don't like, occasioned you to suggest to the War Department the said Circular, which Is rather surprising in these liberal, free, and therefore happy S ta te s. I may be wrong in my opinion, S ir. I f I am, you will kindly excuse me (emphasis in the original).43
Thus, It was not merely the Issuance of the circular which angered
Baraga but the fact that the government workers refused to provide the
Indians with the products requested.
A little over a week later, the Reverend George W. Brown wrote that Baraga had accused the government of persecution by issuing the circular (May 29, 1844). He stated that Pierre Crebassa had Invited
Baraga to the Keweenaw Bay. He asserted the Indians "unanimously denied last fall that they called him, and I have not learned that they have yet contradicted that statement" (Ibid.). The letter continues:
Mr. B says some of the Indians [sic] lived across the bay and they did not like the Methodist Religion. There did some live across the bay; but then they had agreed to be in one settlem ent on th is side of the bay, around the mission. As to some not liking the Methodists, this may have been the case; but this would have been but a very little thing had there not been some one to stir it and magnify i t . We urged upon him th a t he had caused divisions, jealousies, and heart burnings, but he would as often repeat his call and the affirmation that certain Indians [sic] did not like us. There were a few discontented Indians [sic]. They were principally relatives of the deceased chief. A short time before the chief died he set a bad example to the Indians [sic] by getting intoxicated and visiting the conjurors. Some of the Christian [sic] Indians [sic], in consequence, said they could not have him for their chief. This offended the old man and his friends, and at his death he advised them to liv e separate from us. But th is breach would all have been closed up, but for vicious influences to keep it open [one sentence is unintelligible]. The half breeds are not silent. By hard [words?] and
43 At the La Pointe annuity payments the following year, Stuart told Baraga the circular did not apply to the Keweenaw Bay mission (Baraga August 27, 1844). However, Baraga continued to be denied Federal assistance. 176
vicious talk our Trader spares no pains to prejudice the minds of the Indians against yourself and the Govt. The Priest's Indians [sic] are made to feel continually that they are persecuted by the Methodists. How the matter will turn out with us we cannot, of course, tell. Mr B says he will not leave here, and that if the Govt will not assist the Indians [sicj he will. He maintains that he was established here before the 18th May the day that the regulations were received at this place, and that therefore they cannot apply to him at all, and should not be brought to bear against him. From p retty good au th o rity we have i t th at when he came here he determined, if possible, to get every Indian [sic] from this mission, and break the mission down. We charged him with it. He endeavored to evade, but there was little doubt but that he came here with that intention, and has been endeavoring to accomplish his purpose. Mr. Johnson may have told you something about the sash that he made for the Indians [sic] on the other side, when Mr B was here the other day, he told Mr Carrier that he would take the sash. Mr C said they were le f t with him with s tr i c t order not to l e t them go until he heard from Mr Johnson or the Agents, but Mr B said he should take them. I t was replied th a t he had said he had given the lumber to the Indians [s ic ], and that it was theirs to dispose of and use in any way they thought proper. On this ground Mr J made the sash But again he affirm ed th a t i t was his lumber, and th a t he should take the sash. Mr Carrier addressed him as they were left in his charge, he could not have them. He has not yet attempted to take them (Ibid.).
I have seen no further documents indicating how this issue was resolved.
Baraga also had problems in getting aid from the government farmer. In August of 1844, he wrote to Bishop Peter Paul Lefevre, saying:
My children at L'Anse are very poor, Monslgneur, as regards agriculture. They have the good will to make a common field, as I suggested to them, but they do not have any seed. Because of the famine that have visited them, they have lost their seed potatoes entirely. It is true that there is a government farmer at L'Anse for the Indians, who receives many potatoes for them, but he does not give a sin g le one to a C atholic; and now he will be less inclined to do so after the persecution by Robert Stuart (Gregorlch 1954: 13). 177
The reluctance of the government-appointed farmer (and other workers) to provide the Catholic Indians with the necessary tools and seeds continued. The Catholic Indians wrote about fourteen years later
(October 1, 1858):
A Mr A Fitch of Detroit In this last payment brought some Flour and we all could not eat It and he bought some Flour from a trader here and out of this Flour one band received one B arrel and another band received one Barrel and another two Band [sic] received three barrels. And we have received very little Pork and the balance of the Flour was l e f t to one band and i t was the M ethodist Indians and there was Two yoke of C attle and Three Cows they were all given to the same Methodist Indians and about our money we have received Twenty shillings per head and about our goods, it is a shame to say anything about It. And our great father it is our d esire th is A.M. Fitch you should remove him from th is office and give us a better man for father we have know [sic] Confidence on [sic] him for he ly [sic ] to [sic] much to us for these Two years he promise [sic] to build a school house on our side but do [sic] not do it.
Thus, the Federal government continued to deny goods and services to the Catholic Mission continued long after Baraga arrived at the
Keweenaw Bay. This only reinforced Baraga's position that the Indians had to become as self-sufficient as possible.
The Catholic community had its own p o litic a l stru c tu re . This was a source of concern among some members of the band affiliated with the
Methodist M ission. In March of 1843 chief Penashe had died (Brown
March 9, 1843). At that time George Brown wrote that he did not like how the Indians chose the new chief. He also stated his own preference for a new chief:.
The general feeling is toward David King. Without doubt he is the most proper man in the band for th a t o ffic e . I think he w ill y et be chosen. Probably if the Govt were to appoint him, it would clear away some 178
difficulties and give great might to his influence (Ib id .).
King had been one of the e a r lie r members of the Methodist m ission, and
Broun hoped that Stuart would appoint him as chief. Members of the
Methodist Mission may have asked Brown to nominate Penashe's successor.
Since the Europeans had taken it upon themselves to create and designate chiefs, it is not surprising that Indians sometimes turned to the government agents to decide on the succession to the chieftainship (Friedl 1950: 186).
King and Southwind suggested if S tu art would not accept King, perhaps he would nominate Peter Marksman (March 20, 1843). Marksman la te r stated he was willing to accept the chieftainship, if this was in accordance with Stuart's wishes (April 5, 1843).
Stuart declined to enter local politics. He wrote (May 1, 1843),
"I do not wish to name any one of them, so th at they w ill choose a good, wise and p e rfe ctly sober man I w ill be s a tis f ie d .” King became the head of the Methodist Mission Indians, no doubt Reverend Brown's support played a role. This Involvement of a White in the internal politics of the Indian community may have been a factor leading to the migration of non-Methodist Indians away from the mission.
As chief, King was concerned whether his ability to command would be taken away from him. Stuart Instructed Brown (April 20, 1844b) to t e l l King and Marksman th a t he would not c u r ta il th e ir power providing that they were faithful ”to their higher and responsible duties.”
King was upset when Indian Agent Richmond approved of the leadership and regulations proposed by the Catholic Indians two years later. King accused Baraga of causing friction between the two villages by appointing chiefs and judges for the Catholic Indians. He requested 179
Richmond to support his efforts to get the Catholic Indians to accept his leadership (King January 22, 1849). There is no evidence that this
occurred.
There are, however, two documents, suggesting he had made his peace with the Catholic political structure (Ring et al June 1, 1849,
King and Assinlns June 4, 1849). Thus, a tentative peace developed between the political organizations of the two missions. The truce between the two missions continued until after 1881. A document of
1880 clearly indicates there were two parallel councils—one for the
Methodists and one for the Catholics (Asher et al May 4, 1880). Each council consisted of seven council members and two headmen. This organization changed slightly after the Indian Reorganization Act of
1934. The Constitution and By-Laws of the Keweenaw Bay Indian
Community established a council with six individuals from each side of the bay (United States Department of the Interior 1937).
Although there was anti-Catholic sentiment throughout the period under study, there was a brief lapse of about four years, during the administration of Indian Agent William A. Richmond (1845-1849), when it was relaxed slightly. During this period, the Catholic Indians were provided with some supplies from the agriculture fund. In July of
1848, they requested a set of cart wheels (Ord July 15, 1848). The following year, they thanked Richmond for the cart wheels and a plow.
They also requested a medium sized Mackinac boat to "fetch our hay from
Portage River, where we make it, and for many other purposes," as well as a yoke of oxen to plow their fields and haul their firewood
(Nitaragishig et al November 7, 1849). They did not receive this boat, perhaps because Charles P. Babcock had replaced Richmond as Indian
Agent. The Catholic Indians reiterated their request to the new Indian 180
Agent (Baraga December*31, 1849).
Concurrently, there vere changes at the Methodist mission. In
1844, the Reverend John H. Pitezel, previously a saddler (Brunger 1965:
3), replaced George Brown (Childs 1905: 150, Pitezel 1857, 1881).
Peter Marksman v io lated Mthe seventh commandment” and "was expelled from the connection" (Michigan Annual Conference 1844: 20). "I.S .'s” wife was accused of infanticide (Pitezel October 20, 1847). A week later, John Southwind and his wife were expelled from the mission
(Pitezel October 28, 1847).
In short, the most visible members of the Methodist mission were
Implicated in acting in "non-Christian” manners, some more serious than others. Marksman was "admitted into full connection" in 1850
(Methodist Episcopal Church 1850: 3-4),44 but did not return to the
Keweenaw Bay until some years later (Brunger 1974: 27). These events could not have but tarnished the image of the Methodist Church for some in d iv id u als, on e ith e r side of the Bay.
During Pitezel's tenure, a truce developed between the two missions. In 1845, Baraga gave the Methodist mission the church bell that had hung in the Catholic church because he had received another one (Rezek 1907: 241, Pitezel 1882: 445). In 1846, when Bishop Peter
Paul Lefevre visited the mission, Baraga and his superior had dinner with the Pitezels (Rezek 1907: 241). This truce was tenuous, however:
You wish to know how the old Priest and I get along. Well we have neither spiked our cannon nor smoked as yet
44 The Reverend Ronald A. Brunger told me that Marksman's quick return to the Conference was not a normal procedure. He attributes his rapid return to the fact that the Methodist Church needed native missionaries badly. This, and the itinerant nature of Methodist missionaries may explain why Marksman did not return to the Keweenaw Bay immediately upon his reinstatement. 181
the pipes of peace. I trust I have waged an eternal war with Popish superstition & Idolatry (Pitezel September 23, 1848).
Thus, although there was a more liberal attitude toward the Catholics between 1845 and 1849, the animosity against them continued.
The establishment of two missions on either side of the Keweenaw
Bay resulted In the development of two separate Anishinabe communities, now known as Zeba and Assinlns. In the Initial years of the development of the Keweenaw Bay, the Protestants were antagonistic to
Catholic mission. The Methodist missionary and the Presbyterian Indian
Agent attempted to remove Baraga, and the Indian Agent prohibited the government employees from helping Baraga. This reinforced Baraga's own doctrine of self-sufficiency. He imported a school teacher (Mrs.
Cotte) and a farmer (Baraga September 12, 1843). He helped construct the houses at his mission when the services of the carpenter were denied him.
Conditions eased slightly for the Catholic mission between 1845 and 1849. During this time, Baraga bought a tract of land, received acknowledgement for the political structure of his community, and also received some support from the agriculture fund. These events occurred during William A. Richmond's administration because it is possible
Richmond was a Catholic (Gray 1936: 200). Thus, when Babcock replaced
Richmond, the Methodist mission was elated.
Uhat was pleasing was to see Mr Babcock, Indian Agent of Detroit & his clerk [Br Smith] both bowed down with some of the Indians [sic] at the table of the Lord. This is new to meet with a Christian Indian Agent. May he make a lasting benefit to the Indians (Pitezel April 8, 1848).
The Catholic Indians' ability to resist the effects of White 182
Intrusion had a number of bases. These Included Baraga's philosophy,
the Indians' ability to fission and fuse relatively easily, the
Protestant animosity toward Catholics, the recognition of the political
organization established by the Catholic Indians, and the Catholic
Indians' possession of the title to the land upon which they settled.
Some of these events were fortuitous. It was during the
administration of William A. Richmond, who, if not a Catholic, was at
least sympathetic to the Catholic cause. Under his administration the
formal boundaries of the Indian land were established and the political
structure of the community was formalized. Additionally, when the
Indians received the title to the land (1863), the country was in the
midst of the Civil War. The government was in little position to take
note of events so fa r removed from the war. Thus, the Indians received
title to their land holdings with little opposition from the
government.
Protestant hostility toward the Catholics did not abate entirely.
Between 1843 and 1848, the Federal government consistently denied
Baraga revenue from the education fund. In December of 1848,
Commissioner William Medlll asked Richmond to express his views on the wisdom of giving education fund money to the Catholic mission.
Richmond responded (December 8, 1848):
...As to the merits of the Catholic Mission, I have no hesitation in stating that in usefulness, real and manifest good, it is unequaled. The labors of Mr. Baraga among the Chlppewas of Lac [sic] Superior and the sacrifices he had made for their improvement have attracted the attention and elicited the praise of all who have witnessed the results in the improved conditions of those for whom he has so assiduously labored. It will be seen from his letters herewith that the scholars in regular attendance at the two schools is about 100 and th a t others attend tem porarily whose names are not given as they follow their parents when they 183
leave the vicinity of the schools in the autumn. From personal observation and from conversations with those acquainted with the several missions and their condition and from the m issionaries themselves, I learn enough to induce and ju s tif y me in recommending a distribution of the funds as contemplated in your letter of 27th March l a s t . In the whole range of my official duties, I have found no Indians giving better evidence of advancement in civilization or in Education, in agriculture and mechanics than those of the Chlppewas under charge of the Catholic Missionaries and Teachers at L'Anse and it is but justice that their abilities should be increased by receiving the funds apportioned for the object of Education.
By the middle of the following year, Medill had not made any formal decision whether Catholic mission schools should receive Federal support.
Richmond (April 17, 1849) informed Baraga of this, and stated there were rumors th a t, due to the electio n s in November, there would be a new Indian Agent. He promised Baraga th at he would place the request for funds in a "favorable light." Charles P. Babcock replaced
Richmond th at summer. Baraga again requested th at his mission receive money from the education funds. Babcock (June 23, 1849) responded the
Commissioner made these decisions.
Baraga (August 25, 1849) then wrote the Indian Agent he had not received a single dollar for his school in the six years he had been at
L'Anse. Six years later, when Kohl visited both missions during his trip around Lake Superior, he wrote of the Methodist mission:
As this village was much older, and was powerfully supported by the government of the United States, we found everything here on a better footing. The Indians had pretty, roomy houses, slept in excellent beds (such as I should like to Introduce among our German peasants, were it possible), and had small kitchen gardens round their cabins (Kohl 1985: 227). 184
That Kohl made this statement and did not make a similar one for the
Catholic mission suggests that the government's practice of withholding funds from the Catholic mission continued. Two years later, Baraga wrote to Hons. Cholselat of the Paris Archive for the Propagation of the F aith :
Today I am te llin g you, Mr. C holselat, and I beg you to notify the Council, that since I have been bishop [1853], I have not received a penny from America, but I depend entirely on Europe for all my expenses—personal and others’* (Notes 1957: 28, also From the Letters 1957: 28, emphasis in original).
Two years later, Baraga made the same statement (Notes 1957: 29). In
1880, the quarterly reports written by the Indian Agent states that two teachers received money at the L'Anse reservation. That same year there were six Catholic sisters, but they were not paid by the government (Lee 1880a). In short, evidence suggests the Catholic
Indians continued to be denied Federal funding until the end of the period under study.
By 1853, if not earlier, there were two distinct Indian groups living at the Keweenaw Bay. Each had Its own distinct political organization and economic patterns. The growth patterns of the missions give evidence of their viability.
3.6 The Comparative Growth of the Missions
Evidence points to the growth and development of the two missions at the Keweenaw Bay. Equally important, their growth patterns reflect the slow, individual focus of the Methodists and the mass-conversion focus of the Catholics. There are very few documents that give 185
evidence of the extent to which the missions were successful. The
Catholics maintained records only of the Individuals they baptized.
These do not provide clues about the total population of the mission.
The Methodists provided yearly figures about the number of members they
"returned to Conference,” but, they do not note the number of non-Methodists residing in the community.
These problems are exacerbated by the migration of Individuals from other bands to the two missions. We noted for example the
Reverend George W. Brown (May 20, 1944) wrote to Robert Stuart that the
Ontonagon Indians had fissioned, and went to both missions. The p attern became marked a f te r the Treaty of 1854. This tre a ty required all Indians living in the Upper Peninsula to move to one of the three established reservations, one of which was at the Keweenaw Bay (Kappler
1972: 648-652).
Additionally, there are occasional references to individuals from the M ethodist community moving to the C atholic m ission, and v ice-v ersa.
For example, the Reverend George U. Brown (December 29, 1843) stated that "We have had some additions to the church, and but some of the
'u n s ta b le ' have gone to the C a th o lic s ..." (se e also Baraga December 23,
1843). Although these were written shortly after Baraga's mission started, evidence indicates the pattern continued for many years.
In 1845, Pitezel (1882: 110) stated that two Indians who had been
Catholics had converted to Methodism. One of these individuals was "a member that they prized highly." The next year, another two individuals— a male he calls J.T. (Pitezel 1882, see also journal entry February 21, 1847)—and his wife also converted (Pitezel 1882:
146). J.T. "fell” a few years later (Pitezel 1882: 146). Since there is no mention that he died, he probably returned to the Catholic 186 m ission.
Data from the Bureau of Indian Affairs office In Sault Ste. Marie regarding Individuals living more recently provides evidence that some individuals moved from one mission to another.45 For example, C.M. was originally from the Catholic mission and crossed over to L'Anse.
There, she married and lived with her husband until his death, when she returned to Baraga. I stress, however, that the number of individuals who "crossed-over" were in the minority. By and large, individuals remained in one mission or the other.
In spite of the problems of determining the success of the missions by citing numbers of converts, both missions were successful.
Actual population figures are not available, but data reflect the relative growth of the missions. Data from the Catholic mission is extremely scarce, but what is available presents the following story.
Baraga had constructed twenty two houses for the Indians by
February 12, 1844 (Verwyst 1900: 8). Baraga wanted to attract Indians to his mission to protect them from the Whites (Jamison 1946: 130). To make his community a ttra c tiv e to them, he allowed them to liv e more traditional life styles if they chose. For example, he did not require that the Indians live in the houses he had built (Jamison 1946:
138-139) and allowed them to live in wigwams instead. Thus, although there may have been thirty houses constructed by 1846 (Jacker 1922:
320), this does not mean there were only thirty families living around the mission.
Peter White, an Episcopalian, who visited the Keweenaw Bay in
45 I was requested by the Office of Indian Affairs to keep information obtained from their files confidential 187
1850, stated:
The houses Father Baraga caused to be built for the people of his mission were not large, but were adequate to their conditions and wants; most of them had been accustomed to liv e in wigwams. They were mostly one sto ry or one and a h a lf s to rie s high, with good windows and doors, but enclosed with plain boards; each had a brick or stone chimney, and probably cost from $500 to $700, while the furniture cost did not exceed $200 for each. I cannot give you the size of the lots, but they were from 200 to 300 feet square, and the grantees or their descendants still occupy them [in 1882]. The place is still called the 'Roman Catholic Mission", but its population has dwindled down to about a third of its former number (Verwyst 1900: 224-225).
Jacker (1922: 320) estimates there were about 200 Indians living at the mission in 1843. In 1846, Baraga wrote that his mission had thirty three families (Catholic Almanac 1846: 94-95). "Yet there are frequent baptisms of adults and the mission keeps growing continually, for from time to time pagans come from the inland forests and settle down near their relatives at L'Anse and become Christians" (Verwyst 1900: 229).
Baraga's mission had increased to forty-two families by 1849 (Shea
1969: 390).
In an undated document but thought to date around 1850, Baraga wrote "there is not a single pagan Indian now remaining on the western side of the Keweenaw Bay, where the Catholic mission is established, they all became Catholic" (Baraga, n.d.b, emphasis in original). Shea
(1969: 390) s ta te s by 1850 there was not a sin g le pagan a t B araga's site. Verwyst (1900: 223), citing a letter from Peter White, an
Episcopalian banker of Marquette, who visited the area in 1850, stated that in that year, "There was a population at the Roman Catholic mission of about 800 Ojibways, 100 or more half-breeds, and from 20 to
30 Frenchmen, who had interm arried with Ojibway women." An anonymous 188 writer citing Father Edward Jacker, states that by 1853 the population had declined to about 350 (History 1883: 195). The population remained at about that figure until 1882 (Ibid.; Shea 1969: 390; Verwyst 1900:
224-225).
If the population figure given above for 1850 is correct, it is not certain what caused the rapid decline In population from 1850 to
1853. The Methodist mission documents do not suggest an equally large
Increase in population. It is possible that the Indians returned "to the woodsbut it is equally possible that the 1850 figure may have been an exaggeration.
The records of the Methodist mission present a different picture.
An anonymous writer reported there were 175 Indian inhabitants at the
Methodist mission in 1881 (History 1883: 195). Although figures are not available for all of the years, the growth pattern is fairly consistent (Figure 4). The migrations of Indians to and from other bands emphasizes this consistency. The sudden increases in membership in some years may be the result of the introduction of Whites, who also participated in the church until they constructed one in their own community (Hanson 1971). This would re s u lt in a sudden decline in membership reported the following year. 150
125
100 ,
75 .
o -i to >o n oo3'C--iNn«»ino*-i«jtn'OrNoo,-, Nn>jiONooOi-i
Figure 4. Growth of the Methodist Indian Mission-on the Keweenaw Bay, 1840-1881.
Compiled from Detroit Annual Conference records. CHAPTER IV
THE KEWEENAW BAY, 1843-1881
4.1 Introductory Remarks
This chapter sketches the economic development occurring around the Keweenaw Bay between 1843 and 1881 and the differences between the two communities. It shows that Internal differences, along with external factors that exacerbated them, continued to distinguish the two communities. As observed in the previous chapter, the two communities were distinct as a result of internal characteristics and dynamics. These were magnified by differential environmental pressures exerted on the two communities during the subsequent forty years.
While the focus of this chapter is on three incidents that demonstrate the economic and social differences separating the two communities, it is imperative to sketch the activities occurring immediately around the
Keweenaw Bay Indian Reservation because they influenced what occurred within the Community. The Reservation, although severely limiting emigration, was not a "closed" ecosystem.
This chapter consists of three major sections. The first discusses the economic development occurring around the Keweenaw Bay between 1843 and 1881. It then addresses the role of the Indian in this process. A brief summary then follows. The second section focuses on three significant events occurring in the Reservation itself
190 191 during the same period. These three events show that the two communities were different and that White encroachment affected them differently. The final section discusses the relationship between the two communities.
4.2 Economic Development Around the Keweenaw Bay
A rapid decline in the fur trade occurred In the 1830s (Chaput
1970b: 21). Ramsay Crooks took control of the American Fur Company in
1834 and also expanded operations by beginning to exploit fish commercially. The operation was short-lived and commercial fishing dwindled in importance during the early 1840s. The demise of the
American Fur Company's commercial fishing was a result of mismanagement
(Franchere July 3, 1835, Franchere August 3, 1836, Franchere March 5,
1838, Nute 1926: 494), com petition (Crooks December 11, 1835), lack of a market for lake fish (Franchere September 12, 1835, Crooks July 2,
1840), bad luck (Livingston June 10, 1840), and the Panic of 1837
(Livingston June 4, 1840). The American Fur Company declared bankruptcy in 1842 (Lavender 1964: 419).
The only factor contributing to the demise of the American Fur
Company that warrants our attention is competition. As a result of
Crooks' shift to commercial fishing, many employees in the fur operations were dropped from the employment rolls. In general, those who were removed from the p ay ro lls were French Canadians and Indians.
Jamison (1946: 37) states the Indians were not suitable workers because they would not work f u ll days or f u ll weeks. The French Canadians were removed, perhaps as a consequence of the xenophobia that characterized 192 the era.l These former employees became competitors with the American
Fur company In the Indian trade.
Commercial fish in g resumed on a small scale In the 1850s (Nute
1944: 183, Tanner et al 1980); but, did not become of great Importance u n til the la te 1870s and 1880s (Halverson 1955). When I t did become
Important, Indians faced competition from
fishermen of Irish, Scandinavian, and French Canadian descent. As immigrant competitors entered the market, Indian fishermen were increasingly relegated to less advantageous p o sitio n s and often exploited (Cleland and Bishop 1984: 5).
In 1837, fishing was rapidly replaced by mineral exploitation.
Documents of the American Fur Company reveal i t reorganized a fte r declaring bankruptcy. The new company, however, focused on servicing the miners and mining companies at least until 1846.
4.2.1 Copper
The exploitation of the copper deposits found in the Upper
Peninsula claimed the attention of entrepreneurs during the early
1840s. The development of this industry was the work of the east coast industrialists (Bald 1961: 35, Brinks 1960: 103). The Webster -
Ashburton Treaty with Canada, signed in 1841, and the Treaty of La
Polnte with the Anishinabe signed in 1842, opened the way for copper
1 Former employees (Crooks July 2, 1840), and settlers (Crooks May 14, 1835), established trading companies that competed effectively with the American Fur Company (Crooks July 22, 1843, Crooks August 2, 1843, Abbott September 17, 1845) for the Indian trade at annuity payments. This also contributed to the demise of the American Fur Company. 193
exploitation.
In 1843 the United States government established a Mining Agency
on Lake Superior (Hybels 1950: 113) and the copper rush began (Gates
1951: 3). The Treaty of 1854 with the Anlshlnabe opened the north
shore of Lake Superior to settlement. This treaty, like that of 1842, had its origin in the interests of mining groups. These companies believed they could repeat the copper boom of the 1840s (Nute 1944:
295). Production Increased rapidly between 1854 and 1861 from
4,000,000 to 15,000,000 pounds per annum (Gates 1951: 10). The forests previously harboring animals important to the fur trade were cut down and the trees used to build houses for the workers and other buildings associated with mining activities (Chaput 1970b: 21).
By the early 1860s, the Upper Peninsula was supplying about 60% of the United States domestic copper requirements (Gates 1951: 9).
Between 1850 and 1877 the Upper Peninsula produced 75% of the n atio n 's copper (Nute 1944: 165). The Civil War increased the demand for copper
(Gates 1951: 16). The price jumped from 12 cents to 55 cents per pound
(Bald 1961: 276) because Congress imposed a protective tariff (Robinson
1919) and because production lev els f e ll as men were removed from the labor pool to fight in the War. The depletion of older mines also contributed to declining production and increased prices (Gates 1951:
16, Robinson 1919). After the Civil War, the domestic price for copper dropped from 36.3 cents per pound in 1865 to 31.8 in 1866 (Robinson
1919). World prices, however, were down to 17.6 cents per pound, causing the United States to reduce the price to 21.5 cents (Ibid.).
The post-war depression (1867 - 1871) reduced the price to 16.9 cents per pound, the lowest since 1851 (Gates 1951: 39).
Technological advances between 1873 and 1884 resulted in a 194 resurgence In mining activities, permitting mining companies to exploit
the deeper deposits profitably. Among the innovations were air drills, high explosives, and new stamping and washing and smelting techniques
(Gates 1951: 22-30). Transportation facilities alBO developed during
this period, Including the construction of a railroad from L'Anse to
Chicago. This line shipped one third of the Great Lakes copper in 1874
(Gates 1951: 62). The shipping charge for copper fell from $405.00 to
$13.90 per ton.
Between 1866 and 1884, copper production in Michigan quintupled and dominated the United States copper market (Gates 1951: 39). With
the discovery of deposits in Montana and Arizona and mining operations beginning there after 1876, the relative importance of the Michigan mines declined (Bald 1961: 277, Nute 1944: 165, Wax 1932: 30). The impact these mines had on the Michigan mining industry is clear in the figure for 1880 and 1890. Although Michigan's production nearly doubled from 1800 to 1890, i t declined from providing 85% of the nation's copper to providing 38.4%.
A final problem for mining was inadequate labor (Gates 1951: 9).
Jamison (1946: 37) states Indians did not work on the systematic basis expected by the American Fur Company in the production of fish.
Indians may not have been employed in mining companies for the same reason, but the Increased availability of White laborers and the ethos of White superiority probably meant that Indians would not have been employed anyway. Instead, the laborers for these mines came from
Maine, Vermont, and other eastern s ta te s . Former fur trad ers and
Cornish, Irish, and (primarily southern) German (Goodykoontz 1939: 223) immigrants made up the labor pool (Gates 1951: 95). The Cornish, having been miners traditionally, frequently became superintendents in 195 charge of the mines and s h if t bosses (Jopllng 1928: 555, Murdoch 1943:
37).
We have noted that xenophobia was common in the United States in the period under discussion, no doubt due to the rapid immigration of foreigners and the omnipresent fear of British attack.3 The Upper
Peninsula was no exception to the increasing immigrant population. By
1860, two-thirds of Houghton County's population was foreign born
(Gates 1951: 96). There was a further increase of foreigners living in the Upper Peninsula between 1860 and 1890 (Table 3).
TABLE 3
FOREIGN-BORN RESIDENTS IN MICHIGAN, 1860-1890, (by nationality)
Nationality 1860 1890
Canadian 36,000 181,000 German 38,000 135,000 English 25,000 55,000 Scot 5,000 12,000 Iris h 30,000 39,000 Dutch 30,000 29,000
Source: Bald 1961: 293
This table does not include all of the countries who supplied immigrants to the copper country after 1860.
In the winter of 1863-64, the mining companies formed an association to Import immigrants from northern Europe to work the mines. This effort brought Swedish and Finnish immigrants to the Upper
Peninsula (Robinson 1919, Nute 1944: 256). By 1870, Canadians and
Norwegians also had Immigrated to the area.
3 James Bendry, a leading c itiz e n for what would la te r become known as Baraga, wrote to a relative on April 6, 1865: "Still, I think if other countries will let us alone that we will come out all right" (c ite d in Dompler 1969: 31). 196
The White population rose dramatically between 1850 and 1880, but the percentage of laborers who were foreign-born decreased (Table 4).
This is attributed to the increased rate at which immigrants from other parts of the United States were entering the Upper Peninsula.
TABLE 4
COPPER COUNTRY POPULATION, 1850-1884
YEAR 1850 1860 1870 1880
Totals for the District
No. of persons 1097 13824 18088 26743 Percentage males 74.9 66.7 55.7 54.7 Percentage males ages 18-45 n .a . n .a . 25.4 23.9 Percentage males ages 21-45a 55.7 33.1 27.3 n .a . Percent foreign bom n .a . 66.9 55.4 48.5
a . figures for 1854, 1864, 1874; none available for the decade years.
Source: Gates 1951: 228, Table 14
Copper was not the only mineral of importance sought by east coast industries during the 1840s, however.
4.2.2 Iron
Close on the heels of the copper industry in the Upper Peninsula was the iron industry. Iron had long competed with copper (Gates 1951:
7-8), but a number of factors permitted it to gain Importance in the
1850s and 1860s. Technological achievements, such as the development of steam power and better foundry techniques, reduced iron's production costs and, thus, its price. Additionally, by the early 1860s, the copper-sheathing of wooden vessels gave way to iron ships (Gates 1951: 197
8). Finally, new techniques allowed scrap Iron to be used. This
Increased the supply of Iron and decreased the prices it commanded.
The Menominee Iron Range opened for exploration In 1846 (Larson
1963: 64-65). Nute (1944: 151) and Bald (1961: 337) state that the
Initial discovery was at Negaunee in 1844. The deposits in the Gobeglc
Range were discovered in 1848. Further explorations began in 1860, and major shipment of the ore began in 1884 (Nute 1944: 151). Some shipments had taken place before the 1880s. After 1870, it was no longer possible to quarry iron, and mining companies sank deeper shafts
(Bald 1961: 278). New technological developments, already described for copper, made these achievements possible. Consequently, iron production increased from 11,3847 tons in 1860 to 1,945,000 tons in
1880 ( Ib id .).
4 .2 .3 Lumber
Some lumbering took place in the Upper Peninsula before the 1870s, but this was largely for immediate local consumption (Cummings 1971).
Bald (1961: 228) states Interest in commercial lumbering began with the demise of the fur trade when some traders and voyageurs turned to this e n te rp rise . Former clerk s and agents ( i . e . , the P ro te sta n ts) became lumber men, while the voyageurs (i.e., the Catholic French Canadians) became the cutters (Ibid.). Thus, following the pattern of the fur trade after 1834, French Catholics were relegated to the lower p o sitio n s.
Like the copper companies, many lumber companies were owned by
Bostonians, New Yorkers, and other easterners (Relmann 1952: 12).
Larson (1963: 235) states many of the lumber companies were also 198
interested in mining; however, the reverse Is also true: the companies
th a t b u ilt ra ilro ad s and canals also had In te re sts In tim ber. Reimann
(1952: 15) observed that pine land was inexpensive—be tween sixty cents
and one d o llar and f if ty cents per acre.
At times, Indian-owned land was bought for its lumber for a paltry sum and the ownership allowed to remain in possession of the Indians in order that no taxes could be levied on the purchaser (Ibid.).
Indian agents were often implicated in these land schemes (Rubenstein
1974: abstract). Indians also took part in these schemes (see below).
The construction of new cities in the western states after the
C ivil War (Heiraonen 1957: 45) and the Chicago Fire of 1871 increased
the demand for lumber. As the forests in the Lower Peninsula of
Michigan became depleted, the lumbering companies moved northward in
search of new stands. The extraction of timber from the Upper
Peninsula began after the Panic of 1873. By this time, the majority of
the stands in the Lower Peninsula had been cut down (Cummings 1971: 31,
Larson 1963: 238).
Beginning in 1880 there was a period of intense lumber activity on
Lake Superior (Nute 1944: 195). Although the Upper P eninsula's fo rests contained hardwoods, these resources were overlooked in the 1870s. The demand was for pine (Reimann 1952: 9). Depletion of the pine made hardwoods and hemlock commercial products (Jamison 1939: 207).
Scandinavians who had migrated to the region in the 1860s and 1870s used the hardwoods to make furniture. 199
4.3 Conditions on the Keweenaw Bay
There is little direct information about the impact of these various economic ventures on the Indians of the Keweenaw Bay.
Franchere (1839) in his report on the fishing stations, states the
L'Anse Indians had not greatly exerted themselves in the commercial fishing enterprise of the American Fur Company. Indians living in the interior were, however, engaged in fishing (Ibid.).
The exploitation of copper and iron did not affect the Anishinabe of the Keweenaw Bay. Although there were copper deposits in the immediate vicinity of the Keweenaw Bay, government surveys conducted in the 1840s concluded they were not p ro fita b le (Lambert 1971: 8). These surveys also determined that the region around L'Anse was rich in s la te , quartz, sandstone, p eat, pine and hardwood (Ib id .).
More information is available about the impact of lumbering on the
Keweenaw Bay, but even so, the data are scanty. C.T. Carrier, the government-appointed carpenter at L'Anse reported that good timber was not abundant at the head of the bay, but present "in abundance elsewhere" (October 5, 1843). One writer states as early as 1838
Charles Childs operated a sawmill a t L'Anse in a "desultory manner until it was destroyed by fire in 1350.” It was not rebuilt (History
1883: 198). A document in the National Archives Microforms (Beedon
October 18, 1845), however, indicates that Childs did not construct his sawmill until 1845. This accounts for Baraga's 1844 statement that no sawmills were operating in the area (Cummings 1971: 31, Bald 1961: 230; 200
Sawyer 1919: 377).4
W.6. Boswell s ta rte d a sawmill near the mouth of the F alls River
In 1844. A road led eastward to the Methodist Mission. He also had a dock, a lumber yard, and a shingle business (Cummings 1971: 31-32).
Nelson Barmim, the Methodist missionary at L'Anse, reported to the Lake
Superior Journal at Sault Ste. Marie, in 1852 that Boswell had taken out 300,000 feet of lumber. Barnum then states, "If the winter holds long enough they will be able to have half a million feet, most if not all of which will be shipped somewhere" (Cummings 1971: 31). Cummings offers the possibility that the ultimate market for this lumber may have been Copper Harbor, a thriv in g community by 1852 ( Ib id .).
Lumber mills were in operation at Skanee in 1871. Within a few years, logs cut on the Sturgeon River were rafted to Baraga and made into lumber at James Bendry's mill. An article in the Marquette Mining
Journal in 1875, stated Bendry owned 4-5 million feet of pine along the
Sturgeon River. It also states he used the latest equipment, processed
12 to 15 million feet of lumber, and had a capacity of 25,000 board feet per day (Cummings 1971: 32).
In 1878, Charles and Edward Hebard and H.C. Thurber began a mill in Pequaming. They held over 100,000 acres of pine land as early as 1880. Thomas N estor, from Saginaw, b u ilt a modern sawmill a t Baraga in the early 1880s. He processed an annual average of forty thousand fe e t of lumber and six m illion shingles and became one of the leading producers of lumber in the Upper Peninsula (Ibid.). In 1890 the Hebard and Thurber M ill had a production record of 25,000 fe e t of lumber and
25,000,000 shingles annually. It employed 240 men in the mill and
4 This lumber was probably used locally. 201 nearly 400 to work In the woods (Ib id ). In January 1895, the L'Anse
Sentinel reported that lumber was still abundant (Ibid.). By 1910 most of the lumber was exhausted and the beginning of the end of lumbering a t Baraga had come (Cummings 1971: 32, 35).
4.3.1 The Development of White Communities
4.3.1.1 L'Anse
The village of L'Anse came Into existence In 1871 with the announcement th at the head of the Keweenaw Bay would be the end point of the Houghton and Ontonagon Railroad (Lambert 1971: 5, Andary 1969:
48). The Portage Lake Mining G azette, had an a r tic le In February of that year stating:
A railroad from the head of Keweenaw Bay, leading out Into the world is a consummation devoutly to be wished...I expect to hear within the next eighteen months the whistle of the locomotive of the regular passenger train at L'Anse and the shout—'All aboard for the East and South.' New Iron fields will be opened up; the smoke of the blast furnace will darken the air all along the shore, from L'Anse to the head of Portage Lake, and the white sails of the iron fleets will enliven the blue waves of Keweenaw Bay...there Is no better harbor on the whole chain of lakes (Lambert 1971: 5).
Indians were not Involved in any p art of the Issue. Nor were they a fundamental part of the labor force for the construction of the line:
A serious shortage of men worried the officials of the construction company and they advertised for 1,000 laborers and 300 teams of horses. Work was guaranteed for one year. Laborers were paid at the rate of $2 per day; wages for teams was four d o llars and f if ty cents a day. The company charged the men four dollars a week for board (Lambert 1971: 8). 202
By August of 1871 over 500 men had responded to this advertisement
( I b id .) . Track laying began on September 27 and completed in December of 1872 (Lambert 1971: 12).
Following the announcement for laborers for the railroad track, lots were put on sale in L'Anse, and sixty building were built within
70 days. After visiting the new town, in 1872, the editor of the
Marquette Journal wrote:
The new town is a t the mouth of the F all R iver, on the east side of the bay, at the point where it begins to curve around to the west, and the site is one of the prettiest possible to the imagination. There are several distinct and separate plateaus rising one above another, the lower one being from 25 to 40 feet above the water of the bay. On the first of these is situated the new town, which now consists of about 50 buildings, some of them very substantial, and all erected since the first day of August. On the opposite side of the bay there is a considerable settlement, including a saw mill, while a little further north on the same side is the Catholic mission, which has been maintained for many years. On the east side, some two or three miles below the new town is the Methodist Mission, at which point there is also a considerable settlement, principally composed of civilized Indians (Lambert 1971: 8-12).
Thus, the Indians were not only economically and socially isolated from the economic activity of the area, they were spatially isolated as w ell.
Some of the new buildings were built in another location and towed to L'Anse (History 1883: 198, Lambert 1971: 12), which accounts for some of the rapid growth. The building craze at L'Anse continued the following spring (1872), when "There was so much activity there was
'...n o t lumber enough at L'Anse to meet the demand" (Lambert 1971: 12).
An ore dock was constructed after the ice broke up in 1872 at a cost of about $50,000; it contained approximately 60,000 board feet of timber 203 and 425,000 board feet of pine lumber (Ibid.).
In 1873, the L'Anse Furnace Company was incorporated and ore boats made frequent trips to L'Anse. The town was hailed as the "new iron center of the Midwest" (Ibid.). Other blast furnaces were in the planning stage, but the Panic of 1873 halted their construction
(Ibid.). Limited quantities of ore were unloaded at L'Anse for a few years, and then the trade ended because other deposits located elsewhere could be exploited more cheaply. The ore dock and the town of Ontonagon were destroyed by the fire of 1896 (Jamison 1939: 207).
The Civil War and the Panic of 1873 followed the Recession of 1857
(Nute 1944: 277). The impact of the 1873 Panic on L'Anse was not severe:
Many businessmen closed their doors during the Panic and moved-out of the area. But others stayed, hoping that better days were just around the corner. L'Anse was not to be the great iron metropolis that many anticipated, but the logging and lumbering industry was about to brace the economy and promise better times for the future. L'Anse could look forward to another boom (Lambert 1971: 12).
As late as 1883, however, L'Anse had not regained its former grandeur
(H istory 1883: 198).
4.3.1.2 Baraga
Little Information is available for this village pertinent for the period under discussion. The Township of Baraga was organized in 1869.
At that time more white people resided on the Baraga side of the bay. In fact, after Baraga township was separated from L'Anse township, many doubted if there were enough white men in L'Anse to fill the township offices (Lambert, 1971: 8). 204
The town Incorporated in 1891 (Dompier 1969: 31).
4 .3 .1 .3 Skanee
Swedish immigrants founded th is community during the 1860s and
1870s. The Portage Lake Mining Gazette stated, "it is their intention to cultivate the soil and engage in other lines of industry which shall embrace fu rn itu re making and the manufacture of fine Brussels lace"
(c ite d in Hanson 1971: 21). They had intended to s e ttle on the west side of the Keweenaw Bay but chose this location because it had abundant pine and hardwood, f e r t i l e s o il for a g ric u ltu re , and the Huron
Bay offered a good harbor for shipping and commercial fishing (Ibid.).
Arvon Township was organized in 1874 (Hanson 1971: 21-24). Four years l a t e r , a f ir e v irtu a lly destroyed the town (Hanson 1971: 24).
4.3.2 The In d ia n s' Role in the Economic Development of the Upper Peninsula
Danziger (1978: 95) asserts that the new Industries provided employment opportunities outside of the reservation for Indians. He also states the Treaty of 1854 "by not displacing the native inhabitants along its shores, preserved an important labor supply for lumbering firms, lake shippers, miners, and railroad construction companies” (Danziger 1978: 5). An analysis of the history of these
Industries, perusal of the records of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, and the statements made by Whites visiting the Keweenaw Bay, however, suggest that few Indians were involved in these activities. 205
In 1842, Robert Stuart, tbe Superintendent of Indian Affairs, wrote to the Methodist missionary at the Keweenaw Bay (May 1, 1843).5
Tell the chiefs, that the Indians must keep away from the miners who will soon be among them, they are not to in te rfe re with them in any resp ect; nor with the Govt Agent who is to manage th a t business.
I found only one statement regarding the Indians' involvement in copper mining enterprises.
The chief Katay Ketegan e Winnini of Lake Vieux desert has come to me a distance of 750 miles with a deputation of six Indians, to present to me a large mass of copper or mineral locally existing on or nigh the Wisconsain, and for pointing it out to me, the chief expects to receive $410 (G. Johnston July 1, 1848).
The same pattern occurred with respect to the iron industry. I located only one brief passage about an Indian's direct involvement.
Marji-Gesick, an Anishinabe 'chief' at L'Anse, served as a guide to
Philo M. Everett to locate iron deposits in 1845. As payment, he received a share in the Jackson Mining Company. After his death, his daughter had to go to the Supreme Court to obtain the money due (Bald
1961: 238-240).
Works about the Upper Peninsula's lumber Industry rarely mention
Indians. I saw only a single line stating that an Indian fiddler,
Cadotte, played a t one of the lumber camps (Reimann 1952: 44).6
Another document mentioned the possibility of employing Indians in the blast furnaces anticipated to be built at L'Anse.
5 Evidently, Stuart was merely passing on orders he had received from his superior, J. Hartley Crawford, informed Stuart that "Indians are not to molest the miners" (March 30, 1843).
6 Cadotte was probably related to the Cadottes mentioned in Chapter II. 206
There is a large Indian and half-breed population on the shores of L'Anse Bay, which is excellent labor for getting out cord-wood—which is the most laborious and troublesome p art of the business. Whoever has had to stock a new furnace location with choppers and wood handlers generally, will appreciate this advantage (Brooks 1872: 6 )’.
A few Indians did participate in these economic ventures, but Whites
from Europe and Lower Michigan performed the bulk of the labor. "The most numerous are the American, Scotch, Iris h , German, Cornish,
Canadian French, Scandinavian, with a sprinkling of Italian, Belgian,
half-breed, and Indian" (Forster 1887: 182; see also Davis 1962: 127).
I will show later that only a small and special segment of the Indian
population received employment.
In spite of the ideal conditions that Danziger believes resulted
from the industrial exploitation of natural products, documents suggest
th a t the few Indians employed in these en te rp rise s performed menial
chores. This is a pattern common on Indian reservations today (W.R.
Adams 1984: 54). Thus, the Indians' insularization from the United
S tates economic and so cial lif e which began in the 1830s was complete with the development of the mineral industries in the 1840s. Although
Stuart's directive was only to warn the Indians not to meddle with the
Whites, historical processes considered his words an order.
4.3.3 Analysis
The five industries that came into the area between 1832 and 1881 were not attended by any large-scale settlement. The industries came
in, took what they wanted, and left. The Whites who came into the area
left as soon as the resource for which they had come had been depleted 207
(see Reimann 1952, Larson 1963). Given these p a tte rn s, the Upper
Peninsula fits the criteria described by Steffen (1980) for an
"extractive frontier." According to his definition, an extractive frontier is exploited largely for Its economic resources. When the resource is depleted the area is vacated by those individuals who ex tracted them (Lewis 1985: 16).
In general Indians were rarely employed in these ventures. When
they were involved, it was primarily to act as guides (copper and iron) or in ancillary roles (fishing, wood cutters in the blast furnaces, and lumbering). Stuart's words, "The Indians must keep away from the
Miners” was an order for the rest of the nineteenth century.
The peripheral role played by the Indian in these enterprises and the position of the Upper Peninsula with regard to the economic development of the United States are analogous to the conditions described by Aguirrre Beltran (1979) for the Indians of Chiapas, Mexico and his concept of "regions of refuge." He argues that the Indians of
Chiapas are removed from the primary regions in which economic development occurs and thus, are not part of the economic development of the nation.
In the case of the Keweenaw Bay, although economic development occurred in the area where the Indians lived, they were still not part of the economic development of the nation. Thus, proximity of the marginalized population to economic development is of less import than the efforts made by industries to ensure the active involvement of these populations. In Mexico, there is a geographic separation between the Indians of Chiapas and the centers of Industry. In the Keweenaw
Bay there was a cultural separation that kept the Indians from p a rtic ip a tin g in the n a tio n 's cash economy. There was a "hidden 208 frontier" between Whites and Indians, in the same sense there was one between the S t. Felix and T ret in Cole and Wolf's study, The Hidden
Frontier (1974). Axtell (1982: 32) has stated the English sense of cultural superiority helped the Indians maintain their ethnic core during the colonial era. The same holds true for the Keweenaw Bay in the nineteenth century.
The booms and busts of the general economy did not affect all of the Indians of the Keweenaw Bay equally. Host of the economic activity during the period under study occurred on the east side of the Keweenaw
Bay. Similarly, there was a more rapid rise in White population there than on the western side. With the advent of economic booms, some of the Methodist Indians were able to obtain employment, albeit at menial labor. During the busts, the Methodist Indians, now more fully attached to the cash economy of the United States were adversely impacted. The Catholic Indians, on the other hand, were never fully p art of the White cash economy. Very l i t t l e of the economic development of the area occurred in their vicinity, and that occurred around L'Anse. Consequently, the impact of the ebbs and flows of the cash economy affected them less than it did the Methodists. Thus, there is another "hidden frontier" at the Keweenaw Bay.
4.4 Events Occurring Within the Indian Community
Whites became more populous in the area after the Treaty of La Pointe of 1842. It is also clear their presence severely restricted the avenues of access to White society, continuing the process begun during the 1830s. The extent to which this affected the Indians, however, depended upon the importance the individual placed upon in te ra c tin g 209 with White society.
We observed in the last chapter that a basic distinction between the two communities was the extent to which their members wanted to interact with White society. The implication was that those who were interested in Interacting with White society were more heavily indebted. These same persons were more likely to be Methodists. This is not to imply th at the C atholics were outside the cash economy.
Indeed, Catholics and Methodists alike were indebted. By 1843, virtually all of the Indians living in the Upper Peninsula were connected to the cash economy of the United States. The Catholics were certainly part of the larger economic system:
At present we have several merchants here; I am no longer obliged to get everything at the Fur Company^s store; I will be able to obtain my needs elsewhere at a better price, but with the cash on hand. Moreover, the men who work for me from time to time w ill work for a better rate if I pay them in hard cash (Baraga January 23, 1846).
Nevertheless, the extent to which the two groups were involved in the cash economy differs. This is apparent in the following pages.
The differential extent to which Indians of both missions were part of the cash economy was heightened by the differential distribution of agricultural land. As stated in Chapter II, the land around the bay is not particularly well-suited for agriculture.
Franchere (1839) and Veatch (1941: map) state, however, the land on the western side of the bay is better than that on the east side (see
Figure 2). Neither missionary group practiced the large-scale commercial agriculture that was increasingly becoming the pattern in southern Michigan in the last half of the nineteenth century especially among Methodists (W.R. Adams unpublished manuscript). The land 210 holdings of Indians on both sides of the bay were relatively small, but because the Catholics had access to better land than did the
Methodists, their efforts to be self-sufficient were more successful.
The poorer land available to the Methodists on the eastern side of the bay, on the other hand, eased attempts to include the Indians in the cash economy of the of the United States.
The Methodists sometimes sold their produce for cash to the growing settlements of miners.
Farmers may make their avocation lucrative, so far as may be needed to supply the mines. But for general farming purposes, choice must always be made of farms where the growing season is longer and the winters less severe (Pitezel 1882: 427-428).
The memoirs of other Methodist missionaries stationed at the Keweenaw
Bay make similar statements. For example, the government-appointed blacksmith spent much e ffo rt on his own farming and sold his goods
(Gray 1936: 208). This in d iv id u al, Brockway was, of course, a White, but Keller (1981: 17) states that the agricultural products grown by the Keweenaw Bay Indians fed the miners. Other sources comment that the Methodist mission had a surplus of potatoes, which they sold to the miners a t Copper Harbor fo r $45 in gold (D etro it Annual Conference
1955, Pitezel July 11, 1845).
The Methodist Indians were also involved in the cash economy in other ways. "Several of the Indians were employed as guides, packers, and voyageurs [for the miners], which materially affected our forces at the mission" (Pitezel 1857: 116). The documents suggest that the
Catholic Indians grew crops primarily for their own use, although there is a possibility the Methodist Indians received some of this produce, too, since other goods and services were exchanged between the 211 communities.
Another indication of the extent to which cash was Important to
the Methodist Indians is contained in a document written by Richard M.
Smith, the Indian Agent (October 12, 1866). In this document he states
that David Ring wanted to go to Washington, D.C. to ask questions relating to the money owed the Indians from previous treaties. No such document has been found for the Catholic Indian mission, which had its own political structure (see also R. Sheldon July 14, 1867)•
While people from both communities participated in the cash-labor markets to some degree, it was less important to the overall functioning of the Catholic mission and livelihood of its Indians.
This remained the case as late as 1880.
...A t L'Anse there has been nothing out of the ordinary routine to attract attention. Agriculture means but a very small proportion of the time of the men, very little attempt being made to raise any crop except grass, oats & potatoes, few peas and some small varieties of corn for use when grown. The school at Baraga has been very well attended during the year but not at L'Anse owing to the removal of several families to a mill some miles distant from the school...(Lee August, 1880).
This suggests the Catholic children attended school regularly because their parents did not participate in the wage- or market- economy while those at L'Anse did.
Another indication of the different orientations toward participating in the cash economy is seen in the documents concerned with hiring Indians as assistant blacksmiths. Article IV of the Treaty of La Pointe of 1842 (Kappler 1972: 543) stipulated that the Indians of
Lake Superior would receive two blacksm iths, two a s s is ta n t blacksm iths, and two farmers. Apparently, there was a verbal agreement that the 212
assistants would be Indians or Mixed-bloods (Stuart June 2, 1843, King
July 19, 1848), but this is not in the treaty proper.7 While members
of both communities wanted an Indian in this position, the only
Individuals who filled the position were members of the Methodist
m ission.
Serving as blacksmith 'a a ssista n ts would provide opportunities
for Indians or Mixed-bloods to assimilate by learning a trade. This
would be of greater importance to the Methodist Indians than to the
Catholics who are thought to have had less Interest in interacting with
the Whites. In addition the Mixed-blood had been a primary link
between the Whites and the Indians, a pattern the latter wanted
continued. In the Treaty of La Point, however, Robert Stuart disavowed
the importance of the Mixed-blood. The absence of provisions for the
remuneration of Mixed-bloods demonstrates this. It is also clear in
his comment to Commissioner J. Hartley Crawford "the rights [Subagent
Alfred Brunson of La Pointe] claims for half breeds as well as the virtues and influence he attributes to them are superlatively magnified
(March 15, 1843, emphasis in o rig in a l). S tu art wrote Brunson (March
10, 1843):
[t]he whining set up to you about the half breeds must be resolutely frowned upon—large sums of money have been allowed them under d iffe re n t tr e a tie s , and not one in ten is this day the better for it; but many have thereby been rendered worthless.
Consequently, the position of assistant blacksmith more frequently went
7 Robert Stuart also suggested that the position of assistant blacksmith should go to a Mixed-blood or an Indian, "so they can learn the trade" (June 2, 1843). Although this provision was not specifically stated in the Treaty of 1842, there is evidence it had been an established procedure in the Indian Office (see Appendix B) 213 to a White than to an Indian or Mixed-blood. The first person to fill that post was Alonzo Brockway, William H. Brockway's youngest brother.
Daniel D. Brockway was S tu a rt's appointee fo r blacksmith to the same site (Stuart July 15, 1843; Crawford July 24, 1843). Later, David King
(June 8, 1846) requested Stuart to hire an Indian as blacksmith, but this request was not granted until many years later.
Young chief A ssinlns and other members of the Catholic community also requested that an Indian, Gilbert Wolf, be nominated to take
Alonzo's place (Peneshi et al September 9, 1845). Richmond granted this request ostensibly because Wolf was a fu11-blood Indian (September
27, 1845). The only post held by an Indian in October of 1846 was that of assistant blacksmith (Ord October 26, 1846). This meant that the only position in the official government hierarchy by which an Indian could interact directly with Whites was by becoming the assistant blacksmith.
Nevertheless, virtually every time an Indian was nominated to fill this post, the White blacksmith would request the Agent to appoint a
White instead. This preceded Gilbert Wolf's nomination in 1846. In
April of that year, when Daniel D. Brockway tendered his resignation, he wrote (April 6, 1846):
Permit me Sir to remark in regard to an assistant Blacksmith that [it] is my opinion that no Indian can be found that would render a Blacksmith the desired assistance. Their habits of living are such that it seems almost a matter of impossibility for them to become steady and adopt habits of Industry. And they do not appear cappable [sic] of learning a trade to that degree of perfection as to render them capable of doing much for themselves or for the Indians as a Mechanick [sic]. My advice would be to send up a respectable young man from below as assistant Blacksmith, Both for the good of the Indians themselves and my successor. 214
In December of 1847, Daniel Brockway's successor, Benjamin F.
Rathbun complained about his helper:
I wish to say a few words about my helper. He goes worse instead of better[.] if it Is consistent I should like some white man[.] I will find my own helper for one hundred and fifty dollars per year rather than to be bothered with an Indian. If I must have an Indian give me wane [sic] else[.] if any change [is to be made] i t must be fo r the b e tte r (December 23, 1847).
Villiam Pratt, the carpenter, also wrote Richmond that both Indians and
Whites agreed to remove G ilb ert Wolf from o ffic e . P ra tt was emphatic
that the successor be a White. He nominated Napoleon Beedon, John
Beedon's son (P ra tt December 27, 1847).
Richmond wrote to Ord:
By letter received from La Ance I am informed that great embarrassment exists in the Blacksmith Department by reason of Gilbert Wolfs being disliked by the Indians and the Smith being dissatisfied with his conduct in the shop. It is under your Immediate charge and I have to direct your attention to it that early in the spring you may acertain [sic] the state of the troubles there and direct such remedy as may appear necessary (January 25, 1848).
Ord was not eager to investigate the matter, and Richmond issued the same directive again (April 21, 1848). Whether Ord ever went to the
Bay to in v estig ate the problem is unknown, but Wolf l e f t the employ of
the government in July and Rathbun needed an assistant (Pratt September
8, 1848). He nominated Napoleon Beedon, who had been working as the assistant for the past six weeks. Pratt noted that Benjamin Rathbun had been "perfectly worn out or his patience exhausted with an Indian helper, or in other words, without a helper" (Ibid.).
In July, Ord also nominated Napoleon Beedon to succeed Gilbert 215
Wolf (Ord July 15, 1848; Richmond September 16, 1848). Within days after Ord nominated Beedon, David King (July 19, 1848) wrote an angry le tte r to Richmond. He stated th a t i f Wolf was not competent, Richmond should hire an Indian (Ibid). Later, in a letter written with Peneshi,
Ring (June 1, 1849) requested that an Indian, John Street, be nominated to that post.
The feelings were so Intense that David Ring wanted to move to
Portage Lake. James Ord informed his superior (May 9, 1846).
They complain that they have been very much interfered with by the white settlers, and more particularly by Indian Agents, now stationed there for their benefit...I have understood that their late Blacksmith and Carpenter [Daniel Brockway and Peter Marksman, respectively] always attended to their own private Interests instead of the wants of the Indians. They would in a ll probability be as well off without their Mechanics as with them.
The Indians, for a reason not made clear, did not move to Portage Lake.
Both the Methodist and the Catholic Indians wanted an Indian assistant blacksmith, but for different reasons. At the beginning
David Ring stated he wanted Indians placed in both the position of blacksmith and assistant blacksmith "so we can do our own smithing soon" (Ring June 8, 1846). John Street's nomination by both the
Catholic and the Methodist Indians suggests the latter also had an interest in the issue (Ring, Peneshi, et al June 1, 1849). Their reasons, however, differed from that of the Methodists:
We the undersigned Indian of Ance Reewawlnon take the liberty of writing directly to you in order to let you know that our Blacksmith Brockway, who was placed here for our benefit, works very little for us, we may truly s ta te th at he does not work for us one day in a week on an average, he always works for himself, but draws very reg u larly from our money his good w ages...T his we 216
consider as unjust; therefore we beg you, our father, to give us another, fa ith fu l and good blacksmith to work for us. We made the same ap p licatio n la s t summer to Mr. James Ord, Sub-Agent at the Saut [sic]; but he would not do us justice, therefore we make this application to you and beg you, father, to hear us (Peneshi et al November 5, 1845, emphasis In original).
I noted in chapter I II th a t S tu art had prohibited Brockway from working
for the Catholic Indians. This does not mean Brockway may not have
done the same had he not received S tu a rt's order. Indeed, i t appears
the government-appointed workers were not working for the Methodist
Indians e ith e r (King June 8, 1846). Instead, Brockway spent much of
his time on his own farming, selling his produce to Copper Harbor
(Chaput 1970a: 46). The Catholic Indians complaint was not just that
the government employees were not working for them but th a t they were
not working for the Indians at all. The Catholics also wanted an
Indian assistant blacksmith because they wanted someone who could speak
their language (Peneshi et al September 9, 1845).
The evidence suggests th at both G ilbert Wolf and John S tree t were members of the Methodist mission. This again suggests the two missions had different economic orientations. The Methodists wanted to be full
participants in the cash and labor economy of the United States, while
the Catholics had less desire to do so. While both communities desired
an Indian in the position of assistant blacksmith, they were motivated
for different reasons.
Thus, one of the few means by which an Indian could interact with
White society in the mid 1840s was by becoming appointed as the assistant blacksmith, but even this position was difficult for an
Indian to hold. The emerging pattern was that Whites would hire 217
Whites, a tendency that could be counteracted only If the Indians protested vehemently. Even when this avenue to White society was open, however, the entrance was very narrow and restricted, through which only a few individuals could squeeze. Ironically, this pattern occurred while governmental policy attempted to Integrate the Indians.
It should be borne in mind during the years this controversy took place that there was a rapid increase in the White population in the area because of the prospectors surging into the area. With their arrival the place of the Indian fell further, in part because Whites preferred other Whites over Indians. Concurrently, both Catholic and
Protestant missionaries shifted their emphasis in favor of Whites
(Lambert 1967b). This tendency was more noticeable among the
Protestants, as is clear in a comparison of their memoirs.
P ite z e l's memoirs and journal e n trie s indicate he made more missionary trips to the miners than did Baraga (see for example,
Pitezel November 7, 1846, December 4, 1846, January 14, 1847, January
27, 1847). He states "about a year and a half was devoted almost exclusively to the mining population" (Pitezel n.d.: 19). In another document, referring to a time in which he was in charge of the Indian mission at the Keweenaw Bay, Pitezel "made five trips during the year
(1846), and his colleague, two” to "lay the foundation of Church enterprises among the mining population" (Pitezel 1873: 16). Baraga, by contrast, limited his journeys among the miners to three per year until a resident priest could be procured (Verwyst 1900: 231).
These shifts* demonstrate that evangelizing the Anishlnabe was of less importance to the Protestant than it was to the Catholic missionaries stationed at the Keweenaw Bay. Concurrently, the role of the n ative m issionary became fu rth e r co n stric ted . Since the Methodist 218
Indians were more Interested In assimilation than were the Catholics, the closing of routes for interaction was more devastating to them.
One solution might have been to withdraw completely from participating in White society. That they did not pursue this "solution" reflects their recognition that they were too heavily committed to the ways of
Whites to effect a permanent move away from their source of woes.
By contrast, the Catholic Indians had little interest in assimilating. They were, however, interested in obtaining the benefits supplied by the government-appointed 'mechanics.' Their request to obtain an Indian assistant blacksmith and their not moving far away from the Whites in 1832 suggest th is in te rp re ta tio n . They requested an
Indian assistant blacksmith so they could better communicate their needs.
That this incident was a result of the differential emphasis placed on interaction is suggested by two other events which occurred later in the period under discussion. The first affected only the
Indians on the eastern side of the bay, while the second affected both communities.
4.4.1 The L'Anse Township Elections of 1865
There were relatively few Whites living in the area when L'Anse township was established in 1849. To maintain the township as a viable political unit, Indians were allowed to vote in the township elections if they renounced their tribal affiliation. By doing so, they became citizens of the State (Keller 1981: 18), a provision apparently contained in the Treaty of Detroit of 1855 (see Johnston October 3, 219
1856).8
Evidence suggests that the Indians at L'Anse were encouraged to vote In 1859 (Fitch February 19, 1859). The document suggested that
Whites enlisted John Street and David King, members of the Methodist m ission, to get the Indians to vote ( I b id .) . As the area became populated by Whites in the 1860s, however, Indians became marginal and excluded. In the township elections of 1865 the Indians were denied the right to vote.
The Reverend P.O. Johnston, the Methodist missionary, wrote twice to Governor Henry Crapo about the situation. In his second letter, he expressed alarm about the situation, telling the Governor that the
Indians and Mixed-bloods had voted in the township elections for the previous ten to twelve years, "& there has been no questioning it by either party" (May 9, 1865). Johnston regarded the situation as volatile and asked the Governor's intervention:
We are paying no attention to the acts of the present se- called-wouldbe town officers regarding the whole thing as fraud & violence & shall wait for your Excellencies instructions. I am satisfied from the present temper of the Indians & half breeds that unless some redress shall be had & taxes are attempted to be collected by force, as they will be, there will be an outbreak. But we most sincerely hope you will see your way clear to make our town matters right & thus save us from impending danger (Ibid.).
Johnston had provided a much fuller description of the problem about three weeks earlier (April 10, 1865):
8 Although this document pertains to the Indian community at Sault Ste. Marie, he makes a similar statement. Some Indians there had renounced their tribal affiliations and wanted to vote. Some Whites did not like this. Johnston states in his letter, "Considerable dissatisfaction has been manifested by some of our citizens in allowing the Indians to vote..." 220
In this town as in all other towns in the State we held our town meeting on the 3d in s t. Our Indians and Halfbreeds have for the past ten or eleven years been considered voters & voted a t a ll town meetings & elections. A majority of them have always voted the Democratic ticket untlll [sic] this Spring [when] they had become disgusted with their Democratic (Copper Head & Strongly Secession) leaders & resolved to vote the Republican Ticket, the Board of election learning this fact took it upon themselves to say that no Indians or Halfbreeds should vote. I want you to understand Governor that this town was organized by the aid of Indians & Halfbreed voters (there are about 160 Indians & halfbreed voters & 34 or 5 White voters. About 500 Indians & less than 100 Whites all told). The Indians and Halfbreeds presented themselves at the polls with ticket in hand & desired to vote. [They] Offered to swear in their votes that they were not members of a tribe nor governed by the laws of their chiefs & headmen as family but as citizens of the U.S. & especially of the state in which they reside. But Sir, this Democratic (rather Secession) Board elected to their several offices by these same men—same voters—took the authority upon themselves to reject from the polls the very men by whom they were elected & for no other reason than because they would no longer vote their ticket. The Board would not allow them even to swear in th e ir votes for the reason that they knew they would be defeated & ousted from their offices which they have too long disgraced. The Board claimed they rejected them because they were not legal voters, but hitherto while voting their ticket they were legal voters & these same shameless Democratic Secessionists have from year to year brought every influence & intrigue to bear upon their votes. The treaty of 18 & 53 by which the Indians were given to understand that they were receiving land from Govt. & settling down coming under the Laws & regulations of the U.S. government they were no longer members of a tribe but citizens and voters—This treaty s ir was drawn by a democrat Henry C. G ilb ert—& explained at length to the Indians by the Indian Commissioner Mr. Manypenna [Manypenny] & since both by Republicans and Democrats & as the best possible evidence of that treaty the Indians have voted but in one or two instances to this of their being rejected in the State for the last eleven years & then it was by a Democratic Board of election & not they no never when (the Indian) vote was in their favor. And again S ir They rejected David Ring Chief (advisor only) of this Band who seventeen years ago was so anxious to become a c itiz e n & have the rig h ts and privileges of a citizen that he took out papers of Naturalization. This being before the Indians had entered into such treaty stipulations that our 221
Government could give them the f u ll p riv ileg es of citizenship. But Sir at the same time the Board allowed a German to swear In his vote who could not speak a word of English who could show no papers of Naturalization (said he had them In Wisconsin) & had been In town but two weeks (and In the State 5 months). This was because he would vote the Democratic tic k e t. Again they rejected & prohibited John B. Crebassa the Son of Halfbreed parents (a merchant-trader) whose Father was in the Territory before the formation of the constitution & previous to the revision of the constitution had taken out papers of Naturalization thus of cours [sic] making his Son J.B. Crebassa a citizen. The aforesaid Board were informed of this & still they p ersisted In re je c tin g him from the p o lls because he would vote the Republican Ticket & was runing [sic] on said Ticket for Town Clerk. From this & foregoing statements your Excellency will see that not only all Indians and halfbreed voters were rejected but even Naturalized Citizens who had "obtained their liberties with a price." Indeed Sir they had determined to elect themselves & by this gross & most outrageous assumption of authority they did elect themselves again. Governor I am now 48 years of age & I have never Seen Such an electio n as th is . Such a gross abuse of authority such a breach of trust—such an insult & outrage upon the rights of community. On aforesaid if I were the only injured one I would be s ile n t. But s ir the e ffe c t upon our Indians & halfbreed population is terrible. At the polls when rejected one chief said to the other now let us return we have been trying to be white men for the past ten or twelve years & now we are cast off. What is the use to try—let us now do as formerly. Get drunk, kill steal take our drum-dance & put feathers in our head &c. I have now spent sixteen years with Indians & in all that time I have never seen them so much excited & aroused to indignation. Vengeance might have followed had we not counselled peace with the assurance that their rights should be regarded & law should be enforced. We propose to prosecute these men for unjust done to proper elections of this town & to carry it to the Supreme Court i f i t be necessary. By reference to Compiled Laws we see that it is a severe offence [sic] against the rights of citizens & punishable with a severe penalty. But this course will require the year & the people of the town do not intend to endure such rule and such treatm ent. They regard the present as forced upon the & as an organized mob to debar them of their rights. Hence this appeal to your Excellency. We see by reference to Compiled Laws that it is your prerogative to remove u n fa ith fu l o ffic e rs; e ith e r of town or county from their office & to appoint a special election or town meeting for the election of proper officers. We are 222
therefore about to petition your Excellency in accordance with the advise of some of the most in flu e n tia l c itiz e n s of the county th a t you remove the said township Board from their offices namely Oscar J. Foote Supervisor, Charles Goldsmith Town Clerk, Orange Phillips, Justice of the Peace, Henry Houghton, Town Treasurer, & that you appoint an official town meeting about the first of June for a fair and impartial election of officers. Our Petition will be accompanied by a corroborating document of influential citizens above referred to. I append the ticket that was elected by fraud & intrigue. Foot Supervisor is a known Secessionist— Goldsmith and Houghton are notorious drunkards, Both foreigners. Houghton for several days was in such a beastly state of intoxication when at the county Seat that he was incapable of business & the friends of the greatly [unintelligible word]. He append a few affidavits. We might many more but we judge these sufficient. And fearing lest I may have already wearied you with my lengthy communication. P.S. The Indians said when returning from election that those who come for their taxes would get balls. If this State of things cannot be corrected there will be an outbreak at tax time & if so it will have been provoked by outrage & Insult (emphasis in original).
We have only one side of the case because the opposition did not generate documents in their defense. We must, therefore mine
Johnston's letter for the information.
Johnston's letter states 'foreigners' had gained control of the township offices. In the position of control, these individuals overturned the established policy that had allowed the Indians to vote.
This was a right they had acquired from the Treaty of Detroit signed in
1855. Because Mixed-bloods were also denied this right underscores that they were considered Indians, not Whites. This change began as early as the Treaty of 1842, if not earlier.
It is important to note that both John Crebassa, Pierre Crebassa's son (Nelson 1965), and David King wanted to assimilate so intensely that they both became naturalized citizens before they received the right to vote by the Treaty of 1855. John Street was in a position to 223 assimilate because he was a government employee (blacksmith) (Owen n.d.).2 The denial to these citizens of the right to vote, to which they had become accustomed, fu rth e r alien ated them from White society and their goal of assimilation.
This event affected only the Methodist Indians. This was not only because they were in a different location (L'Anse instead of what later became Baraga). The differential emphasis placed upon interacting with
Whites by the Methodists and the Catholics was also important. Because the Methodist Indians were more interested in this than Catholics, disenfranchisement would have had a more negative impact on them than on the Catholic Indians.
Governor Henry Crapo wrote to P.O. Johnson (August 25, 1865a) stating that the township officers could not be removed from office because their misconduct occurred when the Individuals were not elected officials. He suggested Johnson could take the case to the Supreme
Court, if he d esired. He also stated he would in s tru c t the Prosecuting
Attorney to investigate the matter further (Ibid.). Crapo complied with his promise; (August 25, 1865b); however, there is no evidence th a t Johnson took the case to the Supreme Court. Nor is there any indication that the Indians voted in the years following the incident.
The town known as L'Anse today was founded in 1872 and was placed two miles south of the Indian settlement. Thus, even if Indians had
2 The Michigan Historical Archives also contains sworn affidavits of John Street, the government-appointed blacksmith, and an Indian, John Owen. John Street was introduced earlier. The only Information available about Owen is that he later became a local minister of the Methodist mission at Zeba. He assisted at the funeral service for Peter Marksman in 1892 (Brunger 1966: 18). The fact that Owen was a local preacher suggests that he could not preach from the pulpit of a White church, as George Copway had done in the 1830s. This, too, demonstrates the extent to which the gates to White society had become closed to the Indians. 224 been able to vote In the electio n s from 1867 to 1872, they would have been denied the vote again when the Vhlte settlement was established as a separate entity at the head of the bay. It Is, thus, Ironic that the very Indians who desired to become a part of Vhlte society so much that they renounced their "Indian citizenship" were later denied this privilege. This Is In contrast to the Catholic Indians who moved away from the other community because they did not wish to assim ilate.
4.4.2 The Allotment of Land
4.4 .2 .1 Introductory Remarks
Two issues separating the two communities were the issue of the government-appointed assistant blacksmith and voting rights. The third issue expressing the differences between the two communities was the allotment of land. Most of the documents in the National Archives for the final five or six years of the period under study focus on this issue. Land allotment for the Keweenaw Bay Indians has been the subject of a comprehensive study by Keller (1981). This work is the only significant monograph pertaining solely to the Keweenaw Bay Indian
Community. My analysis d iffe rs from K e lle r's on only one major p o in t.
He focuses on the Keweenaw Bay Indian Community as a single entity, while I view the community as being comprised of two d is tin c t groups.
These distinct groups had their own problems and their own solutions.
The different 'solutions' perpetuated the division of the Indian community. 225
4.4.2.2 Antecedents of Land Allotment and the Treaty of 1854
The issue of land allotment begins with the Treaty of La Polnte of
1842. According to this treaty, the Indians were allowed to remain on
their homelands until asked to move by order of the President. The
Indians' believed, however, they could remain on their homelands unless
they interfered with the Whites (Armstrong 1892: 3).
In 1849, President Zachary Taylor ordered the Indians to move to a
location already set aside in the Treaty of 1842. The Indians, who had
not bothered the Whites, were upset by this order to move. The
government, angered by the Anishinabe's refusal to vacate, closed the
subagency at La Pointe (Keller 1981: 13) and required all Indians
desiring to receive their annual annuity payments to go to Sandy Lake,
in Minnesota. An Indian who failed to appear would forfeit his/her
payment (K eller 1981: 13, P ite z el July 17, 1851).
The Methodist missionary, Reverend John H. Pitezel, believed if
the Indians complied with this requirement, the result would be a catastrophe for their own efforts, for the Indians, or for both (July
17, 1851). He advised the Indians to not go to the Sandy Lake payment.9 The Indians decided not to go because "they would have the
furthest to travel (Keller 1981: 14). Those who did—and there is no
in d icatio n anyone from the L'Anse band did (K eller 1981: 15)— seem to have suffered worse than those who did not (Pitezel 1857: 296-305,
Keller 1981: 14).
In April of 1852, Armstrong led a delegation of six Indian chiefs
9 The events of Sandy Lake are provided in various sources (see Armstrong 1892, Pitezel 1882). 226
to meet with the President and request that the order for removal be rescinded. En route to Washington, D.C., Armstrong had petitions signed by "merchants, bankers, and tradesmen" (Keller 1981: 15), affirming their desire to have the Indians remain In the area.
President Millard Fillmore granted the Indians" request (Keller 1981:
17). Keller (1981: 18) opines the government's preoccupation with the issue of slavery in Kansas and Nebraska and the bellicose Plains
Indians permitted the more peaceful Anlshinabe to remain in their homelands. Also, one cannot discount the effect of the marginal quality of the land and the consequent low value the Upper Peninsula had as also contributing to their remaining there.
The following year, the Michigan Legislature passed a joint resolution requesting the Federal government to pay the annuities due to the Indians of the Keweenaw Bay at that location, rather than requiring them to go to La Pointe as had been done in the past (Keller
1981: 17). The State Legislature recognized that paying the annuity moneys in the state meant that the money would remain in the state
(Ibid.). The Federal government responded affirmatively to this request, thus granting what the Indians on their own initiative (see
Burket et al February 15, 1843), or through the subagents (Crawford May
21, 1844) had requested for the past decade.
The Indians had long argued that the distance to La Pointe was too great and that they could not be away from their farms for so long because their crops were destroyed by their cattle, frost, or other factors.3 Their requests were denied by Robert Stuart and other Indian
3 Pitezel, in his journal entry for Monday, October 11, 1847, states that cattle had gone into James Tanner's potato field "& made havoc among them." See also Appendix B. in
Agents, who said that the Indians were accustomed to such distances and that they had little to do during this stage of their economic cycle.
Moreover, they argued, It would be more expensive for the government to provide payment at multiple locations (Ibid.). Another complaint about having the payments at La Pointe was that the American Fur Company would monopolize the trade there and the Indians would have to pay higher prices for goods (Dodge July 6, 1838). Robert Stuart, was, of course, a former employee of the American Fur Company, and tried to make the arrangements that suited that institution (Stuart July 9,
1843, S tu art July 1, 1843).4 Thus the issue of where to d ire c t payments depended more on the interests of the Vhites rather than those of the Indians. This underscores the place of the Indians in the national scheme.
When the State Legislature made its request in 1853, the American
Fur Company was a political force of the past. Various other companies and their agents were actively competing with each other for Indian monies. In the meantime there were other factors involved in allotting land to the Indians. Scarcely had the ink dried on the Treaty of La
Pointe of 1842, when moves were made to acquire the land on the northern shore of Lake Superior. The purpose was again to exploit the presumed mineral deposits located there. William A. Richmond stated in his annual report for 1845 (October 26, 1845):
4 An additional request, contained in many of the above documents, and o th ers—and one which would continue to plague the Indians even after the Treaty of 1854, was that their payments occurred very late in the year. These occasions very frequently upset many of their economic ventures, especially when these payments were made at La Pointe (see Leach, May 23, 1863). The payment at this period (usually between September and October) competed with the time when the Indians were preparing for the long winter ahead of them. Consequently, this payment would adversely affect the Indians who sought this payment. 228
A large amount of capital is already engaged in working the mines, with every promise of success, and the spirit of enterprise and speculation is extending the examination to the northern coast, which is described to be of equal, if not greater value, and to which the Indian title is as yet unextinguished.
A year later, Richmond reported (October 30, 1846):
Indians at La Pointe want to cede to US the portion of their lands located along the northern shore of Lake Superior which were not part of [the] Treaty of 1842, located between the Pigeon and St. Louis Rivers. I recommended th is in la s t y e a r's annual rep o rt, and my views have not changed.
This report led to the drafting of the Treaty of La Pointe of 1854 which ceded the area to the United States.
The Treaty of 1854 also called for the establishment of reservations which Richmond advocated in his annual report of 1847.
...It is greatly to be desired that some arrangements be made for the collecting the dispersed families into colonies or larger settlements where they may receive the full benefits of the Teacher Mechanic, and Farmer who are furnished for th e ir improvement (Richmond November 20, 1847).
Whites, in their search for minerals and/or land for settlement, wanted to be certain that they could lay claim to the land they chose. The establishment of a reservation, then, would allow Indians to retain some of their land and allow Whites to settle on the rest (Keller 1981:
18-19).
Thus, there were several bases for the Treaty of 1854. First, the desire of Whites to acquire additional land for mineral speculation, esp e c ia lly a fte r the southern shore of Lake Superior had proven to be quite rich. A second desire was that of the local businessmen and 229 missionaries to keep the Indians on their ancestral homelands.
Although the Indians originally voiced this request, it was the influence of the Whites that made it happen. Third, the desire of the
Indian Agent, William A. Richmond, to congregate all of the Indians into central locations so that they could receive the "benefits of civilization." Fourth, the desire of the Legislature of the State of
Michigan to keep Michigan Indian monies in the state. And, fifth, the desire of the Federal government to foster the growth of the industries of the United States by making available new sources of minerals.
The Treaty of 1854 catered to all of these desires. Article I called for the cession of lands hithertofore not ceded. Article XI provided payment of annuities to the Indians a t L'Anse, and gave them permission to hunt and fish on the land set aside for them. Article II called for the establishment of specific reservations—including one at the base of the Keweenaw Bay. Indians not located on the reservations would have to move to those areas stipulated in the treaty. Thus, in the years following the treaty, the L'Anse reservation received periodic influxes of Indians. Some opted to reside on the Catholic side; others chose to reside with the Methodists.
The treaty also called for the allotment of eighty acres of land to
each head of a family or single person over twenty-one years of age...and [the President] may at his discretion, as fast as the occupants become capable of transacting their own affairs, issue patents therefore to such occupants, with such restrictions of the power of alienation as he may see fit to impose (Kappler, 1972: 649).
It should be noted, however, that allotment did not become a formal part of the United States policy until the passage of the Dawes Act of 230
1887 (Tyler 1973: 95). Thus, the United States land allotment policy
was not officially started until thirty three years after the signing
and r a tif ic a tio n of the Treaty of 1854.5
4.4.2.3 The Allotment of Land
Early In 1855, the Commissioner of Indian Affairs requested
information from Indian Agent Henry Gilbert about the relative status
of the lands of the L'Anse Reservation. He (April 10, 1855) responded:
At the L'Ance reservation the land Is already surveyed and subdivided and no fu rth er action is necessary except to see that the tract is withdrawn from sale & to carry out the provisions for giving each family for which a patent or other evidence of title should be issued withholding the power of alie n a tio n & guarded by such other restrictions as may be deemed necessary.-This is very important in the case of this Band including the Vieux Desert Band which are now incorporated with them.-They are much advanced in civilization-Many of them read & write nearly all dress after the manner of w h ite s ...6
Elsewhere in this letter he states the two Indian communities had two
d iffe re n t economic o rie n ta tio n s. He w rote, "They have schools and
churches and only want a separate Interest in the soil to stimulate
th e ir e ffo rts and make them a prosperous th riv in g community” (K eller
1981: 22).
5 One of the featu res which would be present in both era s, however, is th a t as the land became increasingly populated by Whites, the Indians would become increasingly compelled to sell their holdings individually as Indians. By doing so, they would thus facilitate the policy of assimilation, which was becoming increasingly in vogue.
6 Rubenstein (1974: 2) states that the White-style clothing was given to the Indians as gifts, and was not considered a threat by the Indians. Thus the appearance of being "advanced" was, in many instances, a facade. 231
Although Gilbert said that the Keweenaw Bay Indian land could be distributed to the Indians In 1855, nothing more was done about it for twenty years. All the reasons for the delay are not known, but Keller
(1981: 23), provides at least one reason: "Perhaps the Indian
Department felt that as long as the L'Anse Ojlbway were receiving their annuity payments from the treaty, they did not need Individual land allotments." Another consideration is the economic climate of the region during the twenty years from 1855 to 1875. The economic Panic of 1857, the ensuing Civil War and the post-war depression all occurred during this period.
The poor economic clim ate of the 1850s and 1860s did n o t, however, impede companies in te re sted in the economic development of the Upper
Peninsula. Indeed, railroad and canal companies, also interested in mining and lumbering, staked out lands on which to make clearings for rights-of-w ay in the 1850s and 1860s. In the process, they frequently claimed more land than that to which they were legally entitled. They were aided by government officials, who also benefltted from the transactions. The land was prime forest land, but timber in the Upper
Peninsula did not receive much attention until the late 1870s.
Tyler (1973: 95) states that the allotment system "proposed to make individual landowners and farmers of the Indians without reference to trib e or tra d itio n a l community l i f e ." The allotm ent of lands did p recisely th at a t the Keweenaw Bay in the la te 1870s and early 1880s.
Because lands were alloted to individuals, White entrepreneurs could negotiate with Indians individually for the lands for very little cost.
The Indians, denied annuity payments during the Civil War, and with the period of annuities drawing to a close, were especially in need of cash and accepted the money Whites offered for their land. 232
In the meantime, the Issue of land ownership had not died.
According to provisions of the Treaty of 1854, the L'Anse reservation would consist of the unsold lands in Township 51-33, 51-32, the east h a lf of 51-33, and the west h a lf of 50-32, as well as a ll of Township
51-31 west, west of the Huron Bay (Article II, Section 1) (Figure 5).
The Methodist Indians, during the negotiations, requested that another
township be added to accommodate the Lac Vieux Desert Band which would become a part of that reservation (Keller 1981: 25). Indian Agent
Henry G ilbert had promised to include a ll of Township 51-31; and, although this was not written into the treaty, President Franklin
Pierce withdrew the land from sale (Ib id ., King e t a l March 21, 1871).
Keller (1981: 25-34) devotes a considerable portion of his monograph to the problems th a t resu lted when, in 1870, the government realized there had been an e rro r, and placed the east h a lf of Township
51-31 on sale. This was apparently because mineral speculators had expressed interest in this section (Romey July 8, 1864). In the interim, however, both Indians and government agents assumed that the
Indian reservation included all of the township.
The Keweenaw Bay Indians received compensation for the disputed land at $1.25 per acre (Commissioner, General Land Office, January
25(7), 1875), or $23,034.23. Of this sum, $3,034.22 went to purchase schoolbooks and supplies in 1875 (Keller 1981: 31), leaving the Indians with about $20,000.00. It is not certain whether the Indians ever received full compensation for the land (Ibid.). This was the money
the Catholic Indians were willing to forfeit if the government had acquired it through illic it means, as noted in the last chapter
(Assinins October 28, 1875). The Methodist Indians, in contrast, told
Agent George I. Betts that they wanted to invest the money in United 233
3 2 33
wr a 1987
Figure 5. Sections described in the La Pointe Treaty of 1854. 234
S tates Government Bonds (B etts March 29, 1875), and earn In te re s t on the principle (Betts March 2, 1875). This difference over money from the disputed land again underscores the different economic orientations of the two communities.
During the negotiations of the Treaty of 1854, a list of individuals who were to receive land was drawn up. Because the treaty allowed individuals aged 21 or over title to a tract of land, additional names were added to the list as the years passed, and sent on to Washington, D.C. (Dole January 7, 1865). This would place a premium on land which was already scarce. The scarcity of land was in te n sifie d by Whites, who, from time to time, used the land for th e ir own purposes. This brought letters of complaints from the Methodist
In d ian s:
...A t the time Mr Gilbert made the Treaty with us and Manypenny the Commissioner was a t La Pointe we made a Reservation at LAnse for our homes and our children after us. and [sic] the agent Mr Gilbert and the Commissioner Give us to understand that the Government would look after our Lands that no white man should commit no depredation on our Reservation, and we made a t the time that no half-Breed3 should be allowed in the Reservation and our women living with white men was [sic] not allowed in this reservation. But should take lands outside of this reservation. This is the understanding we made with [the] Agent and Commissioner at La Pointe. What we want to tell now is that there are white men living here that say that the Reservation is not good to us because we did not own it we have not the rite to stop anybody from cutting the timber of the reservation that they can go on and cut as many as they please. And Half Breeds are cutting our Timber to sell. Mr 0 Forte [Foote?] and Mr Peter Bribessa [Crebassa?] is also cutting Timber, and A[bel] Hall has been doing the same[.] hi [sic] says [Indian Agent] Mr Fitch gave him lib e rty and also told him th a t [he] might take up 80 acres in the reservation just because he is living with an Indian womin [sic] which is against our rules and regulations that we made in the Treaty that Mr Gilbert made with us. We dont want any half Breed or white men living with our women to take part in this reservation. And we wish our agents and the commissioner our Father 235
should look after our lands (King et al January 7, 1865).
This document raises several points. First, Indians did not consider
Mixed-bloods were as Indians, but Whites. At the same time, however, the White community regarded these individuals as Indians. Second, the letter mentions two individuals, 'Forte' and 'Bribessa,' who I believe are Oscar Foote and Peter Crebassa, respectively.7 Third, the Indian
Agent was im plicated as a p a rtic ip a n t in the scheme to remove timber from Indian land.
This last point will be brought forward again later. The depredation of timber from Indian lands continued for the rest of the period under study. In 1869 Charles Barry, the United States Marshall, wrote to United S tates D is tric t Attorney A.B. Maynard, saying th at he had seized an estimated 30-40,000 feet of squared timber lying on the shores of the Keweenaw Bay. The letter continues:
This business of buying timber of Indians has been carried on a t L'Ance fo r a number of years from tra c ts of land which the Indians locate under the treaty for no other purpose, and unless something is done to stop it all the valuable timber will be taken from this reserve and thereby rendering the land valueless and of no use either to the government or the Indians, in [sic] nearly or quite all cases the Indians never live on or cultivate any of these lands while the pine timber grows. But is carried on as a matter of speculation only (Barry May 27, 1869).
This case is especially significant because Indian Agent William H.
7 That Peter Bribessa was Peter Crebassa is supported by a document which states that a Mrs. Peter Bribessa had a son by the name of John B. Bribessa, asking permission to obtain land on the L'Anse Reservation (Leach, February 23, 1865). Another letter from P.O. Johnston to Henry Crapo (April 10, 1865), states that Peter Crebassa's son was named John B. Crebassa. See also Nelson (1965). 236
Brockway wrote an accompanying l e t t e r . Brockway seems to have supported the cutting of timber on the Indian lands. He wrote the
Commissioner of Indian Affairs, E.S. Parker:
Most of this timber has been hauled to the lake shore with a view to its being taken by the contractors to Marquette to be used by them in the construction of a pier or breakwater at that place. Mr Barry thinks there is forty or fifty thousand feet of it. Mr Vetmore of Marquette, one of the contractors and reputed owners of this timber is also here with a view to getting the timber released from the seizure. He thinks there is some seventy or eighty thousand feet of it. Mr Wetmore says the timber has been bought and paid for at a fair price of the Indians, and for aught I know this may be true, But the question is this. Are the Indians to be allowed to go and select lands upon which they never intend to settle, then sell off the pine and other valuable timber to accommodate interested parties, and leave it worthless for timber or any other purpose? The value of this timber cannot be less than four to six thousand dollars. I would not have any honest man wronged, but I suppose I am bound to look e sp ecially to the interests of the Government and the Indians...(Brockway May 27, 1869).
Thus, even the Indian Agent, theoretically in a position to protect the
Indians, protected the rights of a White instead. Incidents like this alienated Indians further from White society.
When the time came to give Indians the patents for their land, the issue turned to whether an Indian should receive title. Possession of the title allowed him/her the right to sell the land. To receive the title , one had to be "competent," which meant that the individual could manage his/her own affairs (Keller 1981: 36). Of the 300 patents issued in 1875, only 12 (4%) were given as patents in fee simple.
Thus, only 12 people were given the right to sell their land. The next series of patents was issued in 1883 and later (Keller 1981: 37); therefore, only the initial 300, and more especially the 12 who received their patents in fee simple, are the primary focus here. 237
The issue of competency was especially crucial to those Indians who desired to assimilate. The label was subjective and depended upon the degree to which the Indian Agent viewed him/her to be a White.
Only twelve individuals were allowed to sell their land. Of these twelve, only seven are identified by mission, and all those thus identified were members of the Methodist mission (Lee August 27, 1879,
Lee April 20, 1877); none of them was Catholic.8 This suggests that the Methodists were more likely to be considered competent than the
Catholics. The evidence, then, again supports the hypothesis that the
Methodist Indians were more heavily involved in the cash economy of the
8 Julia Ann Pennock was married to a White, David Pennock. I believe they lived at the Methodist mission because the patent was to be sent to Peter Crebassa (Pennock August 19, 1878). Lydia Southwind has been tentatively identified as the wife of John Southwind, one of the first converts to Methodism at the Keweenaw Bay. In a document she is identified along with Nancy Miner to be "two destitute widows" (Lee August 27, 1879). She is further id e n tifie d by David King, P eter Marksman, and Mazawash (July 26, 1879). Parenthetically, available evidence suggests the only Anlshinabe from the Keweenaw Bay to serve in the Civil War was Nancy Miner's husband (he never returned to the reservation) (Lee August 27, 1879, Betts July 21, 1875, Betts January 22, 1876). This, too, seems to suggest the degree to which there were differences in the Catholic and Methodist Anlshinabe and their Involvement with United States affairs. Louisa Ke-we-tau-gee-no-quay is thought to be a member of the Methodist mission as well. Among the features which seems to have been characteristic of some of the women of the Methodist band was their ability to move away from the reservation and not return to it. For example, a document from David King, Peter Marksman and Mazawash indicates that Nancy Miner was a member of the tribe, but she was then living at Houghton (July 26, 1879). Similarly, Louisa had moved to Sault Ste Marie (Lee November 6, 1879). By contrast, women from the Catholic Mission, if they moved away from that place, seem to have only moved to the Protestant mission, if and when they married a Protestant male. I offer this suggestion from observations on land inheritance patterns from documents in the Bureau of Indian Affairs Office, Sault Ste. Marie. James Holiday was one of the sons of trad er William Holiday, the trader who brought John Sunday to the Keweenaw Bay in 1832. He deeded his land to Mariah Shields (Holiday September 11, 1879). 238
United States than were the Catholic Indians.9
I remarked earlier that land allotments were a mechanism by which
the two communities would be alienated from one another. We noted
above that Indians received title to their land if they were
"competent." Only a few Methodist Indians were considered competent, while no Catholics were. The issue of competency, however, may have been of concern primarily to the members of the Methodist mission. The
Catholic Indians would not have been concerned about "competency," as
they had little desire to assimilate. Moreover, the Catholic Indians had access to the communal property set aside for them which was not part of the reservation. The treaty stated that Indians would receive
land which had not already been bought; Baraga bought the 500 acres of land for the Catholic Indians eight years earlier.
If this is true, then the competency issue would result in a division between Methodists, not between Methodists and Catholics. We have, then, not fully addressed the issue of how land allotment served
to alienate the two communities. The issue belongs more appropriately in the following section.
9 Documents clearly indicate that the Methodist Indians earned money as guides and performed other menial tasks. The documents are not clear how the Catholics obtained the cash they needed. Some possibilities include continued trapping of animals (Chaput 1970b) or the manufacture of items made from birch bark or other products for sale to the tourists (Garrick Bailey, personal communication, Tulsa 1987, see also James 1961: 727), who were now beginning to come to the area. It is also possible that they, too, engaged, at times, at wage labor, as Father Baraga Indicated at the beginning of this chapter. Further information on this topic is required. 239
4.5 Indian M igrations and Inter-Community R elations, 1843-1881
4.5.1 Migrations
Indians migrated Into and out of the Keweenaw Bay throughout the
period under study. These movements a t le a s t In p a rt, are a ttrib u te d
to the economic development occurring In the Upper Peninsula. Although
the Indians of the Keweenaw Bay area did not participate directly In
mining activities, they were affected Indirectly. Members of the
Ontonagon and Lac Vieux Desert bands lived In the immediate area where much mining activity was occurring. They migrated to the Keweenaw Bay
and became a part of that community. As stated earlier, the immigrants became members of both communities. There Is no indication In the
literature of what factors influenced Individuals to enter either community.
Most of th is movement occurred a fte r the Treaty of 1854 was
signed (Larson 1963: 288). Between 1863 and 1379, some members of the
Lac Vieux Desert band wanted to return to th e ir homelands. They were granted two parcels of land, totalling eighty six acres, by order of
President Grant (Larson 1963: 289). Klnletz (1947: 21-22) has written:
A large portion of the Vieux Desert band did not like the reservation and returned to their old village site. It was probably the more conservative members who returned, although there is no way of ascertaining the division or the exact reasons for it beyond the fact that those who returned to the lake preferred it to the reservation.
The Indians from the Badwater reservation who had also migrated to the
Keweenaw Bay also petitioned to return home. They received land in 240
August of 1867 (Larson 1963: 290).
On the eve of the end of the period under study, the Catholic community fissio n ed . The group th at emigrated were regarded as "a few
Indians who are wanderers from the Chlppewas of Lake Superior" (Lee
September 13, 1880). These members purchased 840 acres of land and established the Hannahvllle Mission (Ibid.). Evidence suggests that these Individuals, like those reported by Klnletz (1947: 21**22), were more conservative than the mainstream, and sought to return to a more tra d itio n a l way of l i f e than av ailab le a t the Bay. However, the documents are silent with regard to who emigrated, the intensity of the factionalism occurring within the community, and other data.
4.5.2 Inter-Community Relations
The primary feature that underlay relations between the two communities at the Keweenaw bay was their maintenance of separate identities, while at the same time realizing the importance of working cooperatively under certain circumstances. Recall that immediately following Baraga's arrival at the Keweenaw Bay the Methodist m issionaries attempted to remove him. In 1846, the Catholic Indians estab lish ed th e ir own p o litic a l organization and David King wanted
Richmond to force the Catholic Indians to accept his leadership.
Finally, in 1848, it appears that David King made peace with the political organization of the Catholic mission. The documents written jointly by leaders of both communities (above) support this interpretation.
Even in the early years, however, the Indians were well aware of the benefits of having two competing missionary organizations. 241
Although they were concerned about disunity among the Indians, they
realized that a certain amount of disunity may be useful. The evidence
for this comes from a document written in February of 1844. This was
precisely when George W. Brown and Chauncey T. Carrier wrote Robert
S tu art about the e v il influences stemming from Baraga's presence on the
Keweenaw Bay. The document was written by David King, John Southwind,
and Peter Marksman for the L'Ance community and Okun-de-kun and
Ka-ba-os-se-dung for the Ontonagon band to Robert S tu art and James Ord,
the sub-agent at Sault Ste. Marie (February 12, 1844). The letter
requested that the government buy two sets of tools, "one for this Band
and one fo r the band on the opposite side [of the bay]."
Between 1848 and 1881 there are relatively few documents written
either by the officers of the Catholic mission alone or in conjunction
with the Methodist mission officers. Most of the documents in the
National Archives from the Keweenaw Bay community were w ritten by or
fo r members of the Methodist community with only a few w ritten by or
for the members of the Catholic mission. This suggests the needs of
the two communities were different. The fact that there are few
documents concerned with the Catholic mission supports the contention
that the Catholic Indians had relatively few concerns that they needed
to address the Federal government. Moreover, their experience had
demonstrated that their requests would probably not be granted, given
the hostility felt by Protestants toward the Catholics. Again, the
absence of documents suggests that the Catholics were largely
self-sufficient!
At the same time, these documents suggest that the two communities were given equal weight by the Indians. This notion is supported by
the existence of parallel tribal councils, each with the same number of 242
individuals (seven and two headmen) (Asher e t a l May 14, 1880). The equal representation suggests that the two communities were equal in
stature. That the two communities wrote different letters is an indication of their virtual autonomy, but the letters written jointly reflect that they were not totally autonomous.
The Indians from both communities were part of the cash and labor economy of the United States. There were some products which they had
to purchase (Assinlns et al May 8, 1876). The Methodist mission acquired these goods both from the Federal government and the private sector, while catholics obtained these items primarily from the Federal government. However, because of the an ti-C ath o lic sentim ent th a t colored much of the period, the Catholics used the Methodist mission as
the conduit.
In 1872, the Catholic mission asked Peter Marksman, a Mixed-blood
Methodist missionary, to be its spokesperson (Assinins May 20, 1876).
The document indicating this relationship requested the Indian Bureau in 1876 to no longer recognize Marksman as their spokesperson.
Whereas in the year 1872 Peter Marksman was appointed by the Chiefs of th is the Chippewa Tribe of Lake Vieudesaire [sic] and L'Anse to transact all the business of the said tribe in the dealings of the United States Government with them. We therefore the undersigned Chiefs of the Tribe do hereby request your honorable Department to discontinue the said Peter Marksman in his relations with this Tribe in any capacity he may hold as our Agent and appoint Edward Aw-se-nece [Assinlns] in his place. Our reasons for the same is: that the said Peter Marksman looks to his own interest at our expense, and neglects our business which we employ him for (Ibid.).
In the four intervening years (1872-1876), there were no documents from
Peter Marksman. There are two possible reasons for th is . F ir s t, the allegation made in the above document may have had some degree of 243 truth. Second, the Catholic Indians had very little for which they needed his services, but even when they did call upon him to do something, he did not act. The second of these reasons seems more plausible. There are documents Indicating that the Methodist Indians did, at times, speak for the Catholic Indians.
The negative view held by the Catholic Indians toward Marksman was not mirrored In the Methodist community. In 1877, the council decided:
to donate and present 160 acres of our vacant lands In L'Anse Reservation, Lake Superior, Michigan to our regular authorized business man between us and the Government, the Rev. P. Marksman as a token of our thankfulness to him for his worthy services that he has rendered unto us and to our people (King et al May 23, 1877).
The allocation of 160 acres Is especially important because it represents twice the amount allocated to any Indian head of family by the 1854 Treaty. A month or so later, Agent Lee wrote that they wished the government to give Marksman money to supplement his meager school-teacher's salary, "in view of the valuable services rendered by
Peter Marksman for free" (June 14, 1877).
Another indication of the differential extent to which the two communities were assimilated comes from a letter written in 1876.
Edward Assinlns and others, wrote that they needed to buy potatoes (May
20, 1876). They reported Peter Marksman was selling seed potatoes at
$1.00 per bushel, while another merchant, Mr. Ruppe (apparently a
White) was selling potatoes at eighty cents (Ibid.). In other words,
Peter Marksman, a leading fig u re in the Methodist Indian m ission, demanded a higher price than did a White.
The difference in the perception of Peter Marksman by the
Methodist and Catholic communities, in conjunction with statements made 244 in the various documents, demonstrate that the ideas of "appropriate behavior" in the two communities were radically distinct. As Indicated
in these letters, Marksman's behavior was clearly oriented toward the c a p ita lis t economy. That th is was perceived as appropriate behavior by
the Methodist and "inappropriate" by the Catholic Indians is evidence of the differential extent to which the two communities had assimilated
to White society.
Perhaps the most noteworthy case of this occurred in 1878 when
Marksman was found guilty of another dubious practice. This time his activities were not reported by the Catholic Indians, but rather by
Special Agent E.J. Brooks. The Commissioner of Indian Affairs commissioned Brooks to investigate the illegal cutting of timber from
Indian lands. Much of this timber probably came from the land near the
Catholic mission because this area was more heavily timbered than the eastern side of the Keweenaw Bay (Franchere 1839). Brooks presented his observations to the Commissioner (August 22, 1878):
...I have also investigated the matter of trespasses on Indian lands and find that extensive trespasses have been committed here ever winter for years past... I have also had under investigation certain transactions of [Indian] Agent [George I.] Betts in the allotment of lands by which certain parties have obtained by evident collusion with him, the possession of extensive and valuable mines or quarries of excellent slate. In the perpetuation of the fraud in this case, the present teacher at the Methodist Mission, Rev. Peter Marksman, was a p arty . Agent Lee informed me p rio r to leaving for home that he should recommend a charge at the expiration of the present quarter on account of this matter and for other reasons. I fully concur with agent Lee in the n ecessity for th is action and would recommend th at the charge proposed by him be made.
In spite of this letter, nothing was done about the matter. Two years later, J.B. Crebassa wrote to Indian Commissioner Carl Shurz that the 245
trespasses continued and that Marksman took part in land and timber grabbing schemes (January 27, 1880). This letter, along with other statements made by various individuals suggests that by 1880 the
Methodist Indians had become so much lik e the Whites operating around
them that at least one engaged in their more dubious practices. It is of particular note that this individual was a prominent member of the community.
When allegations like this became known to the Catholic community,
it is likely that the two communities becamemore estranged. This led
to attempts to develop autonomous communities. The Catholics' attempt
to have Edward Aw-se-nece (Edward Assinlns) appointed as spokesperson would have made the two communities autonomous, but there is no evidence that their request was honored. On the other hand, the
Catholics also recognized that the only group which that consistently received Federal aid was the Methodist mission. Consequently, it was necessary to maintain some ties with them.
It is also clear from the documents of the various missionaries there was some interaction between the two communities. For example, in 1847, after obtaining a new bell for his mission church, Baraga gave the old one to the Methodist mission for their recently constructed church (Baraga April 7, 1845; also in Rezek 1907: 241-242 and Pitezel
1882: 147). In 1880 Father Edward Jacker received some money from the
Methodist Indians after they had played a trick on him (Jacker 1922:
321-324).
Exchanges of personnel also occurred. There were, cases of people crossing from one side of the bay to the other. Sometimes, as in the case of J.T., these individuals later returned to the original mission.
There were also short-term "cross-overs.” Pitezel (1882: 108) states 246
that on Christmas Eve of 1845 some of the Catholic Indians attended the
Methodist meeting.
By and large, however, the two missions remained separate. These
interchanges of goods, services, and personnel were the primary
mechanisms that allowed the two communities to be at once among the
most progressive (Danziger 1978: 192) as well as among the more
traditional of Indian communities (W.R. Adams 1986). The Anlshinabe
ability to fission easily and their acceptance of individual
differences was the fundamental building block for this institution.
This a b ility , a t the community lev el is m anifested by the d is tin c t
economic orientations, the different approaches to problems, the
distinct political organizations and communities.
4.6 Conclusions
Individuals raised in either of these communities became
socialized to the norms and mores of th at community. To the extent
that they did so was the extent to which they were accepted as members
of that community. The Catholic Indians seem to be more lenient and
thus more tolerant of deviation from the norm.10 This was basic to
Father Baraga's program, and the Indians perpetuated it. Their
tolerance is suggested by their acceptance of individuals from the
10 Evidence for this assertion comes from the observations that traditional Anlshinabe society easily accepted individuals from other communities providing they claimed affiliation to clans present in the local settlement, the ease with which French traders became part of the social structure (see Chapter II) and the continued acceptance of Mixed-bloods as part of the community. Members of the Methodist mission, by contrast, resented the presence of Mixed-bloods, as is apparent by the statement that "We do not want any half Breed or white men living with our women to take part in this reservation" (King et al January 7, 1865). 247
Methodist mission. The Methodists were less tolerant. There was, for example, the case of the Catholic woman who married a Protestant male, but moved back to the Catholic mission when he died. The Methodists were more rigid in their standards of acceptable behavior. The goal among the Methodist Indians was to assimilate into White society. The
Whites themselves, however, were increasingly restrictive.
"Deviant” C atholics could fis s io n from the community in one of two d ire c tio n s; they could e ith e r become more tra d itio n a l or more progressive. In 1880, the L'Anse reservation fissioned, and the
Hannahville reservation was formed (Lee September 13, 1880). Evidence from the Bureau of Indian Affairs Office at Sault Ste. Marie suggests that those who left were members of the Catholic community.
Individuals who were more "capitalist" than the Catholic norm, such as
J .T ., could cross the Bay and "become M ethodists." I f they were not sufficiently "capitalist," again as in the case of J.T., they would return to the Catholic mission. Another manifestation of this tendency are the rare cases of Intermarriage. Records from the Bureau of Indian
Affairs at Sault Ste Marie indicate a certain female, C.M., formerly a member of the Catholic community, married a member of the Methodist community.H He died before she did. She returned to the Catholic community, dying there.
The "deviant" Methodist Indians likewise could go in either of two directions. The more traditional simply crossed to the Catholic mission. The Catholics, more tolerant of aberrant behavior, benefitted from the information and education of these Individuals. Thus, they
11 I have been requested by the Bureau to keep information gleaned from their files confidential. In accordance with this request, no further documentation is provided here. 248 obtained the innovations and new skills from the Whites and could use them as they needed. The more progressive Methodist Indians, on the other hand, moved into White society, or at least out of the reservation. Unlike the Catholic members who emigrated from the
Keweenaw Bay corporately, the Methodists emigrated individually. The
Whites, however, provided very few and very restrictive openings by which the Indians could leave the Reservation. Thus, most of the
"capitalist" Indians were stopped "at the gates" of the reservation.
The ability to move back and forth between the two economies and between the two communities has enabled the Keweenaw Bay Indian
Community to adjust to the fluctuating economic climate of the Upper
Peninsula. As the economy boomed and there was an influx of capital to the area, additional revenue came into the Reservation by way of the few Indians who could obtain employment in the new ventures, as well as through employment in the various governmental offices. The benefits of the influx of money would then become available to the members of the Catholic mission. When, on the other hand, the economy declined and there was little money available, the skills of the traditional
Indians would become important in the overall subsistence of the reservation. This flexibility has also allowed the Keweenaw Bay Indian
Community to have what, in essence, has been a "climax" or steady state for the past 130 years, in spite of the booms and busts of the cash economy world around them. CHAPTER V
ANALYSIS
5.1 Introductory Remarks
This chapter analyzes the community's fission in 1832 and the
development of two distinct communities in a relatively short period of
time. I t attem pts to understand what went on in the community and why
it happened in that particular way. The chapter first recapitulates
the major points in the historical developments of the Keweenaw Bay
community through the time of its d iv isio n . Then i t examines four
approaches—ethnicity, factionalism, macro-micro analysis and state p e n e tratio n -- anthropologists use to understand community divisions in
other parts of the world. The final section describes the forces and
pressures responsible for the fissio n of the Keweenaw Bay community and how they interacted to produce the results observed there.
Each of these approaches provide valuable insights leading toward an understanding of the phenomena observed at the Keweenaw Bay. None of them, however, are sufficient to use in relation to that case. This
is the case if only because all the necessary information was not
recorded by the initial observers and/or documents with those data have not been located. The issue, however, is not to test the validity of any particular model, but rather to employ these models in concert to
relate to a particular historical case, thus permitting a better understanding of the processes that contributed to it.
249 250
5.2 Recapitulation
A community of Anlshinabe resided along the southern shores of the
Keweenaw Bay during the Late Woodland as is evident by the excavations conducted a t Sand Point (Hoxie 1980, Martin and Rhead 1981).
Relatively permanent settlement began at least as early as 1712 when the French established a trading post in the area and instituted a hereditary chieftainship among its residents. Gitshee Iaubance, the chief of the community in 1827, was a descendant of the Individual whom the French first designated chief (Schoolcraft 1962: 135-137).
People continued to reside at the southern shore of the Keweenaw
Bay for the next 120 years on a semi-permanent basis. During this period, the British gained hegemony over the region. Poor relations with the Indians required Britain to employ many of the French traders and policies during the early years.
Following the British victory in the French and Indian Wars,
British subjects entered the region in large numbers and the western
Great Lakes became a primary center for the exploitation of furs. The
British sought to ensure their trading advantage in the region by removing the French from positions of Influence in the fur trade. The proliferation of British traders in the Upper Great Lakes and the expanding fur trade resulted in increased competition among the fur traders who sought trading privileges with specific Anlshinabe bands.
Some traders cemented their advantage with some of the bands by adopting the French custom of marrying into the Indian bands.
In the meantime, the Lower Colonies defeated Britain in the War for Independence of 1776, leading to the eventual displacement of the 251
B ritish from the Keweenaw Bay region. The United S ta te s, however, had not placed much emphasis in the fur trade before the War for
Independence and permitted Britain to retain its trading advantages in
the region for some time. The United States' poor economic position In
the world system and perceived vulnerability to foreign attack caused her to reassess her political and economic relations with the Indians.
She attempted to create alliances with the Indians by instituting the
Factory System, a program which was undermined by the business community. Additionally, the United States adopted other measures by which to reduce British influence. The War of 1812 was one such measure, as was the Law of April 19, 1816 calling for the elimination of British traders in the Upper Great Lakes region. These brought an end to the B ritish regime.
Although the United States ultimately gained hegemony over the
region as a result of these maneuvers, the primary focus of her economy was not in the fur trade but in the development of east coast
industries. Primary materials needed for these industries, exploited as a part of the nation's drive for economic self-sufficiency, came
increasingly from the western regions. The indigenous inhabitants of
this region did not figure prominently in the labor force, which
instead was supplied by European migrants.
These changes had various Impacts on Anlshinabe society.
Traditional Anlshinabe society was egalitarian and unstratified.
Individuals became leaders by v irtu e of achieved statu s and th e ir a b ility to convince others to follow them. A person became a leader by virtue of demonstrating superior skill in some endeavor. Those
appreciating that skill allocated power to that Individual for a particular function (R.N. Adams 1975: 43). A leader ruled by 252 consensus; those who were not swayed by his logic were not coerced to follow him. It is fairly safe to say that virtually all decisions encountered resistan ce from some members of the community and factionalism was a recurrent possibility.
Within societies of this type scholars have frequently observed th a t p o te n tia l r i f t s e x ist between the v illa g e elders and the young men
(see Gearing 1962). Village elders tend to be the leaders because they are the repositories of knowledge; the young men, eager to obtain that position and/or believing old adaptations are not viable solutions to contemporary problems, rebel. Furthermore, the concept that one individual is particularly blessed with superior ability in a particular skill necessarily means that others are less adept at them.
These were sources of friction within communities potentially leading to factionalism and village fission.
For ease of discussion, we may use the term "Conservative" to refer to those who gain prestige using traditional means and "Proto-
Progressive" to refer to those unable to achieve those positions using traditional means. The Proto-Progressives were individuals who, because of their relatively marginal position in society, were, in
Wilson's (1975: 34) terms, pre-adapted to accept whatever innovations may enter the society that may enhance their position. The entry of such innovations are thought sufficient to transform the Proto-
Progressives to Progressives.
As long as there is no change in technology and no other means by which this power structure may be altered, those who are less advantaged were continually unable to command a following or gain prestige using traditional means. It is in this context that Europeans and the Introduction of new technology have impacts on traditional 253
Anlshinabe society.
The Europeans, by virtue of providing guns and other sophisticated technology provided means by which even the poorest hunter could gain prestige. The introduction of new technology was precisely the impetus necessary by which to transform the "Proto-Progressive" into
Progressive and undermined the traditional social system. As long as the French were temporary residents in the Northwest Territory, the
Progressives' enhanced prestige lasted only as long as they had technological supports by which they obtained their new position. Once they were depleted or no longer available, the traditional leaders once again assumed th e ir place.
The establishment of permanent trading posts toward the end of the seventeenth century severely undermined the traditional system by permanently securing the enhanced position of the Progressives. Their position was enhanced still further by the intermarriage of French traders among the Indians because it provided those related to the trader better trading relations (Armstrong 1892: 101-102). The pattern continued through the British era and that in which the United States controlled the Northwest Territory.
The same pattern emerged as a result of the introduction of permanent missions. In this context we bring forward cross-cultural analyses of conversion patterns in Latin America (Nlda 1978a, 1978b;
Saler 1978: 588). These scholars found that the elite and those at the bottom of the socioeconomic hierarchy frequently opt for Catholicism, while those who are upwardly mobile and with little vested interest in the traditional system are attracted to Protestantism. The same pattern seems to hold for the Keweenaw Bay.
Here, however, the "elite" were not the upper echelons of the 254 community, but Individuals who were respected according to the traditional value system. The upwardly mobile individuals were those who became the "chiefs" appointed by Whites and liaisons between the
Indian and White systems (see Gearing 1962, Phillips 1975: 174).
Following Jarvenpa and Brumbach's (1985) lead, I analyzed a document indicating the debts incurred by community members to a trader between 1832 and 1834 (Chapter III). This is coeval with the establishment of the Methodist mission. The pattern of indebtedness and community of residence suggests th at those with the lowest debts became members of the Catholic community in 1845-1847; those with significantly higher debts became members of the Methodist mission.
What emerges then, is a multi-component class-less society made up of three sectors, each of which had specific orientations, values, and relations with the Whites (see Sashisinsky 1978 for an analogous study among the Cree): the Mixed-bloods, the Progressives and the
Conservatives. This interpretation is supported by the observation that Mixed-bloods tended to incur higher debts than did Progressives, who had higher debts than did Conservatives. Due to their bicultural heritage Mixed-bloods had more vested interests in assimilating than did the other two groups.
Complicating the picture further is the observation that the
European powers and the United States did not hold the Indian in the same regard. Consequently, the ease with the Indians were able to assimilate into Euro-American society changed from time to time, as did the routes by which assim ilatio n was p o ssib le. The French had mixed relatively freely with the Indians and permitted them to become participants in the social system of New France by becoming fur traders. They were able to do so because the French held that Indians 255 were capable of becoming full members of French society.
The British had ambivalent policies which allowed the Indians access to the European so cial system by becoming fur traders and native missionaries, but the number of Individuals capable of assimilating was severely restricted for at least two reasons. First, Anlshinabe population had Increased dramatically (Ray 1984), thereby decreasing the rate by which individuals could marry British subjects. Equally important, however, Is that the British held the view that they were culturally superior to the Indians, thus reducing further the extent to which Indians could marry British subjects.
During the first few decades of the nineteenth century while the
United States attempted to assert her control over the region, Indians had three possible routes by which they could assimilate. They could become fur traders or government agents through the United States; and they could also become native missionaries through the British.
However, once United States control over the area was assured, the
Indians were removed from activ e p a rtic ip a tio n in the new so cial and economic system. Beginning with the early years of the British era, the Indians witnessed a steady reduction of th e ir autonomy and th e ir ability to interact freely with the environment around them. Their removal from meaningful participation in the White man's world is clearly manifested by the Mixed-bloods. This segment of the social structure, as late as 1826, was considered by government officials to be Indians. By 1843, however, they were grouped along with the
Indians. By the time of the Treaty of 1854, no provisions were made for them by the Federal government; and by 1865, even some of the
Methodist Anlshinabe, too, had grown intolerant of them (King et al
January 7, 1865). 256
The reduction of Indian autonomy and th e ir exclusion from the
European social system occurred while European penetration was increasing and brought about alterations in the region's ecology and in the indigenous economy. Ecological a lte ra tio n s , s h ifts in the lo cal economy, and th e ir a llia n c e with European nations resu lted in enmeshing the Indians with the cash and labor economy of Europe. It is Important to stress, however, the penetration of the European economy did not occur uniformly within the Indian communities. Nor was every individual affected equally by their restriction from participation in the Euro-American social and economic structures. The analysis of indebtedness demonstrates this concept fairly clearly.
During the two centuries that the fur trade was Integral to the economy of the area, the Indians were full participants in that economy. With the commercial e x p lo itatio n of fish in the mid 1830s
(Nute 1926, Nute 1944: 175) the Indians became m arginalized. When mineral exploitation began in the next decade, their marginalization continued to the extent that only a handful of Indians were employed by mining companies, and even here they were expendable. Although some
Indians participated in these economic ventures between 1843 and 1881,
Indians were not in te g ra l to them.
This affected those Indians who desired to assimilate more than it did those who did not. The changing political environment affected the three groups differently. Blok (1974) might consider the emergent group as the lo cal equivalent to the m afiosi who became the intermediaries between the local inhabitants and the landlord in
Genuardo. After 1843, however, the Whites had little interest in using
Indians as lab o rers; hence the "musclemen" th at emerged in S ic ily did not emerge among the Indians a t the Keweenaw Bay. 257
All Indians, because of Incomplete state penetration, continued to be part of the Indian community. This is most clearly seen in the case of the Mixed-bloods. This segment of the population were integral to
United States - Indian policy and economic interactions in 1825
(Schoolcraft June 15, 1825, Stone and Chaput 1978: 603).1 By 1840 they were considered impediments to Indian assim ilationist policies of the
United States government (Schoolcraft July 15, 1840). The Progressives were also impacted by the Mixed-bloods' demotion. The Conservatives were affected less because their interactions centered primarily on other Indians, rather than Whites.
In sp ite of changes in the global p ic tu re , the Indian community at the Keweenaw Bay, from available evidence, operated as an integrated unit until about 1832. Alterations in the European hegemony of the area, from French to British, and from British to United States, did not result in concomitant changes in the political leadership in the
Indian community. Equally important, evidence does not suggest radical movements of population to or from the area in response to these changes.
In 1832, however, co-occurring with the beginning of permanent settlement in the midwestern part of the continent, the arrival of a
Methodist missionary at the Keweenaw Bay precipitated the fissioning of this community. The hereditary chief and his followers separated and established a settlement three miles away on the western side of the bay. Although some individuals changed their membership from one community to the oth er during the follow ing decade, evidence suggests,
1 While it may be argued the government used traders as the intermediaries, it is nonetheless the case that many of the traders were Mixed-bloods or married to Indians. 258 in the main, members remained in their original community of choice.
The arrival of Father Frederic Baraga in 1843 to establish a Catholic mission on the western side of the bay cemented the existence of two discrete settlements.
Immediately following Baraga's arrival the Federal government attempted to remove the Catholic priest from his new mission site by withholding goods and services. However, the French-Catholic trader and the priest's resolve to establish a self-sufficient Indigenous community allowed the new community to develop. I t is im portant to stress these policies could only be supported if the Indians living in that settlement agreed with them. The extent to which they agreed with his plan is manifested by the rapid increase of population on the western side of the bay.
The new community received external support for its existence by the placement of an Indian Agent who was apparently a Catholic. He permitted the new settlement to establish its own political structure and provided it with some economic assistance. His successor, a
Protestant whose tenure began in 1849, reasserted the balance in favor of the Methodist mission, a position it held until at least the end of the era under.study. In b rie f, in te rn a l community dynamics and external conditions over the course of seventeen years permitted the . formation and perpetuation of two settlements from a single parent community.
In spite these conditions, however, the Federal government continued to consider the Keweenaw Bay as a single unit. The government established a single reservation encompassing both settlements by the Treaties of 1842 and 1854. Although some of the government documents written between 1850 and 1881 mention the two 259 settlements, the majority focus attention on events occurring In the
Methodist community. There is surprisingly little information on the
C atholic community during the same period.
Between 1850 and the end of the era under discussion, the Indian
Community was subject to many pressures which would seem to encourage its reintegration. The establishment of a single reservation, the generally favored status of the Methodist mission, the economic development of the area and increasing presence of Whites in and around the Reservation, the Depression of 1857, the Civil War, the termination of annuity payments in 1871, and the Depression of 1873 had impacts on the Indian community. Yet, in spite of these pressures and common background, the two communities remained separate entities.
Each community, as a re s u lt of in te rn a l and external fa c to rs, developed distinct political structures, social organizations, and economic patterns. The passage of 150 years from the initial schism has not resulted in their amalgamation. In brief, the Keweenaw Bay is a case of a fissio n in g of a community and the continued existence of the two daughter communities in spite of common pressures, common background, close proximity and the passage of time.
5.3 Evaluation of Anthropological Models
In the first chapter I presented four different approaches employed in anthropology to understand community dynamics associated with fissioning or division. These were ethnicity, factionalism, macro-micro analysis, and state penetration. Each theory has something to offer leading toward an understanding of the processes at work in the Keweenaw Bay. 260
However, each is inadequate by i t s e lf to explain what happened because of lack of consideration of the other processes involved. They either emphasize internal processes of change while holding external processes negligible; or emphasize the external forces acting upon the community, while assuming the community to be passive, or w ithout significant Internal processes. Even combining ethnicity and factionalism or state penetration and macro-micro analysis would be inadequate because collectively they emphasize internal processes or external forces, but not both.
The Keweenaw Bay case clearly demonstrates that both internal dynamics and external forces involving the effects of the larger system upon the community have in teracted to produce the sp ecific h is to ric a l outcomes described in the previous chapters. The task of analysis is to identify those processes—Internal and external-responsible for shaping the course of events at the Keweenaw Bay, to understand how those factors worked, and how they Interacted with each other to produce the observed outcomes.
In the following pages, I will address each of the four approaches and indicate what each offers and does not offer to lead toward an understanding of the case presented by the Keweenaw Bay. I w ill l i s t the variables considered by each of these approaches leading toward a new sy n th etic model in the next sectio n .
5.3.1 Ethnicity
As was suggested in Chapter I, ethnicity studies gave rise to each of the four approaches described in detail there. Some of the early studies in ethnicity (e.g. Barth 1956) analyzed the relationship of 261
local-level groups without relating this interaction to pressures
exerted upon the actors by a la rg e r system. Some la te r stu d ie s ,
however, began to address this oversight (see Shibutani and Kwan 1965).
Each of the ethnographic cases presented in Chapter I, Involved
"multicultural, multiethnic Interactive contexts in which attention is
focused on an e n tity —the ethnic group—which is marked by some degree
of c u ltu ra l and so cial commonality” (Cohen 1978: 386). I t was of
little importance whether the ethnic groups involved were distinct—
such as D.6. Smith's (1975) analysis of Natives and Outsiders,
Kennedy's (1982) study of Inuits and Settlers or Rubel's (1966)
investigation of Chicanos and Anglos in south Texas—or from initial appearances homogeneous, as was the case of Cole and Wolf's (1974)
study of two Alpine villages.
Kennedy's (1982) study of Northern Labrador and Cole and Wolf's
(1974) study demonstrate that each of the ethnic groups involved developed cultural patterns specific to the members of a particular group. These patterned behaviors differentiate one group from another and identify individuals as members of a particular group.
This observation was pertinent to the study of the Keweenaw Bay case on two levels of analysis. First, there is the obvious ethnic distinction between the Anishinabe and Whites. Second, the consideration that each ethnic group would develop cultural patterns
that identified members of a particular group and distinguished them from other groups was also at work at the Keweenaw Bay as is suggested by the d is tin c t lif e - s ty le s adopted by members of the P ro testan t and
Catholic missions.
Other ethnic studies have emphasized the nature of the interactions between the groups. Both Barth (1956) and Rubel (1966), 262
for example, demonstrate that the two ethnic groups may operate
symbiotlcally. The concept of symbiosis, from an ecological
perspective, concerns "the prolonged and Intimate relationship of
organisms belonging to different species" (Wilson 1975: 353, emphasis
added). It seems clear from these cases that symbiosis need not
necessarily be Intimate, but that time is definitely of Importance.
The case of the Keweenaw Bay, for example, suggests that the two
communities do not enjoy an Intimate relationship, but that each
community, operating with a d is tin c t economy, has provided goodB and
services to the other community upon occasion throughout the past
century and a h a lf.
It is in this context that one may address the role played by the
Mixed-blood in Anishinabe-White interactions. I discussed their role
as a conduit through which goods of Euro-United States manufacture
entered the Anishinabe communities, and as such, were the culture-
brokers in Chapter III. Ethnicity studies can interpret the role this
social sector had in the interactions between these two ethnic groups,
but tend to neglect the issue of how groups like them come into being,
and how to understand their emergence when one ethnic group holds the
other in contempt.
There is another major limitation to ethnicity studies from the
perspective offered by the case of the Keweenaw Bay. These studies
tend to focus upon groups that are already in existence. In each of
the cases presented above dealing with the relations between groups
that were clearly distinct (Natives and Outsiders, Inuits and Settlers,
Chicanos and Anglos), questions such as how the cultural differences manifested between the two groups in interaction were not necessarily
of importance, because it could be attributed to cultural differences. 263
The same holds true for the study of St. Felix and Tret; however, here, analysis of historical features suggested that differences between the two communities, although on the surface apparently similar, had distinct backgrounds.
The problem that emerges with the consideration of the Keweenaw
Bay case, however, Is th a t the c u ltu ra lly homogeneous community of 1823 developed into two distinct communities, each with Its own cultural patterns twenty years later. The ethnicity approach, then, is not wholly adequate for the Keweenaw Bay case because the central focus of this study (the Baraga and the L'Anse Indians) were a single ethnic group relative to the Whites in the larger system.
Ethnic studies address the issue of "passing" from one ethnic group to another. The consensus suggests, as D.G. Smith (1975: 114) does, that "mobility between the segments is theoretically possible for only a few...and practically possible for a mere handful." This pattern, from available documents holds true for the Keweenaw Bay, both
In terms of migration from the Reservation to the outside by the
Methodist Indians and between the two mission communities within the
Reservation. What ethnic studies fail to address, however, is if it is possible, why do more people not do it; and, conversely, how do those individuals who succeed in "passing" manage to do it?
5.3.2 Factionalism
Studies of factionalism potentially offered much insight to what occurred at the Keweenaw Bay. Studies such as that of Oraibl
(Sekaquaptewa 1972) and others indicate that factionalism along
Progressive and Conservative lines is common in Native American 264 communities. This approach offers clues as to how factions develop, become centralized around two (for ease of discussion) individuals representing different points of view, the vying for political control, and the eventual (and possible) schism of the two groups.
Schoolcraft's (1962: 136-137) comment that Gitshee Iaubance's change in allegiance from British to the united States in 1823, suggests that factionalism may have played a role in the schism that took place about nine years later.
The primary problem in considering this approach to the Keweenaw
Bay case is the lack of documents and required information needed to sustain the argument. The lack of documents that might provide clues to the origin of the community's fission in 1832, provide no explanation for the relationship of the two communities in other settings than the Tribal Council, where, as Danziger (1978: 136) asserts, factionalism was present as late as 1941. Indeed, documents suggest relatively amicable, if not indifferent, relations between members of the two communities in the course of day-to-day life. Thus, while factionalism may help us understand the origin of the different communities, it does not provide clues lending to the perpetuation of the dual-community system at the Keweenaw Bay among the members except at the level of the Tribal Council, itself an institution established to facilitate the interactions of Anlshinabe with the Federal government (Planning Support Group 1977: 134-136).
As stated in Chapter I, factions seem to develop as two groups vie with one another for scarce resources, the nature of which is culturally defined. The factions at Oraibi, for example, developed over the issue of land (Sekaquaptewa 1972: 253), while that of the Cuna focused on control of the coat trade (Holloman 1975). Available 265 documents for the Keweenaw Bay, however, fail to reveal precisely what the scarce resource In question may have been.
The case of factionalism at Oraibi was especially intriguing with respect to the Keweenaw Bay case for at least four reasons. First, like at Keweenaw Bay, the factions arose into Progressive and
Conservative groups. Second, like the case at Oraibi, once one of the factions split from the other, evidence suggests that hostilities ceased. Third, in both cases, the schismatic group established a new community re la tiv e ly near th e ir o rig in al community. And, fo u rth , in both cases the Conservative faction emigrated.
The last feature is especially interesting because the pattern is repeated in many settings. Among the Anishinabe, for example, Kinietz
(1947: 21-22) states this occurred among members of the Lac Vieux
Desert band who emigrated from the Keweenaw Bay. James (1954: 6) found a similar pattern at Lac Court Oreille. Cross-culturally, it occurred at Oraibi (Sekaquaptewa 1972) and among the Cuna (Howe 1986: 243). Why it seems to be this particular faction that emigrates, even though, as was the case at Oraibi this faction may be the majority (Sekaquaptewa
1972: 248-249), is not explained by factionalism studies.
Some of the studies of factionalism reveal that internal pressures are responsible for the development of factions, as was the case among the Yanomano which resu lted from a case of m arital in fid e lity (Chagnon
1977: 360-361). Other cases, however, such as that which occurred at
Oraibi (Sekaquaptewa 1972) and a t the Keweenaw Bay, originated as a result of external Interference. While such studies may Implicate the role of external forces at the beginning, the general focus tends to be on what occurred w ithin the community rath er than the rela tio n sh ip between the members of the community and the larg er system of which 266
they are also a part.
The major problem with the factionalism approach for current
purposes is th at i t focuses on In tern al community dynamics while
ignoring the relatio n sh ip between the community and the la rg e r world.
As demonstrated in the body of this text, the latter structure was
intim ately Involved in causing and promoting the factions to form and
the community to divide.
Neither have factionalism studies addressed the issue of "cross overs." It is not inconceivable that, because such cases represent a minority, the investigators chose to Ignore them. At the Keweenaw Bay case, however, because this pattern operated within the context of the community for a long period of time, th is segment has to be accommodated.
For current purposes, I assume that these individuals are indicative of varying degrees of attachment to one ideology or another.
Although the case of J.T., who was considered to be a leading member of
the Catholic mission, who then defected to the Methodist mission, and then apparently returned to the Catholic mission, may be cited as a case in point of this assertion, I do not have enough data to state with any degree of assurance that the same held true for others, such as C.M.
A further problem confronting factionalism studies from the perspective of the Keweenaw Bay case is that such studies do not address how such groups develop distinct cultural patterns. This may be due to the nature of factionalism studies themselves, which tend to focus largely on political or political and economic concerns (see
Sekaquaptewa 1972, Howe 1986, Holloman 1975), and Bocial Issues th at become political (e.g. Chagnon 1977), thus Ignoring those features of 267 community life that may result in the development of distinct cultural t r a i t s .
5.3.3 Macro-Micro Analysis
While ethnicity and factionalism approaches tend to focus their attention on what occurs within the local community, macro-micro analyses and state penetration approaches shift their attention to supra-community levels of analyses. Developing as a result of criticisms of dependency theory, which held local communities to be passive recipients of policies (G.A. Smith 1985: 83), macro-micro analyses view the Interaction of local communities and the larger system of which they are a part as dynamic. To an extent not found in some of the other approaches discussed above, macro-micro analyses take a diachronic, rather than synchronic, perspective (DeUalt and Pelto
1985: 5 ).
To b e tte r understand the rela tio n sh ip between the community and the larger system, a trend within macro-micro studies has been to use a region as the unit of analysis. This trend has been useful to the current study because it reveals that although similar pressures may be exerted upon two communities by external forces, the communities do not react to those pressures in the same way (see V.R. Smith 1977). It is possible these differential responses are a result of the particular environmental featu res in which a community finds i t s e l f , making i t
Incapable of responding as another community might (Baurelss 1982: 69), or because, as in the case of gypsies (Gmelch 1986), do not have the desire to participate more fully in the social, economic, and political system of the larger unit of which they are a part. 268
Although gypsies and "other groups who don't want In" (Gmelch
1986) have long been of anthropological Interest, It has only been
relatively recently that these studies have addressed the Issue that
large collections of Buch Individuals represent a perplexing problem
for the national government. One way these individuals manage to exist
is by practicing a mobile life-style such that they are one step ahead
of the government. Curiously, the Baraga Indians seem to have had a
similar relationship with the Federal Government as have gypsies.
In contrast to the latter group, however, the Catholic Indians
have remained at the Keweenaw Bay for the past century and a half.
Here, it is not the case that they have avoided detection, or even that
the government has tried to work with them but failed; but that this
social segment seems to have been deliberately ignored. The
Conservatives opted for Catholicism because it presented an opportunity
to remain more tra d itio n a l than the M ethodist community allowed. They
remained in the Catholic community because i t continued to allow them
to remain more traditional. This suggests that a mobile life-style is
not especially necessary and reaffirms C.A. Smith's (1985: 84) comment
that "anthropologists remain quite one-sided, assigning potency and causality only to the external forces."
A difficulty with macro-micro analyses in the present case is that
these focus on community in te ra c tio n with the region, while holding
in te rn a l community dynamics constant, and thereby ignore them.
Although such studies clearly demonstrate that interactions between the
central government and local communities is variable, a regional focus
is unable to understand why thiB may be the case. For the same reason,
such studies are unable to grapple with the problem why there might be differential interest in participating in the national system within a 269 single community (see W.R. Smith 1977: IS).
5.3.4 State-Penetration
To address the problem inherent in macro-micro analyses and to address C.A. Smith's criticism, some scholars returned to focus on the community. A consequence of this was the development of a "village- outward" approach (Blok 1974: xxvii). This, like macro-micro analyses, is diachronic and considers the in te ra c tio n between the community and the core as a two-way process. I t is d is tin c t from macro-micro analyses because the community is the level of focus. Consequently, it is possible to consider the activities of individuals and plot the evolution of a social system through time. In keeping with macro-micro analyses, however, these scholars argue th at the community may be an appropriate unit for study, but it is not adequate as a unit of analysis because of its relationship with the larger system (Blok 1974: xxvii). Thus, emphasis is still placed on external forces rather than internal dynamics.
This is a problem for the current study because, by placing emphasis on external pressures, actors w ithin the community tend to lose th e ir id e n tity and become glossed as members of a p a rtic u la r subgroup, or class, within the community. For example, Blok (1974) was able to differentiate between the Sicilian peasants and the mafiosi.
This presents a problem for the current case for at least two reasons.
First, unlike nineteenth century Sicily, traditional Anishinabe society was c la s s-le ss and e g a lita ria n . The autonomy of the Individual, an ethos apparently s till held by some members of the Anishinabe community, is seen to m ilitate against the conception of a class-based 270 society in the formal sense. Second, the glossing of individuals into specific subgroups within the population tends to obscure questions such as why was it possible for this group of individuals to achieve that position, while other members of the community, theoretically under the same pressures, were not?
Blok's (1974) study considers the evolution of the mafiosi out of the group of peasantry. This subgroup was able to retain a significant position in Genuardo's social, economic and political life.
Structurally, the mafiosi fit in the same place in Sicilian society as the Mixed-bloods did in Anishinabe society up until the 1830s. After this point, the Mixed-bloods lost their importance as culture-brokers between Whites and Indians, and, Instead of all remaining affiliated with the more progressive (i.e ., Methodist) group, the Mixed-bloods became a f filia te d with both m issions.
This suggests that in spite of their assimilation and acceptance of many aspects of Euro-United States society, some of these
Individuals preferred to associate with the more conservative element of Anishinabe society. One potential reason for this may have been that their fathers had been Catholic. This, however, brings forward the observation that other individuals' fathers had also been Catholic, yet their children opted for the Methodist mission. How can one account for this?2
In sum, each of these approaches provide a great deal of insight and offer clues leading to an understanding of the events that occurred
2 One potential reason is that they had become disillusioned with the way Whites had acted toward them; thus Catholicism as demonstrated by Father Baraga, represented a return to a style of life that allowed them to adopt those elements of White society which they wanted, while remaining as traditional as possible. 271 on the Keweenaw Bay. However, none of them alone are sufficient and, present more questions than solutions to Its interpretation.
Consequently, it is important to Incorporate the insights offered by these various approaches and develop a different model.
5.4 A Synthetic Model
The fissio n of the Anishinabe community a t the Keweenaw Bay and its subsequent evolution as two distinct entities can best be considered as a process, not an event. As a process, attention is placed on the Interactions that occur between the forces that act upon a community. The purpose of this section is to identify the internal forces and external pressures and to sketch how they interacted to yield the results observed at the Keweenaw Bay.
Ue begin by recalling that the traditional conception held that a community is homogeneous. R.N. Adams (1962) has refuted th is assumption for Latin American communities. It may also be refuted for
Anishinabe communities. Before the advent of Europeans these settings were not homogeneous. In evidence, Dubon (cited by Kinietz 1965: 323) stated that "Not all persons are fitted for this fishing.” As a re s u lt of d iffe re n tia l a b ilitie s and other fa c to rs, a community consisted of individuals with different levels of prestige. These internal pressures provide the foundation for the subsequent events.
At a microcosmic le v e l, the heterogeneity of any community is of little consequence. The differences, however become magnified when contact is made with a politically and economically dominant culture.
This external force had greater appeal to those denied the prestigious positions in the'traditional system. At least one author (viz. Gearing 272
1962) has observed those most attracted to the new system vere those
who were denied access to prestigious positions In the traditional
society. Nida (1978b) has stated the same pattern holds In Latin
America in relation to those who opt for Protestantism. Radln's
comment about the character of those among the Anishinabe who initially
converted to Catholicism during the French regime suggest the same
p attern applied (c ite d in Vecsey 1983: 53).
This had a number of Impacts on the Anishinabe community, four of
which were immediate; others occurred as a result of these. Each of
these immediate impacts are addressed by different approaches to
community dynamics. F irs t was the absorption of the lo cal community
into supra-local political and economic activities and pressures. This
concern is addressed by macro-micro analysis. Second is the
consideration th at not a ll members of the community appreciated the
introduction of new opportunities in the community,3 an issue explored
by state penetration theorists. Third is the development of factions
within the community, a focus of factionalism. The factions, however, were based upon the degree to which one wished to p a rtic ip a te in the
global economy, an issue addressed most ap p ro p riately by s ta te
penetration, not factionalism.
Fourth, there were two immediate "we - they" distinctions
established. One was between the Anishinabe and the Europeans; the
second, between the Conservatives and the Progressives. While ethnic
studies have traditionally focused on the relations between members of
3 Nida (1978a) has suggested this may be why Protestant sects in Latin America have had relatively little success in acquiring adherents. He postulates that the elite shun Protestantism because those who are attracted to it are those who oppose the elite in the traditional system. 273 the two distinct cultures, factionalism studies have focused on the relations between the Conservative and Progressive elements within a society. Yet, at the Keweenaw Bay, the ultimate result of the second dichotomy mirrors that which is expected between members of distinct ethnic groups.
The formation of factions and the techniques used to attract followers clearly lie within the realm of factionalism studies. The clustering of those around the charismatic Conservative leader by those attracted to the status quo also lies within the traditions of factionalism studies. The clustering of those who form the opposition faction, attracted to the benefits derived from the Europeans, however, does not, because the charismatic individual in this case was not a member of the community, but an outsider.
Within the community, then, were groups of individuals differentially attracted to the "benefits” offered by external agencies. Meanwhile, additional external pressures now became active.
Interactions between the anishinabe and the global economy called for the creation of bureaucratic structures such as trading posts and agencies to oversee relations between the Europeans and the Indians.
A dditional pressures were brought to bear upon the community by the
British vying for hegemony over the region with France, and later by competition between British trading companies. Those members especially attracted to the new lifestyle responded to each of these external pressures by marrying their daughters to the traders.
The progeny of these unions became part of the structure mediating the relations between the Anishinabe and Europeans. These clusters of individuals were given positions as traders under the French. When the
Upper Great Lakes fell to British control, they served as second-level 274 traders and missionaries. By 1832, they served as second (or third) level traders and government agents for the United States, and as missionaries under the British.4
As a result of these dynamics, the heterogeneous Anishinabe community became segmented into three d is tin c t components—the
Conservatives, the Progressives, and the Mixed-bloods. Each time there was a shift in the external political or economic climate in the Upper
Great Lakes region, there would be a rip p le e ffe c t w ithin the community in which the three groups would have distinct fates and fortunes.
Those who were among the Conservative group, although less directly affected by changes in the external conditions, were affected by the decreasing availability of fur-bearing animals, and/or by the settlement of Uhites around them.
Those who were members of the Mixed-blood segment were heavily impacted by their reduction in influencing the course of Anishinabe -
United States relations between 1826 and 1843. This, too, was a product of the Ideological climate of the time. One school of cranlology, an emerging interest in the United States, held that Mixed- bloods were a hybrid group, and as such represented "a degenerate, unnatural offspring doomed by nature to work out its own destruction"
(Bieder 1980: 24). This b e lie f, and other external pressures resu lted in diminishing the Mixed-bloods' role as intermediaries between the
United States and the Anishinabe. Because the total process took place over a twenty year period, it may have discouraged some individuals, prompting them to opt for the Catholic mission. Others, believing they
4 Ethnicity studies have not adequately considered the presence of a third group whose members are products of the intermarriage of two distinct ethnic groups. 275
still had an opportunity to assimilate into White society, may have opted to remain in the Methodist mission.
In addition, continued interaction with the non-Anlshinabe at non- uniform rates w ithin any community created ad d itio n al in te rn a l pressures. By providing material goods and patterned behaviors differentially within the community, these phenomena became symbols of ethnic identity, the use of which clearly identified an individual as a member of a p a rtic u la r group. This In tern al force became so im portant
in subsequent intra-community events that external pressures seeking to reunite the Conservative and the Progressive communities were to no a v a il.
I have suggested throughout these pages that these groups were impacted by the Europeans in aspects of culture other than purely the social, political, and economic. Indeed, as these aspects of culture changed, so too, did the ideological frameworks. For example, while it is nowhere c e rta in the Mldewlwln was not present in pre-contact
Anishinabe society, it is clear that aspects of it had altered to accommodate the influence of the French. Undoubtedly, the presence of native missionaries also brought about changes in the Anishinabe cosmology during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries,
too.
This constellation of forces and pressures and their social, economic, political, and ideological effects interacted from the time of Initial Anishinabe-European contact until 1832. By that time, the
United States had clearly established hegemony over the region and the traditionally important role of the Mixed-blood was waning. The expulsion of the British traders had already occurred, that of the n ativ e m issionaries would occur w ithin fiv e years, and th e ir ro le as 276
government - Anishinabe intermediaries, which had begun to decline in
1826, was continuing its decline. The ouster of Henry Schoolcraft in
1839 marks the termination of the role of Mixed-bloods as formal
intermediaries between Anishinabe and White society.
The introduction of the native missionary Methodist at the
Keweenaw Bay in 1832 resulted in the schism of the Conservative from
the Progressive factio n a t the Keweenaw Bay. His replacement by a
White two years later exacerbated the schism, if only because the
Whites were not overly sensitive to the impacts they had on the
Conservatives. The presence of these missionaries created a structure
around whom the Progressive community could organize because they
offered goods and services not supplied by the trader and an
ideological construct upon which they could build. The Conservative
faction rallied around Gitshee Iaubance for analogous reasons.
Gitshee Iaubance's death in February of 1843 and the emplacement
of his son, Penashe, who was yet a minor, undermined the Conservative's
p o sitio n . However, Baraga's advent in October of th at year, armed with
a philosophy congenial to that of the Conservatives, provided added
impetus to the Conservative cause. Baraga provided the Conservative
Anishinabe with the same kinds of benefits the Methodist missionary
provided to the Progressive faction.
The Progressive cause was further weakened by the push toward copper and iron exploitation in the area by the United States in the
spring of 1843, following the Treaty of 1842. This Treaty, in conjunction with the Webster-Ashburton Treaty of 1841, stimulated
United States citizens to enter the area to exploit the area's
resources. Their presence, however, undermined the position of the
Progressives, who, traditionally attracted to the social and economic 277 benefits of the Europeans, were Increasingly denied then due to the we
- they ethnic distinctions generated by the Vhites. This probably strengthened the Conservative position because the exclusion of Indians from participation in White economic and social circles led to d isa ffe c tio n and movement to the C atholic m ission. This would account for the rapid rise in the population of the Catholic mission by the early 1850s.
The increased presence of Whites, the advent of Baraga with his doctrine, the restriction of Indians from engaging in meaningful employment in the new economic and so cial e n te rp rise s, and the Treaty of 1842 a ll combined to strengthen the Conservatives'' m aterial and ideological strategies. It also resulted in the migrations of
Anishinabe communities in the immediate area to the Keweenaw Bay. The rescinding of Federal monies to th a t m ission, in e ffo rt to remove
Baraga, only strengthened their position. In the meantime, the Pro-
Protestant ethos of the United States government, the attraction of the members of the Methodist mission to the way of life advocated by the
Methodists, and the burgeoning cash-labor economy in the region strengthened the material and ideological strategies of the those few
Progressive Anishinabe and Mixed-bloods who were able to obtain employment, or believed they could.
At this juncture, it is important to stress three points. First, th a t p a rtic ip a tio n in e ith e r the M ethodist or the Catholic community was not so lely dependent upon kinship. Although Brown (December 29,
1843) states that those who had opted for the Catholic mission were relatives of Gitshee Iaubance; Cornell (1986:78) has stated that any individual could be related to up to 40% of the inhabitants of any particular community. Thus, the segmenting of the Ontonagon and Lac in
Vleux Desert Bands into both communities cannot be attributed to kinship alone. Second, the fission in the community was not structured along territorial lines, because it occurred within a single cultural e n tity . Third, the fissio n in g of the community in 1832 was not merely a response to two charismatic leaders. Evidence suggests that David
King was selected as leader of the Methodist mission only after the missionary had nominated him as chief. Furthermore, it is not altogether convincing that Penashe, a youth of about ten years of age, had the charisma of his father, Gitshee Iaubance, even though the former was in direct line as hereditary chief.
These features highlight the following concept. Different kinds of individuals were attracted to one of the two missions as a result of individual variability within the population. This variability was based upon individual capabilities and social structural variables.
These conditions caused individuals to respond differently to external pressures. While each individual approached situations differently, the manner in which they addressed the problem and the solutions they achieved were based upon a small set of patterned behaviors considered appropriate by the members of that Individual's community.
In sum, to fully understand what occurred at the Keweenaw Bay, it is Important to understand why the fission occurred by focusing at intra-community dynamics, not a t the community as a whole. I am not stating it is necessary to understand the individual psychologies of individuals to ascertain why they responded as they did, but rather to understand the behaviors of groups of individuals. These behaviors can only be understood fully when internal pressures and external forces are considered and the adaptive nature of these behaviors realized.
T rad itio n al approaches to community dynamics—e th n ic ity , 279
factionalism, macro-micro analyses, and state penetration-illuminated
v ariab les th a t needed to be considered and analyzed as to how i t worked
to result In the patterned behaviors observed at the Keweenaw Bay. At
the same time, however, the Keweenaw Bay situation shows new variations
of how these processes worked which are not entirely reflected in the
existing literature.
For example, while ethnicity and factionalism address the role of
ideology, the impact and role of an external ideological framework upon
community dynamics is often not considered. Furthermore, ethnicity
dynamics were altered by the mediation of Mixed-bloods. Their presence
meant that the commonly observed we - they distinctions inherent in
ethnicity studies became blurred. Similarly, questions such as why,
cross-culturally, the more conservative faction is the most prone to
emigrate, explanations for the different growth patterns of the
Methodist and Catholic missions, why Methodist Anishinabe apparently
emigrated as Individuals out of the reservation and to the Catholic
mission, while the Catholic Anishinabe emigrated to the Methodist mission as individuals, but as a group out of the reservation, and the
phenomenon of "crossing-over" are unexplained.
The problem of crossing-over is not explained by the models
introduced in Chapter I. Ethnicity does not explain it because the
changing affiliations did not follow along lines of ethnic identity or kingroup membership. Factionalism does not explain it because
presumably the factors that led individuals to affiliate with specific
factio n s would keep them th ere. N either macro-micro analysis nor s ta te
penetration analysis explains it, because both approaches treat the community as nonvarlate.
The synthetic model presented above begins to suggest some 280 explanations for this change of affiliation within the community. As noted, communities are internally variable in terms of the features of their membership. Vhile it is not possible to document the individual variations of members of the Baraga and L'Anse communities with the data now available, the presumption of their variation can reasonably be made. Therefore i t can be assumed th at the strength of adherence of individuals or families to either group varied. Given this variation, and given the fluctuations of the fortunes of the two groups, it can be expected th a t some individuals would be prone to d is a f f ilia te from their groups while others would be less so. Of those who did disaffiliate some would be more prone to seek to affiliate with the only other existing group than would others. At this time it is not possible to explain why specific individuals opted to make specific reaffiliations. This is a problem for future research and one which 1 intend to pursue following the completion of the present study. CHAPTER VI
CONCLUSIONS
6.1 Introductory Remarks
There are three goals for this chapter. The first is to address
the question what this work has accomplished; the second is to return
to the questions posed in Chapter I and provide responses to those for which answers are available. The final goal is to address those questions that are as yet unanswered and to pose additional queries that emerged during the course of the research.
6.2 Contributions
This study has made both substantive and theoretical contributions. I perceive there are at least four substantive contributions. These include bringing together previously uncollected data re la tiv e to the Anishinabe community a t Keweenaw Bay, the impacts of foreign ideology on indigenous economic and political systems, the changes that occur in indigenous systems in tyimes of socioeconomic change, and the exten to which the Anishinabe were victims of sectarianism.
First, this study has brought together a body of hlthertofore uncollected data from a variety of sources focusing upon the Anishinabe
281 282
community residing on the Keweenaw Bay. As a re s u lt, th is study has
Increased our knowledge of the history of this little-known community.
Before th is study was conducted, the community had been mentioned ad
passim in many monographs (for example Danziger 1978). In addition,
the Keweenaw Bay was the focus of a single historical study which
analyzed the allotment of land at the reservation (Keller 1981). The
present work, by contrast, provides a partial social history of the
Inhabitants of that reservation.
Second, while other scholars have addressed the issue of
Anishinabe religion and the changes this system underwent as a result
of Anishinabe - White contact (Landes 1968; Vecsey 1983), few studies
have drawn attention to the impact that ideology has on economic and political systems. As suggested in the last chapter, this dimension of culture change has not been addressed because the theoretical
frameworks used in anthropology to address community dynamics do not
focus on the variables that gave rise to the processes observed at the
Keweenaw Bay.
Third, this study contributes to a scientific understanding of the
Importance of religious systems in times of socioeconomic change.
Missionaries arrive in traditional communities at a time of
socloeconcomlc change. There are at least two religious movements associated with socioeconomic change. One is the movement that results
from the imposition of an exogenous belief system, the other is the movement that occurs from within traditional religious Institutions of
the society. As a result, the missionaries' presence alters the community in very sig n ific a n t ways. Thus, th is work refu tes Kietzman and Smalley's (1978: 524) claim that the missionary's role in culture change is "very minor." 283
This work reveals that when a society undergoing rapid economic change is introduced to a missionary representing the agents of a dominant culture, the traditional society is altered in profound ways.
Specifically, some individuals, especially those who benefltted from
the traditional system and those at the bottom of the hierarchy (Nida
1978b) are more prone to adhere to traditional values, while the middle
sector is more apt to consider the opportunities offered by the newcomers. As a r e s u lt, the community may be torn asunder. At the
Keweenaw Bay, the advent of the Methodist missionary resulted in the em igration from the community of the h ered itary chief and his followers. This is hardly a "very minor" (Kietzman and Smalley 1978:
524) impact on a tra d itio n a l community.
Wallace (1966: 30-39), in his study of religion, indicates that socioeconomic change in a society brings about 'natlvistic' or revitalization movements. His study of the Seneca and the Code of
Handsome Lake written three years later (Wallace 1969) is an example of such a movement.
As stated in Chapter II, it is not altogether certain whether the
Mldewiwin Society was a nativistlc movement as Vecsey (1983) maintains.
Evidence suggests that it became a prominent part of the religious life of some of the Anishinabe during the seventeenth through nineteenth centuries. Whether this was because Europeans became increasingly aware of i t , or whether r itu a ls associated with the Mldewiwin Soceity became increasingly public as a result of European presence is a moot
issue. It is clear, however, that components of that belief system were altered as a result of contact with the Europeans.
Recent studies have demonstrated th a t economic movements also result in religious switching (Newport 1979) and that there has been a 284 marked rise in Pentacostal activities as a result of rapid
socioeconomic changes (Uedenoja 1980, other articles in Glazier (ed.)
1980 make similar statements). Methodism, as practiced in the 1830s had c lear p a ra lle ls to tw entieth century Pentacostalism . McClurken
(personal communication 1985, Lansing) has suggested the ecstatic nature of Methodism was a prominant reason why some Anishinabe
converted to Methodism. I believe, however, the decision to convert may have been also due to pragmatic reasons. The migration to the west
side of the bay, however, suggests there was an equally strong feeling against Methodism.
A final substantive contribution that this study has made is that
it reveals the extent to which the Anishinabe in particular were unwitting victims of sectarianism. The political and economic bickering between Presbyterians and Methodists over the issue of saving the Indians' souls resulted in the manipulation of Federal policy to suit the goals of specific Christian denominations. Not only was there the issue of how much money a mission should receive but the denominational affiliation of public appointees to missions where the missionary represented a different denomination (Stuart June 30, 1843;
S tu art March 16, 1843; C arrier March 13, 1843; Howe May 27, 1843).
Additionally, the unity of these two Protestant groups against the
Catholics, and the Impact antl-Catholic sentiments had on Native
American communities has not been addressed previously. The withholding of Federal funds from the Catholic mission at the Keweenaw
Bay is but one of the cases in which this occurred in Michigan alone.
Michigan was probably not unique.
This study has also made four contributions to anthropological theory. First, the analysis here performed permits an understanding of 285 community fissio n in g in a way th a t is not possible using ethnographic theoretical frameworks. It is a truism that events may be best understood when an individual is removed from i t in time. Such a
i perspective permits an understanding of the forces and pressures that lead up to a particular historical event. This study has emphasized th a t the community fis s io n in 1832 and the subsequent evolution of a dual-community structure was a product of both internal and external fa c to rs. Ethnographic studies of community dynamics using e th n ic ity , factionalism, macro-micro analysis, or state penetration emphasize either internal or external variables, but not their Interactions.
Second, ethnohistoric studies on the Anishinabe have traditionally been written as if they constituted a single group and that the 'tribe'' was homogeneous (see Danziger 1978, Bishop 1974 among o th e rs).
Ethographies written on single communities (James 1954, Schmaltz 1977 and others) suggest that communities are also homogenious. This study has focused on a particular band of Anishinabe and its members reactions to White encroachment. The study suggests the assumption of community homogeneity is suspect; by ex tention, so too, is the concept of tribal homogeneity. Perhaps it is time to bury the notion of homogeneity among Native Americans, as Latin Americanists did twenty years ago.
Third, some three decades ago, Wolf (1955) suggested there were two distinct types of communities in Latin America, the "closed corporate community” and the "open, non-corporate community." Data for the Keweenaw Bay suggests the Catholic community f i t s the d escrip tio n of a closed corporate community, while the Methodist is an example of the open non-corporate type. Wolf (1955) observed the closed corporate communities were located in the highlands of Latin America, while the 286 open communities were located in the tro p ic a l lowlands and humid low highlands. However, he suggested this distribution pattern was spurious.
Rather we must allow for the cyclical alternation of these two kinds of production w ithin the same community and re a liz e th a t from the point of view of the community both kinds may be alternative responses to changes in conditions of the outside market (Wolf 1955: 463).
This study demonstrates that Wolf's suggestion is plausible. At least w ithin the single Keweenaw Bay community of there were individuals representative of both "kinds of production."
Finally, this study also builds upon a more recent theoretical construct from Latin America in the analysis of the relationship between the Indians and the Federal government. Specifically, it expands upon Aguirre Beltran's (1979) concept "region of refuge." In that work, Aguirre Beltran describes Chiapas as a region physically and socially isolated from the mainstream of national society.
This regional, colonial situation, with Its element of great rank difference between the two social segments, is dominated by what [Aguirre] Beltran calls the dominical process (proceso dominical). The dominical process, as defined by [Aguirre] Beltran, is the domination by a more tech n ically and economically developed center of a less-developed periphery. This he sees as a causal feature in retarding the evolution of the Indian communities (Hunt 1979: 1).
Like Chiapas, the Keweenaw Bay has been a peripheral region in the
United States. Its peripheral status and the unsuitability of the region for White occupation permitted the Indians to remain in their homelands, rather than be removed, as was the fate of other Indian groups.
Unlike Chiapas, however, the Keweenaw Bay has, from time to time, 287 been a center for economic exploitation. Yet, in spite of this activity, the Anishinabe have faced the same lnsularization as have the
Indians of Chiapas. Chapter IV revealed that although economic activities occurred in regions immediately adjacent to them, the
Indians, as a rule, were not participants in those schemes.
Although the Keweenaw Bay Indian Community has been proclaimed throughout its history to be one of the more "advanced" Indian communities (see Danziger 1978: 107, 127), it s till has many traditional elements. Every year a pow-wow is held on the Catholic side of the Bay. In 1985, the Pow-wow's theme was "Honor the E lders," a highly held value among the traditional Anishinabe (Friedl 1957).
The daily activities opened and closed with a prayer recited in
Anishinabe, a language not spoken by many today.
The evidence presented in these pages suggests it is not because a region is a "backwater" in a nation's development schemes that leads to the lnsularization and in "retarding the evolution of the Indians"
(Hunt 1979: 1). Rather, these are the results of ethnocentric attitudes of individuals of higher socio-economic rank who restrict the
Indians' participation in the economic development of the region.*
The lnsularization of Indians, whether in Chiapas or in the United
States, is a combination of both the Conservative element attempting to retain its own values at the same time that the dominant culture, through its ethnocentric attitudes, restrict the movement of the more progressive members of the indigenous Boclety from participating in the
1 I agree fully with Aguirre Beltran's idea that both internal and external resistance occurs, but believe the internal resistance occurs in relation to the amount of pressure exerted externally. That is, the more pressure is exerted from the outside, the more resistant some segments of the indigenous populations will be to change. 288
former's social and economic systems.
The relationship a particular region may have relative to the
national goals can exacerbate the lnsularization process. The
re je c tio n of Mixed-bloods by Whites a fte r 1837 seems to have caused a t
least some of them to return to values associated with the
Conservatives, rather than remain with the Progressives. I believe
this underlies the reason that Hixed-bloods lived on both sides of the
Bay.
6.3 Answers to Questions Posed
I presented a list of eight questions which this dissertation
sought to answer in Chapter I. Unfortunately, only half of the posed
eight questions are answerable using the frameworks established here.
First, what caused the fission to occur in 1832? Available
evidence suggests that the fission occurred as a result of both
external pressures and internal forces that reached a critical point
when the American Fur Company trader, John Holliday, brought a
Methodist native missionary to the community. The internal forces that
contributed to the community's fission, from the understanding
presented here, were the result of the increasing power wielded by the
Progressives at the expense of the Conservatives.
The external pressure that yielded the result observed at the
Keweenaw Bay was the depletion of fur-bearing animals. This made the
traditional life-style all but impossible to continue, making
acceptance of the alternative life-style virtually mandatory. The
Conservative life-style was still possible, however, largely because
the Upper Peninsula had not become intensively occupied by Whites. As 289 the availability of fur-bearing animals decreased, more reliance was placed upon the fur trad er and the goods and services provided by the
United States government. As goods and services coming into the community from th is source increased, so too did the power wielded by the Progressives. The advent of the Methodist missionary in 1832 seems to have been the breaking point because he represented yet another source of goods and services through which the Progressives could increase th e ir power base a t the C onservatives' expense.
A second question for which the research conducted offers a solution is how we might explain why, cross-culturally, those individuals who are more conservative in their views emigrated. This question may be answered at least partially through referral to the ecological principle known as Romer's Rule.2 This principle states that systems will change only as much as they have to in order to adapt to new conditions. The more conservative segment of the population is cross-culturally being increasingly denied access to the new economic system, thus no longer enabling them to maintain the prestigious positions to which they were accustomed. Consequently, even as was the case at Oreibi (Sekaquaptewa 1972) that the conservative element in the community represents the m ajority fa c tio n , i t is im perative for these individuals to emigrate to a new location because the progressive faction increasingly has control over scarce resources, hence power.
Once removed from the influence of the progressive fa c tio n , and without the competition for leadership positions, the conservatives can maintain the status quo. This principle provides a clue as to why the emigrant communities at Oraibi (Sekaquaptewa 1972) and at the Keweenaw
This principle is discussed in Romer (1933). 290
Bay could emigrate a relatively small distance away from the original
settlement and successfully launch a new community.
Third, what was the mechanism that permitted the rapid development
of two distinct communities? Available evidence suggests that the
rapid development of two distinct communities, too, was a product of both internal forces and external pressures. We demonstrated in
Chapter II th at community fissio n in g had long been a p art of the
Anishinabe tra d itio n , and th a t each community tra d itio n a lly was v irtu a lly autonomous. A dditionally, one community emphasized s e lf -
reliance while the other emphasized reliance upon the cash- and- labor
economy of the United States. This situation magnified the differences between the two communities. Externally, the two communities developed
into distinct communities relatively rapidly because each was subject
to distinct, not similar, pressures. These distinct pressures were imposed by the denial of Federal funding to the Catholic mission, while providing assistance to the Methodist mission. Additionally, both communities were supported by different ideological frameworks. While each of the missionaries provided ideological constructs that agreed to
some extent with those of the Anishinabe that opted to be part of their communities, they provided mechanisms by which these ideological
constructs could be nurtured and sustained. For example, Father
Baraga's encouragement for self-sufficiency was facilitated by his
purchase of about 500 acres of farm land that was fertile enough to
sustain the population. On the other hand, much of the economic development that occurred at the Keweenaw Bay occurred on the east side of the Peninsula, thus allowing the Methodist Indians a greater degree
of access to the cash- and labor- markets encouraged by the Methodists.
v The poorer quality land found on that side of the reservation also 291 hindered attempts to develop agriculture among the Methodist Anishinabe and encouraged their participation in the cash- and labor- markets.
Fourth, how has the dual-community structure at the Keweenaw Bay been able to endure for over a century? The answer to this question is much the same as the answer provided to the last question. In essence, it was the traditional conception of the autonomous nature of
Anishinabe communities aided by the Ideological frameworks upon which the missionaries developed their missions.
The long-term adaptiveness of such a system, however, is the result of an additional internal force and an external pressure.
Because one of the communities opted for less assimilation while the other wished to assimilate more completely, they each exploited a distinct ecological niche, thus minimizing the extent to which competition between the two communities occurs. The Anishinabe conception of community autonomy m ilitate d ag ain st the development of symbiosis in the sense that one might normally consider. However, this does not mean that symbiosis does not occur. Indeed, historical documents in d icate there was a passage of goods between one community and the other.
These goods passed from th a t community th at was cu rren tly favored by external conditions toward that which was at risk, only to flow in the opposite direction when fortunes shifted again. The constant shifts in fortunes were a product of the capitalist economy that characterized the Upper Peninsula between 1832 and 1881 which I described in Chapter IV. The booms in fishing, copper, iron, and timber exploitation favored the Progressive element in the community; while the recurrent busts which inevitably followed these events, accompanied by the emigration of Whites from the area, favored the 292
Conservatives.
This system, is essentially sybmiotic, although not in the
traditional sense of the word which calls for "the prolonged and
intimate relationship of organisms belonging to different species"
(Uilson 1975: 353). However, this is analogous to the system that
characterizes the Kwakiutl potlatch (Hardesty 1977: 84-85).
In addition to these four questions for which answers may be
posed, another four are as yet unanswerable given the information
available using established frameworks. These questions are: 1) What
would account for the division to occur in such a way that members of
both sexes and of all ages lived in both villages? Although kinship
played a role in some cases, how can we account for individuals whose
kin lived on either side of the bay, and for individuals who may not have had kin in either community? 2) What accounts for the practice
of "crossing-over" between the two communities? 3) What accounts for
the distinct pattern of emigration to the outside that occurred in the
two communities—the Methodists emigrating as individuals, the
Catholics as a group; equally important, what accounts for the
Individual emigration of Catholics to the Methodist mission but their group emigration to the outside? 4) Finally, the mission records of
both communities indicate not only that both missionary ventures were viable at the Keweenaw Bay, but also that they witnessed radically
distinct growth patterns apparently irrespective of events occurring at
the other mission. How can this be explained? The answers to these questions require data on specific individuals that, so far, has not been discovered. 293
6.4 Directions for Future Research
There are at least three directions that future research may take.
The first is to continue the focus on the period under study. The second is to study the Keweenaw Bay Indian Community from 1881 u n til the present. The third is to use different models.
Further research for documents for the period from 1832 to 1881 seems unlikely to yield many documents th a t would shed fu rth e r lig h t on the problems developed here. Toward the end of the research conduct for this work there was clear evidence pointing to diminishing returns from archival materials. Consequently, the extent to which additional documents generated during the period under study would lead toward a b e tte r understanding of the community is unknown.
On the other hand, there are other sources of information that may shed further light on the issues. For example, with further study, and with corroboration with members of the communities today, it may be possible to develop a geneology of individuals. This information will provide evidence whether intermarriage between the two communities occurred, and to what extent i t did.
I mentioned in Chapter II that Mixed-bloods, tentatively identified by surname, tended to have among the highest debts. It is also the case that individuals with non-Indian surnames also are found with lower debts. In addition, this situation has given rise to another question.* Is there a difference between those whose ancestors had mesciginated earlier and those who had just recently mescigniated?
Geneological data may help clarify these issues.
Further information about the period under study could come from 294 archeological excavations and/or osteologlcal analyses of individuals from the two communities. Both of these bodies of data would provide information relative to the economic differences suggested in these pages. Archeological data would reveal economic differences through comparative quantitative analyses of artifact types. One would expect, for example, th a t the Methodist community would have higher concentrations of products from the United States and from other developed nations than in the Catholic community. Similarly, one could expect higher concentration of game and fish remains in midden deposits in the Catholic mission than in the Methodist mission. Both of these patterns would reflect differential economic orientations.
Archeological evidence would also reveal evidence for relative population concentrations within the two communities and differential spatial distributions of houses. Evidence revealed by this angle of investigation would lead to further indications of cultural differences between the two communities and corroborate ethnohistoric documents.
Osteologlcal analyses would provide evidence for economic differences through differential pathological lesion patterns. These different lesions would result from different economic orientations and/or nutritional differences. There is a great deal of evidence pointing to distinct pathological lesions in the skeletal remains of populations depending upon foraging and non-foraging economies (see
Cassidy 1980, Goodman and Armelagos 1985). The extent to which these differences are evident in the two osteologlcal populations would provide suggestions relative to the extent to which the two communities practiced distinct economies. Osteologlcal data is available for the
Sand Point population (Wyckoff 1981), thus providing a basis from which these analyses may be compared. One might expect, from Information 295 provided e a r lie r th a t the lesio n s found in the C atholic community would have closer parallels than those found in the Methodist mission because the former lived in a manner more closely approximating the lifestyles of the pre-contact inhabitants.
Alternatively, one may consider conducting research on the community dealing with the period from 1881 u n til the p resent. I conceive the Keweenaw Bay Indian Community's history may be conveniently segmented into four discrete periods: prehistoric (to
1832), historic (1832-1881), proto-present (1881-1937), and present
(1937-1987). This segmentation is based, in large measure, on the basis of the types of data potentially available. The next phase of study, from this orientation, would focus on the period from 1881 to
1937. This period is similar to that under consideration in these pages in that it is a historical period. It is dissimilar from the present study because there are individuals liv in g in the community today who were alive for at least a portion of this period. These individuals could provide oral histories about the subsequent development of the two communities and the interactions between them.
Data relevant to many of the further analyses of problems developed in these pages can be greatly amplified because oral histories may be taken. It would, for example, be possible to determine more concretely to what extent the Catholic community was involved in the cash economy of the United States and how individuals obtained the cash needed to participate in that economy if they did not engage in wage labor.
Geneological charts may be constructed on the basis of oral statements and interviews, thereby providing further information about the autonomy and relationships occurring between the two communities. 296
Information may be obtained using these methods about genetically inherited health patterns, such as cardiac arrests, diabetes, and other genetically inherited conditions. Hemotological analyses could support or refute the contention that the two communities have developed into two discrete genetic populations and to what extent they have become distinct. Data may be obtained pertaining to the economies practiced in each community and whether there was an exchange of goods and services between them; and, if so, the networks upon which these exchanges occurred.
On the basis of information provided in the previous chapters, one would expect that the Great Depression affected the members of the two communities differentially. Informants stated that the Ford Motor
Company built a factory in the immediate area. They also indicated that some Indians were employed in cutting trees leading to the manufacture of vehicles. To what extent they were employed in the actu al manufacturing of automobiles is unknown, nor is i t known whether members of both communities, or only members of the Methodist mission were thus employed. Investigations focusing on the later history of the Keweenaw Bay will help provide answers to these questions.
To ascertain to what extent these models are valid, further information relative to "cross-overs", emigration en masse by the
Catholics and individually by Methodists, relative population concentrations in the two communities, and their adaptations to subsequent economic and ecological adaptations. It may also be possible to determine to what extent population pressures in either or both communities affected migration patterns. On the basis of data presented elsew here, one would expect more s e n s itiv ity to population density (as defined relatively) in the Catholic community, i.e., a 297 specific absolute population figure would be perceived by the Catholics to be indicative of "over-crowding" than in the Methodist community.
Studies of spatial distributions of households, and the analysis of incidence of social behaviors associated with crowding using legal and medical records, and oral histories should corroborate this information.
Theoretically, these data could be substantially supported through archeological excavations. Archeological evidence is not currently available for the Keweenaw Bay Indian Community proper, although Sand Point is located slightly north of the present day site of the Catholic Indian mission (Hoxie 1980, Martin and Read 1980,
Wyckoff 1981).
The Indian Community has been sensitive to archeological and osteologlcal investigations for pragmatic and ethical reasons. In large measure their sensitivity has been a result of currents within
Native American communities regarding exhumation of their foreparents in the course of archeological excavations. The community has been subject to precisely these sorts of problems with respect to the Sand
Point material. The impasse created by the social scientists and
Indian Community with respect to the disposition of these materials has hampered further research in the area.
Until these impediments are removed, and the Sand Point problem is resolved, the Indian Community is unlikely to acquiesce to further excavations that would lead toward a better understanding of the Indian
Community. My conversations with community members suggest any so rt of social study would be subject to the same resistance that archeologists and physical anthropologists would encounter. It is Ironic, then, that in their efforts to increase their knowledge of indigenous populations, 298 scientists have impeded others from doing so.
The directions discussed up to now have relied upon a search for additional information. It is also possible to consider using different models. Especially intriguing is the possibility of employing r-K selection theory (see Pianka 1978, Kormondy 1983) as a way of getting at Individual decision making and the development of entrepreneurial and hierarchist risk strategies (Douglas and Wildovsky
1982). This model has been employed by Lauwagie (1979) with respect to gypsies and by Reynolds and Tanner (1983) in relation to religous systems. This model may also serve to address the issue of cross-overs and what Gardner (1985) has referred to as "bicultural oscillation." APPENDICES APPENDIX A:
BIBLIOGRAPHIC ESSAY
The majority of the information was derived from documentary evidence generated by Whites, but a few were written by Indians. The
documents generated by Whites could be corroborated using secondary
sources; those generated by the Indians, through an understanding of
traditional Anishinabe patterns. Those few documents generated by the
Anishinabe also served to corroborate statements made by the Whites.
The approach taken was to look at the various factors involved in the broader picture—the Federal government, the missionaries, the
capitalist ventures, and the Anishinabe—to piece together their
interactions, and the effects these interactions had on the Indians.
Such an approach would shed lig h t on the phenomenon of community
fissio n and s ta b ility a t the Keweenaw Bay.
An important source of information is the records of the Bureau of
Indian Affairs. The Michigan Superintendency was established in 1805.
This coincided with the establishment of the region known as Michigan
Territory. This work is primarily concerned is the Mackinac and Sault
Ste. Marie subagencies. These were established in 1815 and 1822,
respectively but were combined in 1832. The Michigan Superintendency was abolished in 1851. The Sault Ste. Marie Subagency was abolished
the following year. From 1853 u n til 1881, the Mackinac Agency had
299 300 responsibility over the Keweenaw Bay. The documents are available on microfilm in two sets. The first of these pertains to the Sault Ste.
Marie Subagency, NAM (for National Archives Microforms) Series Ml contain documents to 1852. The Mackinac Agency records are in NAM
Series M234 (Hill 1981: 135-137).
Between 1836 and 1843, the Keweenaw Bay was also under the jurisdiction of the La Pointe subagency (James McClurken personal communication, May 9, 1985, East Lansing). According to the current analysis, the overlapping jurisdiction was because of historic incidents. The Upper Peninsula was declared a part of the state of
Michigan in 1837, but, the residents of the rest of the state did not regard the region highly. Consequently, the Indians living in the western regions of the Upper Peninsula were, supervised by the subagency located at La Pointe. With the onset of mineral exploitation in the area of the Keweenaw Bay, the Indian Superintendent of Michigan,
Robert Stuart, actively took over the jurisdiction of the Keweenaw Bay.
Because of the overlapping authority, I analyzed the documents for the
La Pointe Subagency. These documents are contained in NAM Series 951.
In addition, I went to the Bureau of Indian Affairs office located at Sault Ste. Marie to investigate the documents contained in that repository. The information available, however pertained to a period subsequent to the focus of this study.
Information about the Protestant mission is more extensive than that available for the Catholic mission. Papers of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, the Presbyterian missionary society, are available on microfilm. This missionary society was particularly active in Michigan, because Henry R. Schoolcraft, a leading figure in Indian affairs in Michigan, was a Presbyterian. He 301 was Influential in, If not Indeed responsible for, the establishment of
the Presbyterian mission at Sault Ste. Marie after his 1826 expedition
(Goodykoontz 1939; Mason 1958). Under G rant's Peace P olicy, the Upper
Peninsula was placed under the jurisdiction of this Presbyterian missionary society (Keller 1983). I consulted the documents contained
in this series, as well as others contained in the Pamphlets in
American History microfiche series.
The Presbyterians were not, however, directly involved with the development of the Keweenaw Bay at any point in its history.
Consequently, these documents provided some insight, but little relevant information. Their utility was in demonstrating the close relationship between this missionary organization, the federal government, and the Hbig business" enterprises of the east coast. The
American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions wielded much
influence in determining government policy with respect to the Indians.
It also influenced the government to adopt a strongly anti-Catholic
stance. This policy affected the development of the two communities on
the Keweenaw Bay.
The two missionary organizations that had direct influence at
Keweenaw Bay were the Methodists and the Catholics. Before the establishment of Michigan as a state, the area later known as the Upper
Peninsula, was under the jurisdiction of the Canadian Wesleyan
Methodists. This group used native missionaries (Mixed-bloods) (Brown
1978) to in s tru c t the Anishinabe in the early 1830s (Johnson 1933). A number of native missionaries—John Sunday, George Copway and Peter
Jones among others—worked among the inhabitants of the Keweenaw Bay.
Copway (1847, 1851) and Jones (1860, 1861) wrote th e ir autobiographies;
Jackson (1908) and Pitezel (1860) wrote the life stories of John 302
Johnson and Peter Marksman, resp ectiv ely .
After Michigan became a state, the United Methodists conducted the missionary activities in the area. Historically, the Upper Peninsula
has been under the jurisdiction of the Detroit Annual Conference of the
United Methodist Church. The archives are located at Adrian College in
Adrian, Michigan. These documents provide statistical information
about the size of the community, as well as some glimpses of life at
the Methodist mission. Discussions with the archivist, the Reverend
Ronald Brunger, and analyses of information contained in The Michigan
Christian Advocate, a Methodist periodical, also provided information
important to this study. The Reverend Ronald A. Brunger also provided
information on the history of Methodism in Michigan and about
Methodism.
On April 15, 1936, I wrote a letter of inquiry to the Rev. John R.
Henry, current pastor of the Indian mission at Zeba (as the Indian
mission has now become known). In an undated response, Mr. Henry
states, "After examining our records it appears that we do not have any
information prior to 1879 or 80 although there was Methodist work here
as of 1832." Although Mr. Henry invited me to review these records, I
declined to do so because they did not concern the period under study.
In addition to these primary documents, there are the published
memoirs of various individuals. Some of these works, such as the writings Canadian Wesleyan Methodist native missionaries Peter Jones
(1860, 1861) George Copway (1847, 1851) have been mentioned e a r lie r .
In addition, there are the published memoirs of White Wesleyan
Methodist missionaries (O'Meara 1846) which provided additional
insights to Wesleyan doctrine. The first White Methodist missionary
stationed on the Keweenaw Bay after the Methodist Episcopal Church took 303 control of the region In 1837, the Reverend Daniel Meeker Chandler, also published his memoirs (Prindle 1842). The memoirs of another missionary stationed at the Keweenaw Bay, the Reverend John H. Pitezel are also available (Pitezel 1851, 1857, 1860, 1873, 1881). Other works and letters by Pitezel are deposited in the Clarke Historical
Collection at Central Michigan University. I have referred to these works as well. Finally, there is the Methodist Quarterly Review, published by the Methodist Church. This resource, available on the
American Periodical Series, for the years 1800 to 1850, contains information about Methodist-Catholic and Methodist-Presbyterlan re la tio n s .
In addition, there are a wide variety of secondary resources. The works by Keller (1983) and Berkhofer (1965) have been of primary utility, as have those by Goodykoontz (1939) and Pearce (1965). The
Methodist Church has also provided information relative to the history of Methodism in Michigan (MacMillan 1967) in general, and in the
Keweenaw Bay in particular (Brunger 1966 and others).
The resources pertaining to the Catholic missions, are not so extensive. The most recent history of the impact of the Catholic church among the North American Indians was published in 1855 (Shea
1969), republished in 1882, and reprinted in a facsimile version in
1969. Goodykoontz (1939) has provided a discussion of the role of
Catholics in the development of the home missionary societies, but his discussion of their role among the Indians is less developed. The
Pamphlets in American History microfiche series was of special use for particular topics, but these documents generally relate to a period later than that under study.
For an analogous reason, the sixty-three volumes of the Jesuit 304
Relations were of little use. These resources relate to the seventeenth century, much earlier than the focus here. Information supplied by Shea (1969)) Verwyst (1886) and Rezek (1906, 1907) indicate that the Keweenaw Bay was only of minor significance to the Jesuits.
Consequently, I considered it not worth the time and energy required to isolate such minor mention of the Keweenaw Bay from the volumes of the
Jesuit Relations. I relied instead on secondary accounts (e.g. Shea
1969, Verwyst 1886, Rezek 1906, 1907).
The Clarice Historical Collection, at Central Michigan University has compiled typewritten versions of documents written by and to Father
Frederic Baraga, the Catholic missionary who evangelized the Keweenaw
Bay area in 1843. These documents were collected from various other repositories, both domestic and abroad and provide the primary information on the Catholic mission at the Keweenaw Bay. I also consulted a wide variety of secondary resources (Verwyst 1900, Jamison
1946, Lambert 1963).
The Keweenaw Bay Catholic mission was part of the Detroit Diocese.
I went to the Detroit Diocese to analyze the documents there, especially those of Bishop Peter Paul Lefevre, under whom Baraga operated. There were relatively few documents worthy of note or importance in this collection for current purposes.
I wrote to the rector of the Catholic Church at the Keweenaw Bay requesting information about the holdings of their archives. To date there has been no response. The Bureau of Indian Affairs office at
Sault Ste. Marie -has a document, Status Animarum Mlsslonls Santisslmi
Nominis Jesus (S p iritu a l Status of the Mission of the Most Holy Name of
Jesus), which contains a list of individuals, their years of birth, and whether they were confirmed and received Communion. This document is 305
Interesting but of limited utility for the present study because there are feu documents with which to compare it.
The Keweenaw Bay Catholic community was under the ju ris d ic tio n of the Diocese of Detroit until 1853, when the Diocese of Sault Ste. Marie was established; it was then transferred to the new diocese. Father
Frederic Baraga was the first bishop. In 1866, the see moved to
Marquette (Rezek 1906, 1907). Although there may be some documents pertinent to this study in the archives there, I decided not to investigate this resource for two reasons. First, with the transfer of the Keweenaw Bay to the newly formed Diocese, the focus of the Catholic missionary efforts, focused primarily on the White population (see
Lambert 1967a). Second, my investigations at the Archives of the
Diocese of Detroit suggested that there would be few documents relevant to this study that I had not found in other sources. For example, the papers of Father Edward Jacker, Catholic missionary at the Keweenaw Bay from 1855-1860, are deposited at the Burton Collection of the Detroit
Public Library. Since there were relatively few documents of importance there, I believed the archives at Marquette would not be worth the time and expense. Moreover, these documents can be used to verify the comments contained in this work.
In addition to the bodies of data available through the Bureau of
Indian Affairs and the various missionary groups who were active in the area, there are various published memoirs and other documents. The
Papers of Henry Rowe Schoolcraft are available at the Library of
Congress and other documents are in the Burton Collection of the
Detroit Public Library I consulted documents on the microfilm version of the Papers of Henry Rowe Schoolcraft. Except for two or three documents, the information pertinent to this study was contained in the 306
National Archives Microforms Series Ml and in Schoolcraft's published works. Consequently, I determined that the analysis of the documents
in the Burton Collection, while relevant, would serve little additional
purpose. These documents can and should, however, be used in a
subsequent investigation to verify the position taken in this work.
Indian Commissioner Thomas L. McKenny accompanied Schoolcraft on
his expedition of 1826 and He also published an account of his
observations (McKenny 1972), as did fur traders Benjamin Armstrong
(1892) and William W. Warren (1865). Additional information came from
the memoirs of Penny (1840), N ico llet (1972), Kohl (1860), and Henry
(1966). All of these individuals were active in the Keweenaw Bay area
in one capacity or another. Their insights and comments thus provide
important information about the two communities, the times, and the
general milieu*
The last body of data is that pertaining to the economic
development of the Upper Peninsula. There were a number of economic ventures which took place in the fifty years under study. The detailed
study of any of these ventures would be a long-term and arduous task
due to the number of companies operating from time to time (for
example, see Clarke 1973, 1974a, 1974b, 1974c, 1974d, 1975a, 1975b).
Much of the e ffo rt th is would e n ta il would be tan g en tial to the subject
at hand. Although the economic development of the Upper Peninsula
influenced the development of the Keweenaw Bay Indian Community, the
Indians themselves had very little Involvement in these ventures with
the exception of the fur trade. Conseqyently, the material on the
history of these enterprises was derived from secondary resources.
The fur trade and the American Fur Company were given careful
attention. The Clarke Historical Library of Central Michigan 307
University has documents pertaining to this institution on microfilm
(originals available at the New York Public Library) as well as some original documents. The American Fur Company received special attention for four reasons.
First, the fur trade, unlike the economic ventures that followed it, required the participation of the Indians. Second, the American
Fur Company was responsible for the development of commercial fishing in the Upper Lakes, esp ecially Lake Superior in the mid 1830s. With the development of this Industry Indians became marginal to the overall economic development of the Upper Peninsula. This was the trend that characterized the next forty years. Third, both Methodist and Catholic missionaries were introduced to the Keweenaw Bay by the American Fur
Company. Why did a single enterprise introduce both religious groups when they operated from such different orientations, and the chief executive officers were Presbyterians? Finally, the American Fur
Company was awarded special attention because it, like the economic ventures that followed, was an example of "big business" (Nute 1926,
1944). Moreover, it was in the period between 1832 and 1843 that "big business" instead of relying upon the government, began to manipulate the government and to strongly influence the direction of United
States-Indian relations.
The American Fur Company also had profound influence on the missionization efforts in the Upper Peninsula. The upper levels of the hierarchy of the American Fur Company between 1834 and 1843 were occupied by Presbyterians. These people were instrumental in setting the direction for the economic and social development of the Upper
Peninsula in general.
The American Fur Company also received special attention because I 308
thought that the records pertaining to the Company would provide an understanding of the different economic orientations developed by the
two Indian communities. Unfortunately, the documents provided at best very fragmentary and sketchy Information in this area because the
Keweenaw Bay was of secondary importance to the American Fur Company.
Consequently, the majority of the bills of lading in the various collections I have seen are earmarked for La Pointe, with subsequent redistribution to Keweenaw Bay and other subsidiary posts. Even those documents that listed goods destined for the Keweenaw Bay provide no information as to which part of the Keweenaw Bay—the Methodist or
Catholic—would receive the goods. This Information may be available, but discussions with colleagues better versed in these issues than myself indicate that such intra-site distribution data is not available through the ethnohlstorlc documents, and must be analyzed archeologically (Dean Anderson, personal communication February 14,
1985, East Lansing).
Ecological theorists have long used quantified and quantifiable methods, especially in their determination of the quantification of energy use and its flow through the system (see Moran 1982: 12-16).
Anthropologists, too, have used quantitative measures in their studies, as is evidenced in any number of monographs. An attempt to use quantitative analyses for this study was abandoned because of lack of pertinent data. Such an analysis, however, may be possible in the light of archeological investigations and/or with the discovery of pertinent documents. APPENDIX B:
LETTER FROM SUB-AGENT ALFRED BRUNSON TO GOVERNOR J.D. DOTY, JULY 18, 1843
...You say you are "requested to remind me that by the regulations, all nominations must be made to the Department before the person employed en ters upon the serv ice, and th at in future they must be complied with". While this remains the law of course I shall obey it. But I beg leave to state some facts which show that its opperation is unfriendly to the interests of the Indians; of the public service designed to be rendered them, and if, after a careful review of the circumstances of the case, the Dept, should see fit, (which I hope it w ill), to modify or amend the regulation so as to suit the situation of this distant post. I am confident the Indians to the public service would derive great benefit from it. The great distance of this place from Washington—the want of mail facilities for 300 miles of that distance and the slow progress of the mails several hundred miles more requires and causes some three or six months delay in the apppointment of men to fill the places of Interpreter, Farmer, Smith, Carpenter,c during which time the work due the Indians the Service required by Government must remain in status quo. If one of those now employed should die, decline further services, or be suspended, for cause, as the law authorizes, then the service required must be neglected for a term, perhaps of six months, if it should occur in the winter when we are shut out of the world by snow and ice, and if my interpreter should die just before a payment, or as occurred last fall just before the treaty, circumstances should require his dlsmlsal, how could the Agent procede in the payment? If a farmer should die, leave or be dismissed while a crop was ready to harvest, how is that crop to be saved the cattle implements of husbandry to be taken care of. [Brunson then makes a similar case for the blacksmith]. There is no regulation providing for pro-tem employment, the whole service in he case must be suspended. And under the provisions of the new treaty several farmers mechanics are provided for. As the regulations now stand none of these can be employed till they are first selected, that from among those of Indian descent, i f they can be found, q u alified recommended, and if approved, after the usual delay to consider such things, the approval must return to this office, all this will, under existing circumstances, require at least three months at this season of the year, six months in the winter. Well, three months from this time, will be the commencement of winter, too late to commence opperations for the year, either for Farmers or Mechanics. I think the regulations in this particular must have been adopted in reference to agencies
309 310 within a few days, by mall, of Washington, or under the Impression that agents and sub-aents were Incompetent to select such laborers. If the former was the reason the Dept, can but see at once the distance of this place from Washington is too great for the opperation of the regulation to be favorable to the interest of either the Indians or the plighted faith of the Gov't, towards them. And if the latter be the reason, I recommend that men be appointed agents sub-agents who are __ competent to select employ men to labor. If I am deemed Incompetent to such a service, I have only to know it to give room for another to fill my place. I think it a great pity if, among the thousands who now are gnashing for office, if men cannot be found capable of hiring suitable persons to labor either as mechanics or farmers. But what renders this matter still more unpleasant, is, that Hr. Stuart, Acting Supt. of Ind. Affairs for Michigan, has appointed contracted with men to fill the several places provided for in his late treaty, sent them into the country. And what is still more, as I learn by a l e t t e r from him to the Rev. Mr. Ames,* he has a ctu ally apportioned off the school money stipulated for in the treaty of Oct 4, 1842, dividing it very unequally among the schools now in opperation in the nation, with some in anticipation. By the 9th regulation, No. 3. it is made the duty of the agent or sub-agent "to nominate to the Dept, suitable persons for teachers, blacksmiths, farmers, mechanics"c and "give a preference to persons of Indian descent, when any properly qualified can be found." This "can be found" I presume requires the agent to inquire them, with-a view to enocurage those "of Indian descent" to adopt civilized habits. I had commenced these inquiries, so as to be ready to nominate as soon as I received official notice of the ratification of the late treaty, was in a fair way to obtain "suitable persons of Indian descent" to fill most or all of the places provided for, when suddenly unexpectedly two white men came to me, one a farmer, the other a Smith, contracted with by Mr. Stuart to fill those places at Fond du Lac, others I learn are sent to other places. I have not received the first line of instruction that the treaty has been ratified. It is true, I accidently saw it in the papers. But I supposed each office, especially the one immediately interested would, at least, receive a copy of it. Nor have I seen a word from the Dept, placing this agency under the Superintendence of Mr. Stuart, nor am 1 able to discover in the regulation governing Superintendents, that it is their duty to even nominate such persons, even less to appoint them. If changes have been made in the regulations, relative to these matters, I have not been advised of them, untill so advised I do not deem it my duty to change from the printed written Instructions I have received. I am instructed that I am in your Superintendency, it must be obvious to the Dept, that it is extremely unpleasant to have another exercise authority over me, that too without being first advised that such is the regulation of the Dept. One Instance of the unpleasant bearing of this double Superintendance, I will give reference to the time of the payment. I wrote, Jan 10th, that it was all important to the Indians to receive their payment as early as the first of July, gave reasons which I think could not fall to be satisfactory to the
1 Rev. Ames was the Secretary of the Methodist Missionary Society 311
Dept.2 This letter passed through your hands as my Super't. I presume never reached the eye of Mr. Staurt. And I think If Mr. Stuart had had the same means of knowing th a t I had, from actual personal observation, he would have agreed with me. But not having these advantages not knowing what I had w ritte n , recommended the payment to be in Sept. when the Indians urged upon me the propriety of their being paid before their rice harvest, I saw the justness of the request, I promised, did write to the Dept to that effect; and expected a request so reasonable of so much Importance to the poor Indians—at least the entire value of their payment—would be favourably regarded; and when, in reply to their repeated request upon the subject I told them that I had written was in hopes their payment would be at the season they desired, they expected it made their arrangements accordingly. But the recommendation of Mr. Stuart, it seems, prevailed, the consequence is the Indians are disappointed in a reasonable just request, and doomed to suffer the loss of their rice, or vegetables, or a part of both. And to tell them that Govt could not raise the money sooner would greatly lower their estimate of the power and wealth of the Govt., to say nothing about i t , leaves them to doubt the professions made to them of good w ill, when a matter of so much Importance to them so ea sily done by the Govt is not attended to. I presume that it will be admitted on all hands, that the $2,000 school money provided for in the late treaty [of La Pointe, 1842], is not sufficient to establish and support a separate school for the nation; and that in consequence, to divide it among the schools actually in opperation is the best most most feasable way of benefitting the whole community. There are in fact but five schools now in operation within the district of country Interested in the annuity. These five, being about equal in size expense, should, I think, share equally in the fund, or receive $400 each. Three of these schools belong to the Methodists two of them to the Presbyterian. But, yet, as I learn from a letter of Mr. Stuart to the Rev. Mr. Ames, one of the secretaries of the Methodist Episcopal Church, that by $750 of this fund will fall to the Methodists with three schools. The balance, $1250, to the Presbyterians—with two schools one or two in anticipation. Or it may be, that $1000 are to be given to the Presbyterians, and $250 to the Catholics who, it is said, have a school at or near Pigeon River, north of Lake Superior, and at or near the British lines, but entirely out of the limits of any band of Indians interested in the annuities paid at this agency.
The schools reported to me this year are La Pointe, Presbyterian, 2 Schools about 100 scholars Kewewanon, Methodist 1 " 50 " Fond du Lac, " 1 " " 50 " Sandy Lake, " 1 50 " The school reported at Pekegomo last year was suspended in consequence of the war.
I have not been advised of the authority by which Mr. Stuart
2 Such a letter is found among the documents Included in Reel No. 2 of M 951. 312 apportioned this fund. Nor do I know by what rule of arithmetic he divided i t so as to give $1000 or $1250 to two schools with 100 scholars but $750 to three schools with 150 scholars. If it should be intimated that because I am a Methodist, I feel interested for my own church, I reply that Mr. Stuart is a Presbyterian, no doubt loves his own as much as I do. But if my contending for equal impartial justice is any proof of sectarian bias, I glory in such a bias; but I am unconscious of nay bias, but to do equal justice to all. And if language has not lost its import, or words to be signs of ideas, this School fund is a part of the annuity allowed the Indians of this agency should be paid out by the agent as other such funds are. In conclusion, Sir, I am a States-rights man.and I believe the present Administration of our govt does not allow one state to interfere with the domestic relations of another; nor the general government to control the appropriate rights of the State governments. And I had received the relative position of officers in the same light hope they will be defined and established. I would exceedingly regret any unpleasant feelings on the occasion, I have none myself trust Mr. Stuart is too good a Christian philosopher to indulge in any himself, but what I conceive to be the peculiar prerogatives of my office I must contend for, tho' I wish to do it in respectful terms.
P.S. Before the receipt of your letter of the 15th of May, I had employed Joseph Default for one of the carpenters required under the treaty of Oct 4th, 1842, with the Chippewas, from July 1, 1843. I did so because the season was rapidly passing his work needed. I recommended him and John M aglllls for the two carpenters under said tre a ty . They are both h a lf breeds of the n atio n , good workmen, of good character. The Missionaries, I decidedly think should be the Indian farmers. They actually do more for the Indians in this way than the farmers heretofore employed, and I recommend that the money allowed for farmers be divided among those who do the work. But on account of the confusion in these matters in consequence of Mr Stuart's nominations or appointments, I shall not nominate any others, till I know what course the Dept, will strike out in the premises. In reference to Kewewenon, I can but observe that Mr. Stuart's recommendation for a Smith, Carpenter, Farmer for that place greatly conflict with the provisions of his treaty and the circumstances of the case. The tre a ty provides th at the Indians sh a ll remove from the mining district at the will of the President, and the miners have commenced at the very place occupied by the Kewewenon Ontonagon bands, they will, of course, be the first to be removed. And to make improvements fo r these Indians on lands from which they must remove in two or three years at most, seems to me but a wast of these poor peoples money. The Kewewenon band is the most advanced of any in the Nation, In habits of civilization. But situated as they are in the very district from which they must speedily remove, I can but think it just to them not to spend their funds where it will soon be of no avail to them. BIBLIOGRAPHY BIBLIOGRAPHY
PRIMARY DOCUMENTS CITED
Abreviations Used
NAM Ml National Archives Microforms, Series Ml, Records of Michigan SuperIntendency of Indian Affairs, Mackinac Agency Records, Letters Received, 1814-1851.
NAM M234 National Archives Microforms, Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs, 1824-1881. Mackinac Agency, 1828-1880.
NAM M951 Records of the Wisconsin Superintendency of Indian Affairs, 1836-1848, and the Green Bay SubAgency, 1850.
Chapter I
Baraga, Frederic to Robert Stuart, September 12, 1843. Baraga Collection, Document No. 779-E. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Chapter II
Ashneur, Edward, to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, October 17, 1861. NAM M 234, Reel 406, Frame 1071.
Baraga, Frederic to Amalia Gessel, June 29, 1832. Document No. 306 GXE. Baraga Collection, Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Baraga, Frederic to Leopoldinen Stiftung, March 7, 1834. Document No. 508 GXE, Baraga Collection, Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Baraga, Frederic to Rev. Vincent Badin, February 25, 1836. Baraga Collection, Document No. 197 FXE. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Bourassa, M.D. et al, to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, November
313 314
1, 1865. NAM M234 Reel 407, Frames 593-599.
Brunson Alfred to J.D. Doty, April 22, 1843 NAM M 951, Reel 2.
Brunson, Alfred to J.D. Doty, July 18, 1843. Baraga Collection, Volume 3, Document 653 E, Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Brunson, Alfred to Governor J.D. Doty, August 29, 1843. Baraga C ollection, Vol. 3, Document No. 398 E. Clarke H isto ric a l C ollection, Central Michigan University.
Bushnell, D.P. to Wisconsin Governor, Henry Dodge, February 10, 1839. NAM M 951, Reel 3.
Buros, David, et al, to Lewis Cass, March 16, 1860. NAM M 234, Reel 406, Frames 602-605.
Crooks, Ramsay to Gabriel Franchere, May 11, 1835. Papers of the American Fur Company, Micro Mss, F-52, Reel 3, Letters to Gabriel Franchere. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Crooks, Ramsey to Mons. Loisson, July 8, 1839. Baraga Collection, Document No. 406 E. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Crooks, Ramsay to Stephen F. Nidelet, March 3, 1840. Baraga Collection, Document 405 E. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Crooks, Ramsey to Mssrs. R. Gronin and Co. March 14, 1840. Baraga Collection, Document No. 449 E. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Crooks, Ramsey to Mons. Loisson, November 10, 1840. Baraga Collection, Document 436 E. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Crooks, Ramsey to John R. Livingston, July 27, 1843. Papers of the American Fur Company. Correspondence of Gabriel Franchere, 1837-1838 and John R. Livingston, 1839-1846. Micro Mss F-52, Reel 2. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Crooks, Ramsay to John R. Livingston, August 2, 1843. Papers of the American Fur Company, Correspondence of Gabriel Franchere, 1837-1838 and John R. Livingston, 1839-1846. Micro Mss F-52, Reel 2. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Dodge Henry to Commissioner C.A. Harris, July 6, 1838. NAM M 951, Reel 4, pp. 69-70
G ilb e rt, Henry C. to George W. Manypenny, December 10, 1853. NAM M 234 Reel 404, Frames 184-190.
Greene, David to Rev. William A. Ferry, December 12, 1832. Papers of 315 the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, Reel 1, Frames 33-34.
Greene David to Henry R. Schoolcraft, February 19, 1835. Papers of the American Board of Commissioners Foreign Missions, Reel 1, Frames 424- 425 (letterbook pages 183-186).
H all, Sherman to Henry R. S choolcraft, February 3, 1833. Baraga Collection, Document No. 343-E, Volume 1. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Johnston, George n .d .a (1826?.) George Johnston^s Memorandum Book, 1817, 1826. Reminiscence No. 5." George Johnston Papers, Micro Mss F-52, Reel 10. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Johnston, George n.d.b "Reminiscence No. 4." George Johnston Papers, Micro Mss F-52, Reel 9. Also in George Johnston^s Memorandum Book, 1817, 1826. George Johnston Papers, Micro Mss F-52, Reel 10. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Johnston George to Henry Schoolcraft, January 25, 1827. NAM M 1, Reel 20, Frame 27.
Johnston, George to Henry R. Schoolcraft, February 28, 1828. NAM Ml Reel 67, Frame 365.
Johnston George to Henry Schoolcraft, March 21, 1829. NAM M 1, Reel 68, Frames 31-32.
M. Loisson, to Ramsey Crooks, October 24, 1338. Document No. 962-FXE. Baraga Collection. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Ord James to Henry Schoolcraft, September 1, 1838. NAM M 1, Reel 45, Frame 175.
Schoolcraft, Henry to Hugh Brady, August 3, 1836. NAM Ml Reel 37, Frame 16.
Schoolcraft, Henry to Carey A. Harris, October 4, 1838. NAM M 1, Reel 37, Frames 567-573.
Schoolcraft Henry to J. Hartley Crawford, February 26, 1839. NAM M 1, Reel 37, Frames 524-526.
S tu art Robert to Lewis Cass, May 16, 1831. NAM M 1, Reel 23, Frames 115-116.
Stuart, Robert to J. Hartley Crawford, March 15, 1843. NAM M 1, Reel 39, Frames 107-108.
Stuart, Robert to Rev. Alfred Brunson, July 9, 1843. Baraga Collection, Document No. 635-E. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University. 316
Stuart, Robert to J. Hartley Crawford, October 13, 1843. NAM Ml Reel 39 Frames 323-324.
Viszoczky, Andrew to Leopoldlnen Stiftung, October 20, 1835. Baraga C ollection, Document No. 775-6XE. Clarke h is to ric a l C o llectio n , Central Michigan University.
Chapter III
Abbott, Samuel to Gabriel Franchere, August 26, 1836. Letters to Gabriel Franchere, Sault Ste. Marie and some accounts of his outfit, concerning his business with the American Fur Company, 1834-1836. Micro Mss, F-52, Reel 1. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Abbott, Samuel to Ramsay Crooks, July 3, 1843. Correspondence, American Fur Company, Letterpress, 1842-1848, Aa-G, p. 57. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Abbott, Samuel to Solomon Juneau, September 27, 1847. Correspondence, American Fur Company, 1842-1848 (Letter press, p. 265). Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Asher, Daniel and William Owen, et al, to Commissioner of Indian A ffairs, R.E. Trowbridge, May 14, 1880. NAM M234 Reel 415, Frames 2685-286.
A ssinins, Edward e t a l, to James Ord, October 5, 1847. Document No. 843-E. Baraga Collection. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Assinins Edward to E.P. Smith, October 28, 1875. NAM M234, Reel 411, Frames 279-280.
Assinins, E., et al to Department of the Interior, Indian Bureau, May 8, 1876. NAM M 234 Reel 411, Frame 606.
Assinins, E., et al to G.W. Lee, May 20, 1876. NAM M 234: 411, Frames 830-831.
Babcock, Charles P. to Rev. Frederic Baraga, June 27, 1849. NAM Ml, Reel 40, Frame 360.
Baraga, Frederic to the Leopoldlnen Stiftung, nd. Document No. 308- GXE. Baraga Collection. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Baraga, Frederic to Bishop Peter Paul Lefevre, n.d.b. Papers of Bishop Peter Paul Lefevre, Box 1, Folder 1-20 [1842-1843]. Document found misfiled. Diocese of Detroit.
Baraga, Frederic to Leopoldlnen Stiftung, February 11, 1831. Document No. 819 E and 819 GXE. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan 317
University.
Baraga, Frederic to Carl A. Kichtrenberg, June 2, 1831. Document No. 324 GXE. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Baraga, Frederic to Amalia Gessel, August 10, 1831. Document No. 487 GXE. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Baraga, Frederic to the Leopoldlnen Stiftung, January 4, 1832. Document No. 432 GXE. Clarke H isto rical C ollection, C entral Michigan University.
Baraga, Frederic to the Leopoldlnen Stiftung, March 10, 1832. Docuemnt 433 GXE. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Baraga, Frederic to Amalia Gessel, March 4, 1833. Document No. 316 GXE. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Baraga, Frederic to the Leopoldine Stiftung, June 3, 1833. Baragao C ollection, Vol. 1, Document No. 1051 GXE. Clark H isto rical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Baraga, Frederic to Leopoldlnen Stiftung, July 26, 1833. Document 1058-GXE. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Baraga, Frederic to Bishop Frederic Rese, October 10, 1833. Baraga Collection, Document No. 770 E. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Baraga, Frederic to Governor George B. Porter. November 5, 1833. Document 115-E. Document No. 118-E, accompanying a le tte r from Baraga to Governor George B. Porter, Nov. 5, 1833, Document No. 115E.
Baraga, Frederic to Governor George B. Porter, November 5, 1833. Document 771-E. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Baraga, Frederic to the Leopoldlnen Stiftung, December 1, 1833. Document No. 311 GXE. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Baraga, Frederic to the Leopoldlnen Stiftung, February 1, 1834, Document No. 434 GXE. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Baraga, Frederic to the Leopoldlnen Stiftung, February 11, 1834. Document No. 819-E and 819-GXE. Clarke H isto ric a l C ollection, Central Michigan University.
Baraga, Frederic to the Leopoldlnen Stiftung, May 24, 1834. Document No. 321 GXE. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Baraga, Frederic to Lepoldlnen Stiftung, February 20, 1835. Baraga C o llectio n , Document No. 310-GXE. Clarke H isto rical C ollection, 318
Central Michigan University.
Baraga, Frederic to James Abbott, (Mackinac), August 21, 1835. Baraga Collection, Docuemtn No. 120-E. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Baraga, Frederic to Amalia Gessel, September 22, 1835. Baraga Collection, Document No. 1054 GXE. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Baraga, Frederic to Bishop Frederic Rese, January 2, 1836. Baraga Collection, Document 547-GXE. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Baraga, Frederic to Amalia Gessel, February 24, 1836. Baraga Collection, Document No. 1056-GXE. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Baraga, Frederic to the Leopoldlnen Stiftung, August 11, 1836. Baraga Collection, Document No. 644-GXE. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Baraga, Frederic to Bishop Frederic Rese, October 31, 1836. Baraga C ollection, Document 198-XFE. Clarke H isto rical C ollection, Central Michigan University.
Baraga, Frederic to Amalia Gessel, January 15, 1840. Baraga Collection, Document No. 879-GXE. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Baraga, Frederic to Bishop Frederic Rese, March 4, 1841. Baraga Collection, Document 312-GXE. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Baraga, Frederic to Ramsey Crooks, October 1, 1841. Baraga Collection, Document 999 E. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Baraga, Frederic to Bishop Peter Paul Lefevre, July 1, 1842. Baraga Collection, Document No. 314 FXE. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Baraga, Frederic to Ramsey Crooks, August 18, 1842. Baraga Collection, Document No. 1004 E. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Baraga, Frederic to Bishop Peter Paul Lefevre, October 5, 1842. Baraga C ollection, Document No. 203-FXE. Clarke H isto rical C ollection, Central Michigan University.
Baraga, Frederic to Robert Stuart, September 12, 1843. Baraga Collection, Document No. 779-E. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Baraga, Frederic to Robert Stuart, September 27, 1843. Baraga 319
Collection, Document No. 781-E. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Baraga, Frederic to Bishop Peter Paul Lefevre, December 23, 1843. Baraga Collection, Document No. 281 FXE. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Baraga, Frederic to Bishop Peter Paul Lefevre, May 18, 1844. Baraga Collection, Document No. 219 FXE. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Baraga, Frederic to Robert Stuart, May 20, 1844. NAM Ml Reel 56, Frame 125-128.
Baraga, Frederic to Bishop Peter Paul Lefevre, August 27, 1844. Baraga Collection, Document No. 211 FXE, Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Baraga, Frederic to Bishop Peter Paul Lefevre, August 26, 1846. Papers of Bishop Peter Paul Lefevre, Box 1, Folder 1-22. Catholic Diocese of D e tro it.
Baraga Frederic to William A. Richmond, March 22, 1849. NAM Ml Reel 61 Frames 81-82.
Baraga, Frederic to Charles P. Babcock, August 25, 1849. NAM Ml Reel 63 Frames 207-208.
Baraga, Frederic to Charles P. Babcock, December 31, 1849. NAM Ml Reel 63 Frame 413.
Borup, Charles W. to John R. Livingston, May 8, 1839. Trelfa and Trelfa Collection, Box 2, Folder 4. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Borup, Charles W. to James Ord, July 10, 1842. NAM M 1, Reel 55, Frames 43-44.
Boutwell, William T ., Rev., Rev. Sherman H all, Rev. Frederick Ayer, and Edmund F. Ely to Henry R. Schoolcraft, August 4, 1835. Baraga Collection Document No. 265 E. Clarke Historical Collection. Central Michigan University.
Brockway, William H., Rev. to Robert S tu art, May 20, 1841. NAM Ml, Reel 50 Frames 309-311.
Brockway, William H., Rev. to Henry R. S choolcraft, October 21, 1839. NAM Ml Reel 47 Frame 555.
Brockway, William H., Rev. to Robert S tu a rt, January 15, 1842. NAM Ml Reel 52 Frame 23.
Brown, George W., Rev. to Robert S tu art, March 9, 1843. NAM Ml Reel 54 Frames 205-206. 320
Brown, George W., Rev. to Robert S tu a rt, December 29, 1843. NAM Ml Reel 55 Frames 679-692.
Brown, George W., Rev. to Robert S tu a rt, May 20, 1844. NAM Ml, Reel 56 Frames 157-159.
Brown, George W., Rev. to Robert S tu art, May 29, 1844. NAM Ml, Reel 56 Frames 129-132.
Brown, George W., Rev. to Robert S tu a rt, May 29, 1844. Baraga Collection, Document No. 476-E. Clarke Historical Collection. Central Michigan University.
Brunson, Alfred, Rev. to James Doty, July 18, 1843. NAM M951 Reel 2.
C a rrie r, Chauncey T. to Robert S tu a rt, March 13, 1843. NAM Ml Reel 54 Frame 213.
Carrier, Chauncey T. to Robert Stuart, October 5, 1843. NAM Ml R55 Frame 440.
C arrie r, Chauncey T. to Robert S tu a rt, December 29, 1843. NAM Ml Reel 56 Frame 687-692.
C arrie r, Chauncey T. to Robert S tu a rt, February 5, 1844. NAM Ml Reel 55 Frames 601-604.
Chiefs a t Ance to Henry Schoolcraft December 29, 1832. NAM M 1, Reel 32, Frames 119-120.
[Catholic] Indians of L'Anse to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, October 1, 1858. NAM M234, Reel 406, Frames 3-6.
Clark, John to Christian Advocate, July 7, 1834, appearing in that publication on August 8, 1834. Also in The Detroit Conference Historical Messenger, March, 1985, Vol 13, No. 2: 7-8). Archives of the Detroit Annual Conference, Adrian College, Adrian, Michigan.
Clark, John to Henry R. S choolcraft, March 9, 1834. Henry R. Schoolcraft Papers, Library of Congress, Reel 6, Container 12.
Clark, John to Henry R. Schoolcraft, July 15, 1835. NAM Ml Reel 72, Frames 185-186.
Clark, John to Henry R. Schoolcraft, July 21, 1835. NAM Ml Reel 72 Frame 181.
Cockhill, George B., Special Agnet of Indian Affairs to D. Cooley, Commissioner of Indian A ffairs, November 16, 1865. NAM M234 Reel 407 Frames 628-634.
Crawford, J. Hartley to Robert Stuart, AuguBt 7, 1842. NAM M 1, Reel 55, Frames 239-242.
Crooks, Ramsey to Gabriel Franchere, October 20, 1834. Papers of the 321
American Fur Company Mss F-52, Reel 3. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Crooks, Ramsey to Gabriel Franchere August 22, 1835. Letters to Gabriel Franchere, 1834-1836. Micro Mss F-52. Reel 1. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Crooks, Ramsey to Lyman M. Warren, August 8, 1837. Baraga Collection Document No. 491 E. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Crooks, Ramsey to Stephen A. Halsey, August 19, 1839. Baraga C ollection Document 921 E. Clarke H isto ric a l C ollection, Central Michigan University.
Crooks, Ramsay to Frederic Baraga, December 31, 1839. Baraga Collection Document No. 412-E. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Crooks, Ramsay to John R. Livingston, August 25, 1840. Papers of the American Fur Company Mss, Reel 2, Box 4. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Crooks, Ramsey to Frederic Baraga, December 6, 1841. Baraga Collection Document 463 E. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Crooks, Ramsay to Charles W. Borup, July 21, 1843. Baraga Collection, Document No. 591-E. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
De Bruyn, John to Henry R. Schoolcraft, October 30, 1835. Baraga Collection Document No. 112-E. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Dodge, Henry to J . H artley Crawford, February 8, 1839. NAM M234, Reel 4, Frame 106-108.
Franchere, Gabriel to William Brewster, October 11, 1835. Papers of the American Fur Company Micro Mss F-52, Reel 2, Box 2. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Franchere, Gabriel to Lyman Warren, February 2, 1836. Papers of the American Fur Company Micro Mss F-52, Reel 3 Box 2. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Franchere, Gabriel to Ramsay Crooks, November 13, 1838. Micro Mss F-52. Correspondence of Gabriel Franchere, 1837-1838 John R. Livingston, 1839-1846. Reel 2, Letterbook p.43). Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Franchere, G abriel, 1839 Remarks Made on a V isit from La Pointe to the Fishing Stations of Grand Portage, Isle Royale, and Ance Quiwinon, August, 1839. Mss 9a-51. Clarke Historical Colection, Central Michigan University. 322
Fenwick, Edward, Bp. to Lewis Cass, November 30, 1831. Document 751 E. Baraga Collection. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Fenwick, Edward, Bp. to Lewis Cass, January 20, 1832. Document No. 440 E. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Greene, David to Rev. John Clark, Superintendent of the Methodist Missions, June 9, 1834. Papers of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, A.B.C. 1.2: Letters to Foreign Correspondents, 1834-1919, Unit 1 Reel 1 Frame 281.
Greene, David to Henry R. S choolcraft, June 14, 1834. Papers of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions. A.B.C. 1,2: Letters to Foreign Correspondents, 1834-1919 (Including letters to missionaries working with the Indians. Unit 1 Reel 1 1.3.1. Frame 283.
Greene, David to Henry R. S choolcraft, September 2, 1834. Papers of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions. A.B.C. 1,2: Letters to Foreign Correspondents, 1834-1919 (Including letters to missionaries working with the Indians. Unit 1 Reel 1, 1.3.1. Frame 355.
Greene, David to Henry R. S choolcraft, February 19, 1835. Papers of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions. A.B.C. 1,2: Letters to Foreign Correspondents, 1834-1919 (Including letters to missionaries working with the Indians. Unit 1, Reel 1, 1.3.1. Frames 424-425.
H all, Sherman to Henry R. S choolcraft, August 31, 1835. Baraga Collection, Document No. 275-E. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Holliday, John to Henry R. Schoolcraft, February 9, 1826. NAM M 1 Reel 18, Frame 89. Also NAM Ml Reel 66, Frame 411.
Howe (?), J.A. to Robert Stuart, May 23, 1843. NAM Ml Reel 54, Frame 617.
Jacker, Edward, Father to his brother, [Joseph?], July 3, 1876. Edward Jacker Papers, Burton Collection, Detroit Public Library.
Johnston, George to Henry Schoolcraft, March 12, 1828. NAM M 1, Reel 67, Frame 379.
Johnston, George to M. Cadotte, February 24, 1829. NAM M 1, Reel 68, Frame 47.
Johnston, George to George A. Manypenny, August 21, 1855. NAM M234 Reel 404 Frames 865-867.
King, David to Robert S tu a rt, August 23, 1842. NAM Ml, Reel 53, Frames 231-232. 323
King, David and John Southwind to Robert Stuart, March 20, 1843. NAM Ml Reel 54 Frames 269-271.
King, David to William A. Richmond, Jan. 22, 1849. NAM Ml, Reel 62 Frames 403-404.
King, David, Charles Blneshi, and others, to Charles P. Babcock, June 1, 1849. NAM Ml Reel 63 Frames 53-54.
King, David and Eduard Assinins, June 4, 1849 to Charles P. Babcock, NAM Ml Reel 63 Frames 63-64.
Lee, George W., 1880a. Estimate of Funds Required by the Indian Service at Mackinac for the First Quarter, 1880. NAM M234 Reel 415 Frame 99.
Livingston, John R. to Ambrose Davenport, February 25, 1839. Papers of the American Fur Company Mss, Reel 2, pp. 55-56. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Livingston, John R. to Ramsay Crooks, March 5, 1839. Papers of the American Fur Company Mss F-52, Reel 2, Letterbook pp. 57-58. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Livingston, John R. to Charles W. Borup, March 21, 1839a. Papers of the American Fur Company Mss F-52, Reel 2, p. 60. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Livingston, John R. to Ramsey Crooks, April 3, 1839. Papers of the American Fur Company Mss, F-52, Reel 2, Letterbook, p. 62. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Marksman, Peter to Robert S tu a rt, A pril 5, 1843. NAM Ml Reel 54 Frames 365-366.
Memorandum of Outstanding Debts of L'Anse Indians for the Years 1832/33/34 with Jean B aptiste Dubay. NAM M 1 Reel 54, Frame 37.
Nitamglshig Charles, h ered itary c h ie f, e t a l, to William A. Richmond, November 7, 1848. NAM Ml Reel 62 Frame 365.
Noonday, Chief, et al to Governor George B. Porter, May 13, 1834. Document No. 762E. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Ord, James to Henry S choolcraft, June 27, 1838. NAM M 1, Reel 45, Frames 637-638.
Ord, James, September 1, 1838. Annual Report for year ending September 1, 1838. NAM Ml Reel 45 Frames 167-169.
Ord, James to Henry R. Schoolcraft, September 13, 1839. NAM Ml Reel 47 Frame 396.
Ord, James to Father Frederic Baraga and Reverend George W. Broun, 324
April 25, 1844. Baraga Collection, Document No. 842 E. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Ord, James to Robert Stuart, April 27, 1844. NAM Ml Reel 56 Frame 339.
Ord, James to William A. Richmond, July 15, 1848. NAM Ml Reel 62 Frame 255.
Penashe and Renewals to Robert Stuart, July 20, 1842. NAM Ml Reel 53, Frame 59.
Pierz, Francis to leopoldlnen Stiftung, November 15, 1836. Baraga C ollection, Document No. 892-6XE. Clarke H isto ric a l C ollection, Central Michigan University.
Pitezel, John H. to Mary Crane, August 20, 1843. Papers of Rev. John H. Pitezel, Correpsondence, Folder 5, Document No. 80. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Pitezel, John H. to his mother, Mary W. Plane, October 28, 1843. Papers of John H. Collection, Correspondence, Folder 2, Document No. 54. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Pitezel, John H. to Mother [Mrs. Mary W. Crane], brothers, sisters, and Friends, 11 July 1845, p. 2. Papers of Rev. John H. Pitzel, Folder la. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Pitezel, John H. to William A. Richmond, February 20, 1847. NAM Ml Reel 61 Frame 56.
Pitezel, John H. February 21, 1847. Journal entry for Sunday, February 21, 1847. Journal No. 3, p. 55. Papers of Rev. John H. Pitezel. Clarke Historical Collection. Central Michigan University.
Pitezel, John H., October 20, 1847. Journal entry for October 20, 1847. Journal Number 3, 1846-1848, page 77. Papers of Rev. John H. Pitezel, Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Pitzel, John H., October 28, 1847. Journal entry for October 28, 1847. Journal Number 3, 1846-1848, page 80. Papers of Rev. John H. Pitezel, Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Pitezel, John H. to Joshua H. Pitezel, April 8, 1848. Papers of Rev. John H. Pitezel, Folder 2, document 57, Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Pitezel, John H., September 23, 1848. Journal entry for September 23, 1848. Journal No. 4, 1848-1849, p. 120. Papers of Rev. John H. Pitezel. Clarke Historical Collection. Central Michigan University.
Pitezel, John H., June 19, 1850. Journal entry for June 19, 1850. Jounral No. V, 1850-1851. Papers of Rev. John H. Pitezel. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
P ro testan t Indians Indians on Grand River to George B. P o rter, October 325
29, 1833. Document No. 113E. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Rese, Frederic, Bp. to Henry R. Schoolcraft, August 24, 1836. Baraga Collection, Document No. 342-E. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Richmond, William A. to J. Hartley Crawford, October 26, 1845. NAM Ml Reel 40 Frames 36-41.
Richmond, William to William Medill, December 8, 1848. NAM Ml Reel 40 Frames 242-243.
Richmond, William A. to William Medill, December 20, 1848. NAM M 1, Reel 40, Frames 247-252.
Richmond, William A. to Frederic Baraga, April 15, 1849. NAM Ml Reel 40 Frames 297-298.
Richmond, William to Frederic Baraga, April 17, 1849. NAM Ml Reel 40 Frame 271.
Schoolcraft, Henry to John Holliday, June 15, 1825. NAM M 1 Reel 65, Frame 101.
Schoolcraft, Henry R. to Jane Schoolcraft, June 15, 1832. Henry R. Schoolcraft Papers, Library of Congress. Reel 5, Container 10.
Schoolcraft, Jane to Henry R. Schoolcraft, September 23, 1833. Henry R. Schoolcraft Papers, Library of Congress, Reel 6, Container 11.
Schoolcraft, Henry R. to C.A. Harris, October 30, 1837. NAM Ml Reel 37 Frame 559.
S choolcraft, Henry to Senator John Nowell and Represenative J.C. Crary, July 22, 1839. NAM M 1, Reel 38, Frames 304-306.
Schoolcraft, Henry to J. Hartley Crawford, April 10, 1840. Papers of the American Fur Company Mss F-52, Reel 2, Box 4. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Schoolcraft, Henry to J. Hartley Crawford, July 15, 1840. NAM M 1, Reel 38, Frames 296-297.
Slater, Leonard to Governor George B. Porter. May 13, 1834. Document No. 761-E. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Sproat, Florantha to her mother, Mrs. Cephas Thompson, June 23, 1839. Baraga Collection,, Document No. 738-E. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Stuart, Robert to Chauncey I. Carrier, March 16, 1843. NAM Ml Reel 39 Frame 112.
S tu a rt, Robert to George W. Brown, May 1, 1843. NAM Ml Reel 39 Frame 326
155-157.
Stuart, Robert to the Reverend E.R. Ames, June 30, 1843. Document 667E, Baraga Collection, Vol. 3. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Stuart, Robert to J. Hartley Crauford, Feb. 12, 1844. NAM Ml, Reel 39 Frames 378-379.
S tu a rt, Robert to James Ord, A pril 4, 1844. NAM Ml, Reel 39 Frames 404-406.
Stuart, Robert to C.T. Carrier, April 6, 1844. NAM Ml Reel 39 Frame 423.
Stuart, Robert to Baraga, April 15, 1844. NAM Ml Reel 39 Frame 421.
S tu a rt, Robert to James Ord, A pril 20, 1844. NAM Ml Reel 39 Frames 430-431.
Stuart, Robert to Rev. George W. Brown, April 20, 1844. NAM Ml Reel 39 Frames 429-430.
Sunday, John to Henry R. Schoolcraft, February 14, 1833. Henry R. Schoolhouse Papers, Library of Congress, Microfilm Reel 5, Container 10. Also Henry R. Schoolcraft Papers, Library of Congress, Reel 6, Container 11.
Walker, M. December 25, 1829. E xtracts from M.M. W alker's Journal. NAM Ml Reel 68, Frame 138.
Warren, Lyman to Gabriel Franchere, January 10, 1837. Papers of the American Fur Company. Correspondence of Gabriel Franchere, 1837-1838 and John R. Livingston, 1839-1846, Reel 2. Micro Mss F-52. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Chapter IV
Abbott, Samuel to George Ehninger, September 17, 1845. Correspondence American Fur Company, 1842-1848. Letterpress. Aa-G. Clarke Historical Collection. Central Michigan University.
Asher, Daniel et al to Commissioner R.E. Trowbridge, May 14, 1880. NAM M234, Reel 415, Frames 285-286.
Assinins, Edward to Edward P. Smith, October 28, 1875. NAM M234, Reel 411, Frames 279-280.
Assinins, Edward, Pos quay-gin, Peter Maywas, Nitamgijik to the Indian Bureau. May 8, 1876. NAM M234, Reel 411, Frame 606.
A ssinins, Edward Peter Nauwas, John Bapt. Wabigagl, May 20, 1876. NAM M234, Reel 411, Frames 830-831. 327
Baraga, Frederic to Reverend John H. Pitezel, April 7, 1845. Baraga Collection, Document No. 431-E. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Baraga, Frederic to Peter Paul Lefevre, January 23, 1846. Baraga Collection Document No. 229 FXE. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Mic.igan University.
Barry, Charles to A.B. Maynard, May 27, 1869. NAM M234, Reel 408, Frames 631-630 [letter is reversed on the microfilm].
Beedon, John to William A. Richmond, October 18, 1845. NAM Ml Reel 59, Frames 304-306.
Betts, George I. to Edward P. Smith, March 29, 1875. NAM M234, Reel 4111, Frame 333.
Betts, George I. to Edward P. Smith, March 2, 1875. NAM M234, Reel 411, Frame 320.
Betts, George I. to Edward P. Smith, July 21, 1875. NAM M234, Reel 411, Frames 513-514.
Betts, George I. to Edward P. Smith, January 22, 1876. NAM M234, Reel 411, Frames 643-644.
Brockway, Daniel D. to William A. Richmond, April 6, 1846. NAM Ml, Reel 60, Frame 101.
Brockway, William H. to Robert Stuart, January 15, 1842. NAM Ml, Reel 52, Frames 21-23.
Brockway, William H. to E.S. Parker, May 27, 1869. NAM M234, Reel 408, Frames 632-634.
Brooks, E .J. to E.A. Hoyt, August 22, 1878. NAM M234, Reel 413, Frames 146-149.
Burket, George [Burthkett (?) et al to Robert Stuart, February 15, 1843. NAM Ml, Reel 54, Frames 119-121.
Carrier, C.T. to Robert Stuart, October 5, 1843. NAM Ml, Reel 55, Frames 437-440.
Commissioner, General Land Office to Edward P. Smith, January 25 [?], 1875. NAM M234, Reel 411, Frame 253.
Crapo, Henry H. to P.O. Johnson and Daniel Asher, August 25, 1865. Records of the Executive Office, G .I.I. Correspondence, Complaints Against County O fficers. Houghton County, L'Anse Township Election Inspectors, 1865. RG 44 B73, F20. Documents No. 16-19. Lansing, Michigan Historical Archives.
Crapo, Henry H. to Prosecuting Attorney, August 25, 1865. Records of 328 the Executive Office, G .I.I. Correspondence, Complaints Against County O fficers. Houghton County, L'Anse Township Election Inspectors, 1865. RG 44 B73, F20. Document No. 15. Lansing, Michigan Historical Archives.
Crawford, J. Hartley to Robert Stuart, March 30, 1843. NAM Ml, Reel 54, Frames 333-334.
Crawford, J. Hartley to Robert Stuart, July 24, 1843. NAM Ml, Reel 55, Frame 147.
Crawford, J. Hartley to J.D. Doty, May 21, 1844. NAM M951, Reel 2.
Crebassa, J.B. to Carl Shurz, January 27, 1880. NAM M234, Reel 415, Frames 18-20.
Crooks, Ramsay to Joseph Roberts, May 14, 1835. American Fur Company Papers, Micro Mss, F-49, Reel 1 Letterbook Vol. 1, October 31, 1834- June 15, 1835, p. 398. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Crooks, Ramsay to Gabriel Franchere, December 11, 1835. American Fur Vompany Papers, Papers of Gabriel Franchere, Micro Mss F-52, Reel 3, Box 1. Clarke Historical Library, Central Michigan University.
Crooks, Ramsay to John R. Livingston, July 2, 1840. American Fur Company Papers, Correspondence of Gabriel Franchere, 1837-1838 and John R. Livingston, 1839-1846. Micro Mss. F-52, Reel 2. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Crooks, Ramsay to John R. Livingston, July 22, 1843. American Fur Company Papers, Correspondence of Gabriel Franchere, 1837-1838 and John R. Livingston, 1839-1846. Micro Mss F-52, Reel 2. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Crooks, Ramsay to John R. Livingston, August 2, 1843. American Fur Company Papers, Correspondence of Gabriel Franchere, 1837-1838 and John R. Livingston, 1839-1846. Micro Mss F-52, Reel 2. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Dodge, Henry to C.A. H arris, July 6, 1838. NAM M951, Reel 4, pp. 69-70.
Dole, William P. to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, January 7, 1865, NAM H234, Reel 407, Frames 238-239.
Fitch, A.M. to Thomas Daggs, February 19, 1859. NAM M234 Reel 406, Frames 671-672.
Franchere, Gabriel to William Brewster, July 3, 1835. American Fur Company Papers, Papers of Gabriel Franchre, Micro Mss F-52, Reel 1. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Franchere, Gabriel to William Brewster, September 12, 1835. American Fur Company Papers, Papers of Gabriel Franchere, Micro Mss F-52, Reel 329
1, Book 2, p. 13. Clarke Historical Library, Central Michigan University.
Franchere, Gabriel to Lyman M. Warren, August 3, 1836. American Fur Company Papers, Papers of Gabriel Franchere, Micro Mss F-52, Reel 1, Letterbook 2, p. 70. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Franchere, Gabriel to William Brewster, March 5, 1838 American Fur Company Papers, Papers of Gabriel Franchere, Micro Mss F-52, Reel 2, Vol. 1, 1838-1840. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Franchere, Gabriel, 1839 Remarks Made on a Visit from La Pointe to the Fishing Stations of Grand Portage, Isle Royale, and Ance Quiwinon, August, 1839. Mss 9a-51. Clarke Historical Colection, Central Michigan University.
G ilb e rt, Henry C. to George W. Manypenny, A pril 10, 1855. NAM M234, Reel 404, Frames 607-610.
Holiday, James, September 11, 1879. NAM M234 Reel 414, Frame 482.
Johnson, P.O. to Henry Crapo, April 10, 1865. Records of the Executive Office, G .I.I. Correspondence, Complaints Against County Officers. Houghton County, L'Anse Township Election Inspectors, 1865. RG 44 B73, F20. Document No. 2. Lansing, Michigan Historical Archives.
Johnson, P.O. to Henry Crapo, May 9, 1865. Records of the Executive Office, G .I.I. Correspondence, Complaints Against County Officers. Houghton County, L'Anse Township Election Inspectors, 1865. RG 44 B73, F20. Document No. 2. Lansing, Michigan Historical Archives.
Johnston, George, Journal entry dated July 1, 1848. George Johnston Papers, Micro Mss F-52, Reel 10. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Johnston, George to Indian Commissioner George W. Manypenny, October 3, 1856. NAM M234, Reel 405, Frame 269.
John R. Livingston to William Brewster, June 4, 1840. American Fur Company Papers, Papers of Gabriel Franchere, Micro Mss F-52, Reel 2, Letterbook 2, p. 134. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
King, David e t al to Robert S tu art and James Ord, February 12, 1844. NAM Ml, Reel 56, Frame 519.
King, David to William A. Richmond, June 8, 1846. NAM Ml, Reel 60, Frames 218-220.
King, David to William A. Richmond. July 19, 1848. NAM Ml, Reel 62, Frame 263.
King, David, Charles Bineshi, and others, to Charles P. Babcock, June 330
1, 1849. NAM Ml, Reel 63, Frames 53-54.
King, David to William A. Richmond, July 19, 1848. NAM Ml, Reel 62, Frame 263. Also Baraga C ollection, Document No. 742 E. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Ring, David, Charles Bineshi and others to Charles P. Babcock, June 1, 1849. NAM Ml, Reel 63, Frames 53-54.
King, David et al, to William P. Dole, January 7, 1865. NAM M234, Reel 407, Frames 670-671.
King, David et al, to the President of the United States [Ulysses S. G rant], March 21, 1871. NAM 234, Reel 409, Frames 914-915.
King, David, et al to President R.B. Hays, May 23, 1877. NAM M234, Reel 412, Frames 360-361.
King, David, Peter Marksman and Mazawash, July 26, 1879. NAM M234, Reel 415, Frame 69.
Leach, D.C. to William P. Dole, May 23, 1863. NAM M234, Reel 407, Frames 253-254.
Leach, D.C. to William P. Dole, February 23, 1865. NAM M234, Reel 407, Frame 709.
Lee, George W. to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, April 20, 1877. NAM M234, Reel 414, Frame 49.
Lee, George W. to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, June 14, 1877. NAM M234, Reel 412, Frame 358.
Lee, George W. to E.A. Hoyle, August 27, 1879. NAM 234, Reel 414, Frame 454.
Lee, George W. to E.A. Hoyt, November 6, 1879. NAM M234, Reel 414, Frame 565.
Lee, George W. to R.E. Trowbridge. Monthly report for Month of August, 1880. NAM M234, Reel 415, Frames 397-402.
Lee, George W., September 13, 1880. "Abstract showing the buildings and localities belonging to the [Mackinac] Agency. NAM M234 Reel 415, Frames 409-411.
Livingston, John R. to William Brewster, June 10, 1840. American Fur Company Papers, Micro Mss. F-52, Correspondence of Gabriel Franchere, 1837-1838 and John R. Livingston, Reel 2, Letterbook, Vol 1, pp. 134. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Ord, James to William A. Richmond, May 9, 1846. NAM Ml, Reel 60, Frame 173.
Ord, James to William A. Richmond, October 26, 1846. NAM Ml Reel 60, 331
Frame 351.
Ord, James to William A. Richmond, July 15, 1848. NAM Ml Reel 62, Frame 253.
Owen, William, Testimony of. Records of the Executive Office, G .I.I. Correspondence, Complaints Against County Officers. Houghton County, L'Anse Township E lection In sp ecto rs, 1865. RG 44 B73, F20. Document No. 13. Lansing, Michigan Historical Archives.
Peneshi, Charles et al, to James Ord, September 9, 1845. NAM Ml, Reel 59, Frame 400.
Peneshi, Charles, et al to William A. Richmond, November 5, 1845. NAM Ml, Reel 59, Frame 358.
Pennock, David Sworn Testimony, August 19, 1878. NAM M234, Reel 414, Frames 45-47.
Pitezel, John H., n.d. "Writings, 1814-April 18, 1889." John H. Pitezel Papers, Folder 8. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Pitezel, John H. to Mother, brothers, sisters, and Friends, July 11, 1845. Correspondence, Folder la , Document 19. Papers of John H. Pitezel, Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Pitezel, John H., November 7, 1846. Journal entry for November 7, 1846. Journal Number 3, 1846-8. John H. Pitezel Papers, Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
P ite z e l, John H., December 4, 1846. Journal entry fo r December 4, 1846. Journal Number 3, 1846-8. John H. Pitezel Papers, Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Pitezel, John H., January 14, 1847. Journal entry for January 14, 1846. Journal Number 3, 1846-8. John H. Pitezel Papers, Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Pitezel, John H., January 27, 1847. Journal entry for January 27, 1847. Journal Number 3, 1846-8. John H. Pitezel Papers, Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Pitezel, John H., October 11, 1847. Journal entry for October 11, 1847. Journal Number 3, 1846-8, p.74. John H. Pitezel Papers, Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
P ite z e l, John H., December 31, 1847. Journal No. 3, 1846-8. Entry for December 31, 1847. John H. P ite z e l Papers, Clarke H isto ric a l Collection, Central Michigan University.
Pitezel, John H., July 17, 1851. Journal No. 5, 1850-1851, entry for July 17, 1851. "Present Conditions and Prospects of the Missions about Lake Superior." Papers of John H. Pitezel, Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University. 332
P ra tt, William A. to William A. Richmond, December 27, 1847. NAM Ml, Reel 61, Frames 381-383.
P ra tt, William A. to William A. Richmond, September 8, 1848. NAM Ml, Reel 62, Frames 301-302.
Rathbun, B.F. to William A. Richmond. December 23, 1847. NAM Ml, Reel 61, Frame 379.
Richmond, William A. to J. Hartley Crawford, September 27, 1845. NAM Ml, Reel 40, Frame 28.
Richmond, William A. to J. Hartley Crawford, Annual Report, October 26, 1845. NAM Ml Reel 40, Frames 36-41.
Richmond, William A. to William Medill, Annual Report, October 30, 1846. NAM Ml Reel 40, Frames 140-145.
Richmond, William A. to William Medill, Annual Report, November 20, 1847.
Richmond, William A. to James Ord, January 25, 1848. NAM Ml Reel 40, Frame 175.
Richmond, William A. to James Ord, April 21, 1848. NAM Ml Reel 40, Frame 182.
Richmond, William A. to William Medill, September 16, 1848. NAM Ml Reel 40, Frame 207.
Romey, Theodore to William P. Dole, July 8, 1864. NAM M234, Reel 407, Frame 567.
Sheldon, R. to John F. Braggs, July 14, 1867. NAM M234 Reel 408, Frames 90-94.
Smith, Richard M. to D.N. Cooley, October 12, 1866. NAM M234, Reel 407, Frame 1173.
Stuart, Robert to Rev. Alfred Brunson, March 10, 1843. Baraga Collection, Document 428 E. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Stuart, Robert to J. Hartley Crawford, March 15, 1843. NAM Ml Reel 39, Frames 107-111.
S tu a rt, Robert to Rev. George W. Brown, May 1, 1843. NAM Ml Reel 39, Frame 155-157. Also, Baraga C ollection, Document No. 410-E. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University.
Stuart, Robert to J. Hartley Crawford, June 2, 1843. NAM Ml, Reel 39, Frames 183-186.
S tu a rt, Robert to James Ord, July 1, 1843. NAM Ml, Reel 39, Frames 333
225-226.
Stuart, Robert to Alfred Brunson, July 9, 1843. NAM Ml, Reel 39, Frames 230-233.
S tu a rt, Robert to Alonzo Brockway, July 15, 1843. NAM Ml, Reel 39, Frame 250.
Chapter V
Brown, George U. to Robert S tu art, December 29, 1843. NAM Ml Reel 55, Frames 679-692.
Ring, David et al, to William P. Dole, January 7, 1865. NAM M234, Reel 407, Frames 670-671.
Schoolcraft, Henry to John Holliday, June 15, 1825. NAM M 1 Reel 65, Frame 101.
Schoolcraft, Henry to J. Hartley Crawford, July 15, 1840. NAM M 1, Reel 38, Frames 296-297.
Chapter VI
C a rrie r, Chauncey T. to Robert S tu a rt, March 13, 1843. NAM Ml Reel 54 Frame 213.
Howe (?), J.A. to Robert Stuart, May 23, 1843. NAM Ml Reel 54, Frame 617.
S tu a rt, Robert to Chauncey T. C arrier, March 16, 1843. NAM Ml Reel 39 Frame 112.
Stuart, Robert to the Reverend E.R. Ames, June 30, 1843. Document 667E, Baraga Collection, Vol. 3. Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan University. BIBLIOGRAPHY
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