Chequamegon Bay And Its Communities I

Ashland Bayfield LaPointe

A Brief Hi story 1659-1883 Chequamegon Bay And Its Communities I Ashland Bayfield La Pointe A Brief History 1659-1883

Lars Larson PhD Emeriti Faculty University of Wisconsin-Whitewater

CHEQUAMEGON BAY

Chequamegon, sweet lovely bay, Upon thy bosom softly sway. In gentle swells and azure bright. Reflections of the coming night; Thy wooded shores of spruce and pine. Forever hold thee close entwine. Thy lovely isles and babbling rills. Whose music soft my soul enthrills; What wondrous power and mystic hands. Hath wrought thy beach of golden sands. What artist's eye mid painter's brush. Hath caught thy waters as they rush. And stilled them all and then unfurled. The grandest picture of the world— So fair, so sweet to look upon. Thy beauteous bay, Chequamegon.

Whitewater Wisconsin 2005 Table of Contents

Acknowledgements 3

The Chequamegon Bay Historians 4

Odes to Chequamegon Bay 7

Introduction 13

Chapter 1—An Overview of Wisconsin History to 1850 26

Chapter 2—Chequamegon Bay and La Pointe 1659-1855 44

Chapter 3—The Second Era of Resource Exploitation 82

Chapter 4—Superior 1853-1860 92

Chapter 5—Ashland 1854-1860 112

Chapter 6—Bayfield 1856-1860 133

Chapter 7—Bayfield 1870-1883 151

Chapter 8—Ashland 1870-1883 186

Chapter 9—The Raikoad Land Grants: Were The Benefits Worth The Cost? 218

Bibliographies 229 Introduction 230 Wisconsin History 23 4 Chequamegon Bay and La Pointe 241 Second Era of Resource Exploitation 257 Superior 264 Ashland 272 Bayfield 293 Introduction 1860-1870 301 Railroad Land Grants 304 Acknowledgements

I am deeply indebted to the staffs of the Andersen Library of the University of Wisconsin-Whitewater, and the Library of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin, mid to the Register of Deeds of Bayfield County, for their indispensable assistance mid support in the preparation of this study. I would also like to acknowledge the contributions to the study of the staffs of the Ashland County Register of Deeds, the Ashland and Superior Area Research Centers, and of numerous historical societies, libraries, and newspapers within and outside of Wisconsin. Finally, I would like to thank my wife, Barbara, for her continuing support, editorial advice and word processing skill without which this study would not have been possible.

This study was published as a non-profit service to the people of the Chequamegon Bay communities.

© Copyright 2005 by Lars E. Larson. All rights reserved. Not to be copied or reproduced in whole or in part by electronic, photocopy, or miy other method without the written permission of the author. Short excerpts may be reproduced for instructional or public information purposes with appropriate credit to the author. Second printing 2008.

Readers may wish to consult the author's Chequamegon Bay And Its Communities II: Washburn the City To Be; A Historical Memoir 1883-1947. Dedicated To The Memory Of The Historians Of Chequamegon Bay

GuyM. Bumham 1860-1939 Ashland HamiltonN. Ross 1889-1958 LaPointe Eleanor Knight 1913-1994 Bayfield Charles M. Sheridan 1905-1991 Washburn

GuyM. Burnham was born on March 21 1860 in Aurora, Illinois. He graduated from Iowa State College, and then taught school in Minnesota and Chicago, and was a school principal in Alden, Iowa. In January 1891 he came to Ashland at the invitation of Joe M. Chappie, a former student, who had Qstahhshcd the Ashland Daily Press in 1888. Burnham served as city editor of this paper for twenty-one years and then as editor of the Ashland News. He becmiie one of the prominent men of the city and was active in political, civic, fraternal, church and cultural affairs. He was an avid astronomer and botmiists and a prolific historian of the Chequamegon region. His daily column, entitled "Chequamegon," appeared in the Ashland Daily Press from June 1927 to Februmy 1939, recording a wealth of historical information about the bay region mid its communities. In 1930 he published a book. The Lake Superior Country In History And In Story, which included information from his early Chequmiiegon columns. He married Luella George of Iowa Falls, Iowa on December 30 1885. He died on February 28 1939. "Guy M. Bumham, Region Historian, Passes Away," Ashland Daily Press March 11 1939; "Guy M. Bumham, 1^60-1939;'Ashland Daily Press March 1 1939; John M. Dodd, "Guy Miles Bumham," Wisconsin Magazine of History, December 1939. Publications: Daily "Chequamegon" column in the Ashland Daily Press from June 28 1927 to February 28 1939; The Lake Superior Country In History And In Story, Ashlmid, WI: Ashland Daily Press 1930—republished as a limited edition in 1974; The First House Built By White Men In Wisconsin, Ashland, WI: 1931; "The Genesis Of Ashland." Chequamegon Region Who's Who Edition, Ashland Daily Press, February 9 1929.

Eleanor Knight was bom in Bayfield, Wisconsin on February 7 1913. She was the granddaughter of William Knight, a Bayfield pioneer and founder of the apple growing industry in the area. She graduated from Bayfield High School in 1931, and during her work career was employed by the Bayfield Cmining Company, Booth Fisheries, Bayfield County Register of Deeds and the County Highway Depmtment, from which she retired in 1981. She had a life-long interest in local history, publishing in the Bayfield County Press during the 1950s a long series of articles on Bayfield history, for which she was honored in 1956 with mi "Award of Merit" by the State Historical Society of Wisconsin mid as a "Distinguished Citizen" by the Bayfield County Press. She died on December 23 1994. "Eleanor Knight," County Journal, December 29 1994 (obituary); State Historical Society of Wisconsin, "Award of Merit," June 9 1956; "Eleanor Knight. . . 'Distinguished Citizen,' "Bayfield County Press, June 28 1956; "Among Other Things . . . A Magnificent Service," Bayfield County Press, September 4 1958. Publications: 242 weekly articles on Bayfield history, Bayfield County Press, June 18 1953—September 4 1958; The History of Bayfield, a compilation of many of her articles by her niece Kathie Knight Bemico, and privately published in August 1999; "Treasure Buried On Wilson (Hermit) Island," Bayfield County Press, 1953. Hamilton Nelson Ross was bom on February 14 1889, in Beloit, Wisconsin. He was educated in Beloit, graduating from Beloit College in 1911. He was employed by the Beloit Iron works until he moved to Batavia, Illinois, and about 1928 to Geneva, Illinois. For 62 years he spent his summers on Madeline Islmid, where he was active in historical and community affairs in La Pointe. His hook La Pointe-Village Outpost was published posthumously in 1960. In 1915 he mmried Dorothy Stickney, a member of a summer resident family on Madeline Island. He died in Geneva on December 25 1958. "Hamilton Ross Died on Christmas," Geneva Republican 1/1/59; "Deaths," _BCP 1/1/59; additional information courtesy of the Beloit College alumni office. Publications: LaPointe: Village Outpost on Madeline Island, Madison: State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 2000 (first published in 1960); The Apostle Islands, Batavia, IL: Batavia Herald Print, 1955 (first published in 1951).

CharlesM. Sheridan was bom in Washburn, Wisconsin on June 16 1905. He graduated from high school in 1922, and then worked in Minneapolis for two yems. Returning to Washburn, he began a life-long career as a free lance writer and photographer, and also served as special contributor to the Washburn Times for 18 years. He was an avid local historimi, mid wrote articles and brochures, gave talks, and sponsored exhibits of his many beautiful photographs to promote the Chequamegon Bay region. He was an early supporter of an Apostle Islands pmk, traveling to Washington in 1930 to lobby for a bill to fund a survey of the islmids. During World Wm II he served as chairman of the County Defense Council, was chairmmi of the county chapter of the American Red Cross, mid was a long-time member of the board of the Washburn public library (constructed by his father in 1904). For his service to Washburn and the Chequmiiegon Bay region he was honored at a Charles Sheridan Day during the 1981 Washburn homecoming. In addition to the materials he prepared to publicize the Chequamegon Bay region, he contributed articles and photographs to local newspapers, and to papers in Superior, Milwaukee and the Twin Cities. He married Josephine Malinoski of Washburn on July 19 1936. He died on August 31 1991. "Washburn says Thmiks to friend Chick Sheridmi," Washburn Times, July 16 1981; "City Honors Sheridan," Washburn Times, July 30 1981; "Charles Sheridan," County Journal, September 5 1991 (obituary); "James A. Sheridmi Died Early Sunday," Washburn Times, September 6 1934 (father's obitumy). Publications: "The Story of Bayfield County, Wisconsin: Its Agricultural and Recreational Advantages," Washburn, WI: Bayfield County Bomd of Supervisors, 1930; "Historical Sketch of Washburn," Washburn Times, July 18 1929—originally published as "The Interesting History of Washburn as Related by Charles M. Sheridan," Ashland Daily Press Chequamegon Who's Who special edition, February 9 1929; "The Life Of A Lumberman," Wisconsin Magazine of History, v. 13, 1929-30 (3 parts), as related by John E. Nelligan—reprinted as: A White Pine Empire, St. Cloud, MN: North Stm Press, 1969; Legends and History of the Apostle Islands, Bayfield County, Wisconsin, 1931; Honor Album of Bayfield County Men and Women Who Served In World War II, Washburn, WI: Washburn Times, 1947; "Historical Sketch of Washburn." Washburn Times,i\\\y 18 1929. Lars Larson, known as Art to family mid friends in Washburn, grew up in Washburn, graduating with the class of 1947. He graduated from Superior State College in 1951, and after service in the Air Force he received advanced degrees from the University of Minnesota at Minneapolis and Cornell University at Ithaca, New York. He worked briefly in industry and government, serving for awhile as a legislative assistant in the U.S. Senate, but most of his career was devoted to university teaching. He retired from the University of Wisconsin- Whitewater, where he is a member of the Emeriti Faculty. He lives in Whitewater with his wife, Barbara. Odes To Chequamegon Bay

These poems are a few of the many written by amateur poets expressing their sentiments about the physical and spiritual beauty of Chequamegon Bay. Also see Bumham 1974, c. 16.

ODE TO CHEQUAMEGON

O, Chequamegon bright and clear. Gem of our beauteous Northland dear. As on thy sunlit waves I gaze I cminot help but sing thy praise.

Matchless gem of purest water, Glemiiing 'mid thy settings grmideur Heaven's hue is mirrored on thy breast. Where isles of wondrous beauty rest.

Those Apostle Isles, oh wondrous sight. Romantic beauty at its height. Where Nature with a master's hand Cmved picturesque shore mid pine-fringed strmid.

When at night the old storm king blmes His thunder trumpet and lightning flares. Then from across thy darkened stream, I see the light of Ashland gleam.

Those golden beams of friendly light. Brightly twinkling all the night. From across thy waters bring me cheer. On stormy nights they seem so near.

And when the silvery moon appears. Smiling through night's sullen terns. Flooding thy waters with magic light Then romance lingers with delight.

Let other states their beauties boast We'll view them all from coast to coast. But Beautiful Chequamegon Still challenges compmison!

Frieda Benson, Washburn, WI, "Chequamegon" column, ADP 9/11/31. CHEQUAMEGON BAY

Chequamegon, sweet lovely bay. Upon thy bosom softly sway. In gentle swells and azure bright. Reflections of the coming night; Thy wooded shores of spruce and pine. Forever hold thee close entwine. Thy lovely isles and babbling rills. Whose music soft my soul enthrills; What wondrous power and mystic hands. Hath wrought thy beach of golden sands. What artist's eye mid painter's brush. Hath caught thy waters as they rush. And stilled them all and then unfurled. The grandest picture of the world— So fair, so sweet to look upon. Thy beauteous bay, Chequamegon.

Ben C. Wilkins, Ashland, WI. Picturesque Wisconsin, v. 1, 6/99, 25; "Chequamegon" coXmrm, ADP 8/16/30.

On the breast of the dimpling bay The white winged yachts careen To the strong sea airs they lean. On the rippling tide they sway in calm or in gale it is good to sail On the breast of the dimpling bay. Through the sunlit days in the evening haze in the face of the madcap spray With the breeze in the west and the wind at rest This life is of all good lives the best. On the breast of the dimpling bay.

Ben C. Wilkins, Ashland, WI. "Chequamegon" coXmrm, ADP 8/16/30. CHEQUAMEGON

I close my eyes, the darkness drifts away. The clouds disperse, the weary strife is done; I see again, the sunny placid day. And breathe thy balmy air, Chequamegon.

I greet thy hills, whose rocky arms enfold The solemn woods encrowning point and height; The fairy islands, draped in summer's green and gold. The waves that dimple in the changing light.

From old Fish Creek to famous old LaPointe, Kakagon's Sloughs to famed Ondossagon, In memory my bmk sails on the bay. Thy waters o'er again Chequamegon.

"Chequamegon" column, ADP 8/2/35.

Go where primeval forest scarce has felt The touch of ax, or heard the woodman's cry; Go where the monks of old once humbly knelt. And lifted voice in prayer to God on high;

Go where the Indian, remnant of his race. Divested of his fierce accoutrement. Consents to work, as does the mild pale-face. Without appeal to war's arbitrament;

Go where bold stands upon the lake-laved bluff. The spacious hostelry—a stately place— Where welcome greets the guest, who ne'er enough Cmi praise the table's cheer or landlord's grace;

Go where the l^e, the chief of all delights. Mild-swept by winds with healing on their wings. Crisp mirrors in its depths the pine-clad heights. And lulls the senses by its murmurings.

The Apostle Islands And Lake Superior 1884, 39. CHEQUAMEGON BAY

Without, the maples shiver in the blast. The tortured cedars writhe like souls in pain. Loud roars the wind, the night is falling fast. The snow's white fingers beat against the pane.

I close my eyes, the darkness drifts away. The clouds disperse, the weary strife is done; I see again thy sunny placid bay And breathe thy balmy air, Chequamegon.

I greet thy hills, whose rocky arms enfold. The solemn woods encrowning point and height; The fair isles draped in summer's green and gold. The waves that dimple in the changing light.

I hear the merry laugh, the sweep of oars. The fisher-children singing at their play. The ripples' beat upon the sandy shores. The birds that carolled on that summer day.

Picturesque Wisconsin, v. 1, 7/99, 53.

The shadows round the inland sea Are deepening into night. Slow up the slopes of Penokee They chase the lessening light. Tired of the long day's blinding heat, I rest my languid eye, L^e of the North! where cool and sweet Thy sunset waters lie!

Along the sky in wavy lines. O'er isle and beach mid bay. Green-belted with eternal pines The mountains stretch away; Below the maple masses sleep Where shore with water blends; While midway on the tranquil deep. The evening light descends.

The Apostle Islands And Lake Superior 1884, title page.

10 THE BAY

The bay is wild today. I hear a voice Of other waters and of other days. The gulls cry out. The wind is from the north. There is a hint of ice upon its breath. The crackle of the palms is like thin ice Broken beneath the tread of many feet. And I mil cold and glowing with delight Because the skies are gray like Northern skies. Hung with gray clouds. Reminding me of snow.

I dreamed of snow last night. It drifted down And fell upon me soft and white as wool. And when I wakened, there beneath my sill I saw the crimson of the almond leaves; I heard the whistle of a mockingbird. And on the patio the sunlight lay.

But here beside the wide and restless bay I dream of snow again. The waves are high And dark mid crested with a frosty fringe. Like a ploughed field and furrows white with hoar.

Tomorrow's wind will blow miother way. The palms will whisper like a lover's sigh. The hot, bright sun will rise above the bay And turn it into gold. The gulls will float Upon the balmy, blossom-scented air. And I shall lie upon the warm, white sand And dremii that I have snowfl^es in my hand.

Barbara Young in Bumham 1974, 421.

11 CHEQUAMEGON BAY

Chequamegon, Bay of the great northwest. How oft hast thou seen treaties made and broke. Perhaps thou listened while the Pere Marquette Laid down his oars and to the Red Men spoke.

Once Hiawatha played upon thy shores. And grew to manhood fishing in thy streams, Chequamegon, thou are peaceful now and rest. But who knows why thou smilest in thy dreams?

Nell Wiegan, "Chequamegon" column, APD 12/8/33.

12 Introduction to Study

Toward the western end of Lake Superior a verdmit peninsula with an attendant archipelago protrudes into the lake, sheltering a Imge bay on its southeast side. This is Chequamegon Bay, ancient home of Native Americans, whose tranquil beauty has inspired generations of poets mid romantics. But it was not a quest for the bay's beauty, but greed for its resources, which brought the first white men to the shores of Chequamegon Bay in August 1659 and determined the course of its subsequent history. For two and a half centuries thereafter, French, British and Americans, driven by a cold, calculating lust for free riches, struggled with each other and among themselves to dominate the bay and plunder its resources, until finally only its natural beauty remained. This is a study of that struggle and its consequences for Chequamegon Bay and its communities—La Pointe, Ashland, and Bayfield—from 1659 to 1883 (1).

Thesis of the Study

The basic thesis of this study is that the settlement, development, and decline of the Chequamegon Bay region and its communities were shaped largely by the exploitation of its natural resources by mid for the benefit of groups outside the region. The region was always a "resource frontier," defined as a geographic region, large or small, containing free natural resources that could be economically exploited (2). Resource frontiers emerged behind the advancing line of agrarian settlement in the 19 century and were established and maintained for the sole purpose of investor enrichment. The investors and others who ultimately controlled what happened in these resource frontiers were located in the large urban areas outside of the region. They were not interested in settling or developing the regions except insofar as it contributed to the primary purpose of exploiting their resources to realize windfall profits. Because such regions were dependent on external financiers, consumers, middlemen, and others, they did not develop the economic and political autonomy and stability that would have enabled them to determine their own destinies, but were continually the victim of decisions mid events beyond their control. When the resources were exhausted, the investors withdrew their capital mid the regions were left to survive as best they could.

This is exactly what happened to the Chequamegon Bay region as a resource frontier—a succession of resources were exploited for the benefit of outsiders who abandoned the region when the resource in which they had invested was exhausted. The geography of the region facilitated this process of resource exploitation and ultimate decline. First, the Great Lakes waterway system made it possible to economically and rapidly trmisport the raw material resources out of the region for processing into final products elsewhere. Thus, no importmit enterprises for manufacturing products from the resources were established, reinforcing and perpetuating the status of the region as a resource frontier. Second, almost all of the land is unsuited to farming, so a viable agriculture economy could not be established. The result was that when the resources were depleted mid the capitalists withdrew, there was little or nothing remaining to provide economic support to the communities and their inhabitants.

Within the context of this thesis, the history of Chequamegon Bay and its communities falls naturally into four eras. The first era began with the fur trade and lasted from the mid-1600s to about 1850, when the fur resources were exhausted (3). The second era began in the mid-1850s, stimulated by the discovery of iron and copper ore deposits in the ranges along the south coast of the western end of Lake Superior mid the opening of Sault Ste. Marie Canal. There was a flurry of settlement activity, pml of investor interest in the western end of Lake Superior, mid Superior, Ashlmid and Bayfield were founded. This era was brief, lasting only until 1860 when the investors withdrew and settlers departed due to economic mid political developments on the national scene. The site of Ashland was abandoned while Bayfield stagnated for the next ten years. The third era began about 1870, during which timber, port sites, mid brownstone were the valued resources. Ashland was resettled, Bayfield was revived, Washburn was founded, and the bay region experienced a great boom period that lasted until the early years of the twentieth century. By then the timber supply was all but exhausted mid the market 13 for brownstone had collapsed, while Superior and Duluth had become what the Chequamegon Bay communities had aspired to be—^the major ports at the western end of the Great Lakes waterway.

Abandoned by the outside interests that had ruthlessly exploited its resources, the bay region and its communities entered the fourth era of their history, a long period of economic mid social quiescence. Of the three cities on the bay Ashland remained relatively the most prosperous. It was the shipment point for iron ore from the Gogebic range, a county seat and the market and service center for the region, and boasted a few small industrial establishments. Washburn's magnificent hmbor was abandoned, but it was a county seat and the executives and most of the workers at the nearby Du Pont explosives plant lived there, so it possessed a fragile, albeit a subsistence level, economic base. The town experienced a short-lived boom during World War I because of the expansion of production at the Du Pont plant. Bayfield had little economic activity to support itself other than some commercial fishing. Although the natural beauty of the region remained, tourism and recreation provided little economic benefit to the region. Extensive efforts were made by land companies and state agricultural agencies to settle small fmms on the stump lands or "cutover" left by the depredations of the timber compmiies, but the drop in agricultural prices after World War I put an end to many of these marginal and inefficient farms.

A key measure of the economic mid social development of a region is its population, whether it increases because of the economic and social opportunities a region offers people, or declines because there are few if any such opportunities. From the peak of the boom period in 1895 to the beginning of World War II in 1940, the population of the state as a whole increased by 62%, while the combined population of the three Chequamegon Bay communities declined by 22%. Clearly the mea did not participate in the growth and development of the state during this period, while its economic interests continued to be controlled by external conditions mid by decision m^ers for corporate and financial interests in the midwest mid east. The opening of the St. Lawrence Seaway in 1959, long anticipated as the salvation of the bay communities, brought them no benefits. Only in recent years, stimulated by the establishment of the Apostle Islands National L^eshore, has tourism and recreation, plus an influx of new settlers escaping the increasingly crowded conditions farther south, brought renewed growth and development to Chequamegon Bay and its communities. It remains to be seen whether the region's heritage of natural beauty will be ravished by the same greed and thoughtlessness that destroyed its forest and fur resources (4).

This study examines what happened to the Chequamegon Bay communities during this cycle of prosperity and stagnation, that is, what the consequences were for these communities of their constantly chmiging economic fortunes from the fur trade era to 1883. To provide a context for the study. Chapter 1 surveys the history of Wisconsin during the French, British, mid American "regimes" from 1634 to 1850. Chapter 2 is a more detailed history of Chequamegon Bay and its micient settlement of La Pointe during the fur trade era. The second era of the bay's history is covered by Chapter 3, which exmiiines the economic developments that contributed to the establishment of the settlements at Superior and on Chequamegon Bay, while Chapters 4 through 6 trace the history (to the extent allowed by available source materials) of Superior, Whittlesey-Bay City (Ashland), and Bayfield, all founded in the mid-1850s. Chapters 7 and 8 cover the story of Ashland mid Bayfield from 1870 to 1883, the early or "take-off' yems of the third era of the bay's history. The final chapter briefly examines the question of the public cost—^the land grants to the railroads—of establishing the Chequmiiegon Bay communities. Geography Of The Chequamegon Bay Region

The Chequamegon Bay region lies in the Lake Superior lowland, one of five geographic regions into which Wisconsin is divided (5). The northern highland, which intrudes finger-like into this lowland region in the form of the Bayfield peninsula, abuts the Ashland plain on its southern perimeter. Although the bay area is part of the basin of western Lake Superior, its geologic history is different. The western end of the lake basin (not including the bay area) was formed when a block of crust dropped down to form a rift valley (graben). The

14 At the city of Washburn, located along this lowland strip and up the face of the intruding highland, the coast forms a broad bay, Vmiderventer Bay, with low smidstone mid clay cliffs replaced at its southwest margin by a small mmsh where Thompson's Creek (formerly Vmiderventer's Creek) enters the bay. In the shallow water along the shore nem Washburn there is a belt of erratic boulders (that is, rocks not native to the area, carried in by the glacier) that have accumulated as the clay banks have been eroded back by the lake. Beyond Thompson's Creek the coast is characterized by clay banks of varying heights with sandstone banks or ledges at their bases. At Bonus Creek the highland begins to recede from the coast forming a broad lowland encompassing an extensive wetland formed by Whittlesey mid Fish Creeks at the head of the Bay. At the head of the bay the coast curves around from the southwest to the northeast, the Fish Creek wetland giving way to a broad sand beach, then to clay cliffs ten or more feet high, which front the site of the city of Ashland on the southern lowlmid. Farther along the coast the clay cliffs give way to mi extensive slough area into which flow Wood Creek and the K^agon River on the west or bay side of the base of Chequmiiegon Point and the Bad River on the east or lake side of the spit. Here the trend of the coast turns abruptly from northeast to southeast and is chmacterized by moderately high clay bmiks with underlying ledges of sandstone. From Marble Point to the mouth of the Montreal River sandstone bluffs once again predominate.

The Ashland plain rises gently from the wetlands and bluffs at its coastal margin until it abuts the highlmid that surrounds it from the northeast to the southwest. This highland area consists of two rmiges, the copper rmige and fmther south, the iron or Penokee range. The copper range, a continuation of the copper beming formations of the Keweenaw peninsula, forms the frontal escarpment of the highland. Near the mouth of the Montreal River the copper range rises rapidly to an altitude of 500 feet above the lake, trends southwest to the vicinity of the Brunsweiler River, and then continues just southwest toward Lake Nemakogon. While eastern portions may attain altitudes of 700 to 800 feet above l^e level, for most of its length it ranges from 550 to 650 feet above the lake. Farther south the Penokee rmige, a topographical continuation of the Gogebic range to the east in Michigan, trends generally northeast-southwest, rising to heights of from 900 to 1,200 feet above l^e level. It is broadest near the Montreal River, becoming narrower to the west mid declining rapidly to the local terrain elevation near Mineral Lake. The copper and Penokee ranges me geologically distinct, but topographically they merge into a broad band of highland of which the latter range is the most prominent.

Early Maps And Names Of Chequamegon Bay

French and English maps record early geographical conceptions of the Chequmiiegon Bay region and the names that were applied to its major features—^the bay, peninsula, smid spit, and islands. A Jesuit map of 1670-71, a few years after the first European visit in 1659, shows these features in their correct relationship to each other and in their proper position with respect to the west end of the lake and the Keweenaw Peninsula to the east (7). Nine unnamed islands are shown grouped around the end of the peninsula with one large islmid in the position of Madeline Island. At the bottom of the bay appear the words "La Pointe du St. Esprit" and "Mission du St. Esprit," but no other features me named. A smaller peninsula and bay are shown immediately to the west, probably a size exaggeration of Bark Point and Bark Bay. In 1671 a remmkably accurate map of L^e Superior and the Chequamegon Bay region was published by the French with the peninsula, bay, spit, and twelve islmids shown in correct relationship, but none of these features are nmiied (8). As on the Jesuit map of the smiie time, the names "La Pointe du Esprit" and "Mission du St. Esprit" appear, and the smaller peninsula and bay to the west me also shown.

A French map of North America from 1688 shows a less accurate representation of the peninsula and bay (9). Only one large island is shown labeled "I.S. Michel" or Island St. Michel. The exaggerated peninsula and bay appear again to the west, with a large island off the tip of this peninsula labeled "I. du detour." At the bottom of the bay appems the label "Ance [bay] Chagouamigon," perhaps the first occasion on which the name was applied to the bay. Another French map of 1744 again shows "Ance de Chagouamigon" and within it a "Baye S. Charles," perhaps referring to what later would be called Vanderventer's Bay at Washburn (10). Ten islands

16 Duluth escmpment to the north and the highlmid south of Superior are the eroded remnants of the great faults thus created. This rift valley was subsequently filled with sedimentary rocks that were then removed by glacial erosion during the Pleistocene period, giving the basin essentially its present configuration. On the other hand, the major features of the Chequmiiegon Bay region—^the bay itself, the Bayfield peninsula. Apostle Islands, and the Ashland plain—were probably formed by glacial modification of pre-existing drainage patterns in the ancient (pre-Cambrimi) sandstone during the last glacial age, 10 to 50 thousand years ago. This glacier, the Wisconsin, moved radially from two major spreading centers located east and west of Hudson Bay, advancing into Wisconsin from the northeast in great tongues or lobes—the Superior lobe to the north and the Chippewa lobe to the south. As it retreated, that is as its front gradually melted away, the meltwater formed a glacial lake (L^e Duluth) between the face of the glacier and highlands to the south.

The retreating glacier also deposited on top of the micient sandstone huge quantities of mixed sand, clay, and rocks of all sizes (called till) that it had scooped up as it advanced. The highland of the Bayfield peninsula is a ridge of such glacially deposited materials heaped up on the underlying smidstone between the two glacial lobes to 600 or more feet above lake level (known as interlobate moraine). The terrain at the summit (the "barrens") is hummocky with numerous circulm depressions or "potholes" characteristic of kettle moraine. The predominant type of soil here is sand of various grades of coarseness, mid except for patches of loamy sand or where organic materials have been laid over or mixed in with the sand, the area is generally unsuited for agriculture. Lake Duluth laid down a terrace of clay mound the drift material of the highland and a thick layer on the Ashland plain and the Apostle Islands. This clay is very compact mid heavy and requires extensive work to ventilate it and to supplement its mineral content to make it suitable for agriculture. The numerous rivers and creeks that flow into the lake down the flmiks of the highland have swept out broad valleys in the soft clay mid cut narrow gorges into the smidstone. The Apostle Islands are an extension of the Bayfield peninsula, the chminels sepmating them from each other and from the peninsula having been created by water and glacial erosion.

The geographic focus and the center of settlement and economic activity in the Chequmiiegon Bay region is the bay itself. Oriented along a northeast-southwest axis, it is about 12 miles long to the smid spit that lies across its mouth mid is about 10 miles wide at that point. This spit extends northwestward from the southern lowlmid to within about four miles of the Bayfield peninsula and consists of Chequamegon Point mid Long Island, the two sepmated by a narrow water gap (6). The spit mid islmid serve as a natural bre^water, protecting the bay against the fury of storms on the main lake. The water is shallower in that part of the bay that lies to the southeast of a line from the outer tip of Chequamegon Point southwest to the head of the bay, and at the head of the bay itself, than on the northwest side, where it rmiges in depth up to 70 feet.

From the far northeastern end of the Bayfield peninsula around to the city of Bayfield, the coast consists mainly of sandstone cliffs, heavily sculpted by wave action mid overlain by clay, interrupted by sandy bays—Raspberry Bay, Frog Bay, and Red Cliff Bay. Beginning at Red Cliff the highland presses closer to the coast, and just northeast of Bayfield the rock cliff with its overburden of clay rise to over one hundred feet above the water, while Bayfield itself is built on the rather steeply sloped flank of the highlmid, which extends to a low clay bank at the water's edge. Beyond Bayfield the sandstone cliffs reappear and continue toward the southwest, giving way just short of Onion River to high clay banks. Beyond Onion River there is an extensive wetland formed by that river and the Sioux River farther to southwest. Beyond this wetland there are clay banks mid then the sandstone cliffs emerge again to form a prominent headland, Houghton Point. The coast then continues with sandstone cliffs ten or more feet in height until replaced once again by high clay cliffs, with lower banks and ledges of sandstone. Here the highland recedes somewhat from the coast, creating an mea of relatively gentle slope, broad behind Houghton Point, but narrowing where the highland intrudes back to the coast farther to the southwest.

15 are shown, nmiied "I. des 12 Apotres," including both an "I. La Ronde" and an "I. S. Michel." This may have been the first time that the name "Apostle Islands" was applied to the islands. Another French map of the Great Lakes from 1755 shows the peninsula and bay with 11 or 12 islands grouped around it labeled "I. es 12 Apotres" (11). A large islmid in the approximate position of Madeline Islands is labeled "I.S. Michel." A second large islmid placed at the end of the peninsula is named "I. du Detour." At the bottom of the bay appears again the name "Ance Chagoumiiigon."

A map by Jonathan Carver in 1766 shows the peninsula much exaggerated in size mid projecting far into the lake with 14 islands grouped around it labeled "The 12 Apostles" (12). The Keweenaw Peninsula is mistakenly labeled "Point Cheqomogan." The far western part of the lake is labeled "West Bay." Carver's 1769 map is essentially the same with the islands nmiied "The 12 Apostles" mid the peninsula labeled "Le Point" (13). "Point Chegomogan" does not appear on this map. Schoolcraft's map accompmiying his report of his 1820 expedition to discover the source of the Mississippi River is pmlicularly interesting (14). Scattered on both sides of the peninsula, which is not named, are 28 islands named after the states, the whole being called the "Federation Group." The bay itself is named "Bay of St. Charles" and the smid spit "Point Chegoimagon." While the peninsula, bay, islands, mid sand spit are shown in their approximate relationships to each other, their shapes and sizes are badly distorted. Immediately to the west are three peninsulas, the largest of which is identified as "Pt. aux Ecore." Finally, Bayfield's survey chart from 1825 shows the peninsula, bay, spit, and islmids in their nearly correct positions and proportions (15). The bay is labeled "Chaqwamegon Bay" mid the sand spit at its northeastern end is called "Point Chaqwamegon." There is a break in the spit nem its northwestern end. Twenty islands are shown, several with their modem nmiies including "Madelene Island" with the village of La Point in its proper location. The chart must have been drafted in the late 1850s for Bayfield, Ashlmid, and Bay City are shown, as well as Odanah. The west end of the lake is labeled "Fond Du Lac."

According to these maps, the name "Chequamegon" (with spelling variations) was applied to the bay from 1688 onward. The bay was known by other names, however—"Bay of St. Charles" by Schoolcraft in 1820, "Long Island Bay" in the 1852 survey plats, "Ashland Bay" and "La Pointe Bay" in some documents—before "Chequamegon Bay" became firmly established after the Civil War (Schoolcraft 1855, 105; Verwyst 1895, 426). There are several ideas about the original meaning of the word "Chequamegon." They all agree that the word is a corruption of an Indimi word that referred to the sand point or spit which is now Chequamegon Point and Long Islmid, but differ as to what the word was mid what it meant originally. Warren, in his History of the Ojibway People, stated that the Indian word was "Sha-ga-waum-ik-ong." According to Warren the word meant "the soft beaver dam" because the point was built by an Indian god "to bar the egress of a great beaver which he once hunted on the Great Lake, and which had taken refuge in this deep bay," but the "great beaver had easily broken through it" back into the lake (Warren 1984, 102; Verwyst 1895, 426-427). This is probably the most credible interpretation, since Wmren was part Ojibway and intimately acquainted with their language and culture (16).

The Europemis used the nmiie Chequmiiegon with a broad geographic reference, encompassing not only the bay but also the large if ill-defined territory to the south and west accessible by the rivers and Indimi trails radiating from the bay. Indeed, more recently the author of a historical nmrative of the Montana Territory insisted that the word "Chequemegon" was "mi Indian name for Beaver" and referred to the vast domain in northern United States and southern Canada where this miimal was hunted for its fur. While this author was incorrect in his translation of the word and greatly over extended its geographic reference, he was quite right when he went on to say that "On account of its fur, the beaver incidentally became the forerunner of civilization in these territories . . .." (Allen 1949,1). For it was the lust for the fur of the beaver that was amain driving force behind the early exploration and settlement of the Chequmiiegon Bay region by Europeans and their descendents, French, British, and American.

17 Historic Site Mmkers (17)

In the late 1920s and early 1930s, mmkers or monuments were placed on three historic sites at the head of the Chequamegon Bay. The first marker or "shrine" was erected at Mission Springs in what was assumed to be the approximate location of the chapels occupied by Fathers Allouez and Mmquette in 1665 mid 1669. The marker consisted of a stone alter with a niche in which was placed a statue of "Our Lady of Lourdes" and was dedicated on Sunday, May 31 1925. The main speakers were Father Louis Charron from Ashlmid and Frank S. Dhooge, former mayor of Ashland. The shrine is still in its original location on private property at the end of Mission Spring Road off highway 13, adjacent to Noel's resort.

The second marker was placed on the supposed site of the tree cut down by Asaph Whittlesey and George Kilbom after they had landed on July 5 1854 approximately at the end of 18 Avenue west. It consisted of a large boulder on which was fastened a bronze plate with the inscription: "Here on July 5, 1854, Asaph Whittlesey and George Kilbom felled the first tree ever cut in Ashland. It became pmt of the foundation of the first house built in Ashland. It was built on this site in July 1854 by Asaph Whittlesey." The mmker was dedicated on Old Settlers' Day during Ashland's Diamond Jubilee celebration on Friday, July 5 1929. The main spe^ers were Mayor M.E. Dillon and C.A. Lmiioreaux. The marker is now located on the lake side of highway 2, at the foot of 10 Avenue west.

The third mmker was erected on the assumed location of the shelter built by Pierre Esprit Radisson and Sieur des Groseilliers, the first recorded Europemis to reach Chequamegon Bay, arriving there in the fall of 1659. Located near Fish Creek west of Ashland, it was a primitive hut but nevertheless touted by local history enthusiasts as "the first house" built by white men in Wisconsin. The marker consists of a large block of quarried native brownstone set on a concrete base with an inscription cut into the brownstone: "The First House Built by White Men in the State of Wisconsin Was Erected Nem This Spot by Radisson and Grosielliers In the Fall of 1658" (should be 1659). It was dedicated in elaborate ceremonies held at Prentice Park on Sunday, October 25 1931, the principal speakers being J. M. Dodd and C.A. Lamoreaux of Ashland, and Joseph Schafer of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin. The mmker was unveiled by Dorothy Cadotte, a descendent of Michel Cadotte, an early settler at La Pointe, and Lucille Buffalo, a descendent of Chief Buffalo, mi early and respected chief of the La Pointe Chippewa Indian band. The marker is now located in Ashland's Maslowski beach park. Guy M. Burnham, a local historian in Ashland, was an active promoter of these mid other historic markers through his articles in the Ashland Daily Press. It was also Imgely through his promotional efforts that a sign was placed on highway 13 to mmk the watershed between the Lake Superior and Mississippi River drainage basin and dedicated on Sunday, August 14 1932.

Bibliographic Information

The bibliographies list the source materials cited in the chapters (with the exception of many of the newspaper articles), plus additional items relevant to the chapter discussion. In addition to books, newspapers, periodicals, pamphlets, and personal documents, the Federal and State census reports, documents from the mchives of the Register of Deeds of Ashland and Bayfield Counties, and information provided by several local history societies and university historical collections were drawn on extensively for the study. There are no systematic histories of Ashland or Bayfield counties, while the one history of northern Wisconsin, A.T. Andreas' History of Northern Wisconsin (1881), is of limited value. For Chequamegon Bay and its communities, Guy M. Bumham's The Lake Superior Country in History and Story (1930, 1974) and Walt Harris' The Chequamegon Country, 1659-1976 (1976) are invaluable sources (pmticularly the former), while Hamilton N. Ross' La Pointe-Village Outpost (1960) is an excellent history of that settlement. Guy M. Bumham's Chequamegon columns in the Ashland Daily Press from 1927 to 1939 are a treasure of information, most of which would have been lost if he had not recorded it. His book just noted includes material from his emly columns. All of Bumham's columns were reviewed, and many of them were copied for the bibliography files. The

18 documentation for the first period of settlement from 1854 to 1860 on the Ashlmid and Bayfield sites is limited to surviving issues of the short-lived Bayfield Mercury, the reminiscences of a few emly settlers from their elder yems and Bumhmii's Chequamegon columns. The second period of settlement beginning in the early 1870s is well documented by the newspapers published in Ashland, Bayfield, Washburn, and by other sources. Much of the material cited in the text and listed in the bibliographies is filed in the bibliographic collection accumulated for this study.

19 Source location abbreviations

SHSW—State Historical Society of Wisconsin Library (The change from State Historical Society of Wisconsin to Wisconsin Historical Society was made after this book was completed.)

SHSW-A—archives

SHSW-PC—pamphlet collection

SHSW-GC—general collection

SHSW-R—reference collection

SHSW-V—visual archives

SHSW-GD—government documents collection

SHSW-MF—microforms collection

ARC—Area Research Center

ARC-A—Ashland

ARC-S—Superior

UWM—University of Wisconsin Memorial Library

UWM-TC—thesis collection

UWM-GC—general collection

UWE—University of Wisconsin Engineering Librmy

UWL—University of Wisconsin Law Library

DCHM—Douglas County Historical Museum

BCRD—Bayfield County Register of Deeds

ACRD—Ashland County Register of Deeds

SLCHS—St. Louis County Historical Society

MHS—Minnesota Historical Society

NMHC—Northeast Minnesota Historical Center

20 Newspaper abbreviations and histories

Danky & Hady 1994; Oehlerts 1958; "History of Newspapers" 1941. All newspapers are available through the Microforms Division, SHSW. In citations, newspaper article dates from 1900 onward are in italics.

AWP—Ashland Weekly Press—iune 22 1872-October 7 1916

ADN—Ashland Daily News—Septemher 25 1887-May21 1915

ADP—Ashland Daily Press—March 5 1888-1966—continued by the Daily Press.

BM—Bayfield Mercury—April 18-September 15 1857

Bayfield Press—1^59-1^61, 1866-1868 [?]—no copies extant.

BP—Bayfield Press—Octoher 13 1870-June 15 1872

BCP—Bayfiield County Press—June 13 1877-1976—continued by Washburn-Bayfiield County Times.

MS—Milwaukee Sentinel—iune 1837- (Indexed 1837-1890)

SC—Superior Chronicle—June 12 1855-August 29 1863

SET—Superior Evening Telegram—April 21 1890 to date.

Source and abbreviations

ABI—American Biographical Index. New York: K.G. Saur, 1993.

ACAB—Appletons' Cyclopaedia OfiAmerican Biography. New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1888.

CBR—Commemorative Biographical Record ofiThe Upper Lake Region. Chicago: J.H. Beers & Co., 1905.

CSHSW—Collections ofithe State Historical Society ofiWisconsin

DAB—Dictionary ofi American Biography. New York: Chmles Scribner's Sons, 1928

DWB—Dictionary ofiWisconsin Biography. Madison: State Historical Society, 1960.

EAB—Encyclopedia Ofi American Biography. New York: Americmi Historical Company, Inc., 1954.

21 MB—Warren, Uphmii and Rose Bmleau Dunlap. "Minnesota Biographies 1655-1912." Collections ofithe Minnesota Historical Society. V.14, 1912.

MH—Minnesota History

NCAB—The National Cyclopaedia Ofi American Biography. New York: Jmiies T. White & Company, 1937.

WHP—Qua\fe, Milo. Wisconsin; Its History and Its People 1634-1924. Chicago: S.J. Clarke Publishing Company, 1924.

WMH—Wisconsin Magazine ofi History.

WSB—Vsher, Ellis Baker. Wisconsin; Its Story And Biography 1848-1913. Chicago: Lewis Publishing Company, 1914.

Population data

Population data are from the U.S. censuses and the Wisconsin territorial (1836-1847) and state (1855-1905) censuses. Discussions of the frontier of settlement are based on the excellent population distribution maps in Smith 1928.

22 Introduction Endnotes

1. This study is intended to be an objective historical study guided by scholarly standmds of research, with citations, notes, and an extensive bibliography. It is not, of course, complete, final, or without imperfections. If the study serves no other purpose than as a starting point for future historians to write a more comprehensive history of Chequamegon Bay region, the great effort required to research and write it will have been worthwhile. I also hope that it might reinvigorate the communal historical memory and interests of the Chequamegon Bay communities.

2. This resource frontier thesis is not proposed as the cause or explanation of everything that happened during the long history of the Chequamegon Bay region. The causes of the events of history are not "simple and sovereign" ones, but complex webs of causes and effects that are often impossible to untangle. On the other hand, the broad course of history can often be understood from the perspective of a large-scale factor such as this thesis, even though that factor is not the "cause" of everything that occurred. The thesis advanced here, then, is not intended as a total explanation of the history the Chequamegon Bay region and its settlements, but only as a perspective from which to view and gain an overall understanding of that history. For comments about the resource frontier thesis, see: Slotkin 1985, c. 3; Billington 1966, 160-163; Higgins 1959, 188-191. Chmles Gordon Mahaffey applied a similm concept to the larger Lake Superior region within which Chequmiiegon Bay is located (the Upper Peninsula of Michigan, northern Wisconsin, and northeastern Minnesota)— M^affey 1978; Mahaffey and Bassuk 1978.

Natural resources may be defined as "valued goods the production of which occurs through natural processes or Imgely without human intervention and the supply of which is severely constrained (if not altogether fixed) by nature" (Young 1982,1). They may be divided into two broad classes: those that require extraction from the land (ore, oil, timber) and processing into useful and marketable products; mid those that are fixed natural features of the environment such as natural beauty, port sites, water courses, and chminels, and that may require enhancement or improvement to be useful. The words "inexhaustible resources" or "inexhaustible reserves" of ore, timber or some other resource, were stock phrases in the "boom" literature and even appemed in survey or traveler's reports prepared by people who should have known better. Of course, for the first Europeans and those who followed them the resources of the North American continent truly appeared inexhaustible. The scale of the natural wealth was beyond miything they had ever encountered or even imagined; the state of technology limited the rate at which resources could be exploited, so that even centuries of exploitation would not threaten to diminish the reserves; and the level of demmid for resources was relatively modest. At the same time, of course, the view of resources being inexhaustible reinforced mid justified the attitude that they could be used or abused as people saw fit. The idea continued to be espoused because of its usefulness in this regard, even when the factors that gave credence to it were no longer tenable.

3. Chequamegon Bay was part of a huge resource frontier for furs that encompassed the Great L^es and St. Lawrence River and their tributmies. There was, of course, no frontier of agrarian settlement ahead of this resource frontier.

23 4. The sequence of "boom and bust" in the Chequamegon Bay region beginning in the post-Civil Wm period is reflected in the population figures from the Federal and State censuses for 1870 to 1950

Ashland Bayfield Washburn

1870 a 344

1875b 448c l,032d

1880 951c 495

1885b 4,844c l,409d 741

1890 9,956 1,373 3,039

1895b 12,310 1,368 5,178

1900 13,074 1,689 5,005

1905b 14,519 2,675d 4,974

1910 11,594 2,692d 3,830

1917 6,038e

1918 6,500f

1920 11,334 1,441 3,707

1930 10,622 1,195 2,238

1940 11,101 1,212 2,363

1950 10,640 1,153 2,070 a. The census figure for the Town of La Pointe including the village of La Pointe and the settlement sites at Ashland mid Bay City was 221. There were at most only a few people at the latter two places in 1870, however. b. State census; last census in 1905 c. Town of Ashland including the village of Ashlmid d. Town of Bayfield including the village of Bayfield e. Unofficial census f Smiborn map estimate, September 1918

24 5. This description of the geography of Chequamegon Bay is based on Martin 1965, c. 15-18; Whittlesey 1852; Irving 1880; mid personal acquaintance with the mea.

6. Long Island is an intermittent feature created when waves from strong storms on the big lake break through Chequamegon Point forming a shallow channel known as the "sand cut." This is recorded to have happened "about 1840, again in 1870, and again in 1891," mid no doubt happened many times prior to the first record—Martin 1965, 74. See Bumham's articles on the "sand cut," ADP 10/26/38-11/7/38

I. "Jesuit Map Of Lake Superior, And Parts Of Lakes Huron And Michigan," 1670-71, Thwaites 1959, v. 5^, 94-95.

8. "Lac Tracy ou Superieur avec les dependances de la Mission du Saint Esprit," 1671, Kapinski Collection (no. 73) in the map collection of the Archives Division, State Historical Society of Wisconsin. Except where otherwise noted, all maps are from the State Historical Society's collection.

9. Franquelin, "Carte de I'Amerique Septentrionnalle depuis le 25," 1688.

10. Bellin "Carte des Lacs du Canada," Chmlevoix 1744.

II. Bellin, "Carte De La Partie-Occidental Du Canada," 1755.

12. From Carver 1956.

13. Jonathan Carver, [Map of Wisconsin-Minnesota region], 1769.

14. Schoolcraft 1855.

15. "Survey of Lake Superior by Lieut. Henry W. Bayfield, R. N between the yems 1823 & 1825."

16. Another interpretation is that the original Indimi word was "Sz^-guh-wah-mih-koong" meaning "The region of shallow water, or shoal water." For a review of these and other meanings, see Bumhmii 1974, 3-6; Bumham, y4DP 8/21/29, 8/12/31, 10/2/31, 12/2/31, 12/11/33. Anote inthe Milwaukee Sentinel in 1872 stated that "The name of Cha-ga-wa-me-gon Bay is changed to Ashland Bay," but this name chmige never took place—M^ 3/25/72.

17. For sources see the historic sites markers section of the bibliography.

25 Chapter 1

An Overview of Wisconsin History to 1850 (1)

While geography may not be destiny, it certainly has an enormous influence on the fate of peoples and states. In the case of Wisconsin, two geographic endowments of the territory from which it was formed, shaped and chmineled the exploration, settlement, and development of the state: its location on the Great Lakes adjacent to the Mississippi, with an internal system of waterways that connected the lakes and river; mid its rich resources of fur, minerals, timber, stone, and agricultural land (Dopp 1913; Uber 1937). These gifts of nature made the territory an mena within which were played out many events important in the history of that great sweep of territory from the Gulf of St. Lawrence west through the Great Lakes and south along the Mississippi to the Gulf of Mexico. From 1634, when the French explorer Jean Nicolet landed at Green Bay, to the achievement of statehood in 1848, Wisconsin was under the successive dominion of three "regimes:" French from 1634 to the first treaty of Paris in 1763; British from that date to the second Treaty of Paris in 1783; and American from then until 1848.

The French Regime 1634-1763

The Europemi discovery of the Americas was in a sense accidental, for Columbus mid the great discoverers who followed in his stead were seeking, not new and unknown lands, but the known lands of what were then called "the Indies"—China, Persia, Japmi, and India. For hundreds of years luxury goods—spices, silk, porcelain, carpets, ebony—had been transported on overland routes (the silk road) from the fabled cities of the Indies to ports in the Levant (modem Lebmion) and Egypt, where they were shipped to merchants in Italy for distribution to the wealthy classes of Europe. By the beginning of the 15^ century the Muslims had closed these routes to Europeans so that the products of the Indies could only be obtained for exorbitant prices at the ports. The princes and merchmits of Europe understood that the earth was a sphere, mid reasoned that the Indies could be reached by sea by finding a route eastward around Africa or directly westward across the open ocean. There was only one problem: based on ancient geographic sources they underestimated the size of the earth and overestimated the proportions of land to water. Columbus, for example, calculated that Japan lay only 2,400 miles from the Canmy Islands at 28°N latitude, while the actual air distance is over 10,600 miles. Thus, explorers from Spain, Portugal, England, and France, with no conception of the enormous extent of the earth, considered the new land that they had stumbled across to be the farthest extension of Asia to the east, a barrier to be traversed or circumvented in order to reach the fabled cities that they were seeking. Each of the great bays or estuaries they discovered in voyages up and down the coasts sparked new hope that the way had been found, but they all proved, from the perspective of the early explorers, to lead nowhere.

Within a half-century after Columbus' first voyage, with information from the discoveries of Magellan, Balboa, and others at hmid, it was generally recognized that the Americas were continents separated by vast distances from Asia. But the search for a way through continued, and Spanish, French, and English explorers probed the estuaries, bays and rivers of the east coast of North America seeking a passage through the continent. One of these explorers, Jacques Cartier, on an expedition sponsored by the French king, Francis I, discovered in 1534 the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and in a second voyage in 1535, the river itself. In May 1536 before leaving to return home, Cartier claimed the whole of the St. Lawrence Valley for France. But Frmice, preoccupied with affairs in Europe and internal religious strife, neglected its nominal possession on the St. Lawrence for several decades. The region continued to be visited by fishermmi mid fur traders, mid in the course of plying their businesses they explored much of the St. Lawrence Gulf. In 1599 an attempt to establish a colony at Tadoussac, a traditional fur trading site at the juncture of the Saguenay and St. Lawrence rivers, was unsuccessful. Finally in 1603, Smiiuel de Champlain planted the French flag on the site of Montreal, and was known forever after as the father of New France. Champlain was told by Indians that the river led to great bodies of water far to the west, and he formed the impression that there was a great salt sea there, thus perpetuating the myth of and semch for the 26 elusive path to the Indies. In 1608 Chmiiplain established the first colony of New France at Quebec. In the next few years he explored the Richilieu River, Lake Champlain, the Ottawa River and discovered Lakes Ontario and Huron.

By 1635 the explorations of Champlain, Etienne Brule' and Jean Nicolet had revealed much about the lower Great Lakes and their interconnections, but Lake Superior remained a tmitalizing mystery. Although the evidence is weak, Brule' (along with Grenoble) probably penetrated into Lake Superior during 1621-23. He is reported to have said that he saw Indians mining copper, which would place him at the site of the ancient Indian copper mines on Isle Royale. In 1634 Nicolet was sent west by Champlain in the continuing search for a water route through the continent to the western sea. The French had heard of a previously unknown tribe of Indians with strange customs who lived far to the west, the Winnebago, and Nicolet interpreted their name to mean "people of the sea." From this he concluded that they must live along rivers that led from the Great Lakes to the western sea, and he set out to find them. At Sault Ste. Marie Nicolet was told by the Indimis about the great lake, which lay beyond the rapids, but believing that he could find the "people of the sea" toward where the sun sets, he turned into Lake Michigan, following its northwestern shore to Green Bay. There he landed, impressing the Winnebago with his firearms and his attire of an elaborate Chinese robe, but they proved not to be the "people of the sea" for whom he was searching. He concluded a treaty of allimice between France mid the allied tribes in the region, and probably explored up the Fox River into Lake Winnebago, returning to Quebec in 1635(2).

While Brule' was reported to have touched on Wisconsin territory during his journey into Lake Superior, Nicolet's landing in Green Bay is the first recorded (if sketchy and controversial) entry of Frenchmen mid French authority into Wisconsin (3). But it was to be twenty years before another Frenchman set foot in Wisconsin, for New France was cut off from the west by the continuing warfare of the Iroquois against other tribes mid against the French. Then in 1653, the Iroquois, who had pursued the Algonquin tribes they had driven out of the lower peninsula all of the way to Wisconsin, suffered a great defeat and the St. Lawrence- Great Lakes route was reopened. In the following yem a fleet of Indian (Ottawa) canoes carrying mi immense cargo of furs arrived at Montreal from the Wisconsin territory. When they returned home they took with them two Frenchmen, one Medart Choumt, Sieur des Groseilliers, and the other thought by the some to have been his brother-in-law, Pierre-Esprit Radisson, and by others to have been an unknown person. They were the first recorded Europeans to reach Wisconsin after Nicolet's visit in 1634, although it is not known where they landed or what tribes they visited. Following this voyage, in 1658-59 Groseilliers and Radisson traveled from Montreal to Saulte Ste. Mmie, passed along the south shore of Lake Superior, portaged across Keweenaw Point, and entered Chequamegon Bay, the first white men to do so as far as is known.

In the years following the journey of Radisson and Groseilliers, many traders and missionaries made the long and dangerous trip from New France to the Wisconsin region in search of furs and of souls to save. Among the former were Nicolas Perrot, Daniel Greysolon de Delhut, mid Louis Jolliet, mid among the latter, Rene Menmd, Claude Allouez, and Jacques Marquette. In the summer of 1673, Jolliet and Marquette, in the continuing semch for the ever elusive route across the continent to the "south sea" or Pacific Ocean, ascended the Fox River from Green Bay, traversed the Wisconsin and Mississippi Rivers, mid returned to Lake Michigan via the Illinois River. This expedition charted what was to become, along with the network of smaller rivers in Wisconsin that connected these main mleries to Lakes Superior mid Michigan, the key communication channel between France's two empires in North America: New France to the north and Louisiana to the south. Since Wisconsin lay astride or was adjacent to all of the rivers that made up this system, the territory acquired an importance to the French that transcended its value as a great reservoir of furs.

In June 1671, in an elaborate ceremony at Sault Ste. Marie, Lakes Huron and Superior and all lands "discovered and to be discovered" to the west, north and south were formally annexed to New France. A similar ceremony was held in 1689 on the Wisconsin bank of the Mississippi by which France claimed possession of the entire upper Mississippi valley. The principal purpose of French colonial policy in their territories was to protect and 27 carry on the fur trade, and settlement and agriculture were undertaken primarily to support that purpose. In pursuit of this policy the French constructed a string of trading posts and forts, some with missions, in the Great Lakes region. The chief post was on Mackinac Islmid (the Indian name was Michilimackinac) at the Straits of Mackinac, and the main posts in Wisconsin were at La Pointe and La Baye des Puants (which will be referred to hereafter as Green Bay, so named later by British traders), and at an unknown site on the upper Mississippi. Smaller forts, some hardly worthy of that characterization, were erected at various times at the mouth of the Wisconsin River, on both banks of Lake Pepin, on the St. Croix River, mid at other sites. The main settlement was at Green Bay with a lesser settlements at La Pointe mid eventually at Prairie du Chien.

For almost eighty years from 1680 to their final defeat by the British in 1760, the French were engaged in constant wmfme, first with the Iroquois Indians, then with the Fox Indians, and finally with the English colonists in the Ohio Valley. The conflict with the Fox and their Indian allies directly affected Wisconsin, for the Indians were able to severely disrupt the fur trade and at one point they almost drove the French completely out of the territory. But it was the penetration of English colonist and traders into the territory of the Ohio Valley, encroaching on French fur trade interests and threatening the communications between Louisiana mid New France, which ignited the conflict that led to the end of the French empire in North America and of the French regime in Wisconsin. Escalating hostilities in the Ohio Valley in the early 1750s developed into a full- scale war between Frmice and Great Britain in the spring of 1756. This war, known as the French and Indimi Wm, raged for four terrible years. The war did not directly involve Wisconsin, but Indians from the region were brought east under a French settler at Mackinac named Charles Langlade to fight the British, which they did with great success but with cruelty appalling to French and British alike. Fighting ceased with the surrender of Montreal to the British in September of 1760, and the war was formally ended by the Treaty of Paris of 1763. By the terms of the treaty France lost not only New Frmice to the British, but Louisiana east of the Mississippi as well. French troops were to be transported to the nearest post for passage to France, while French traders, merchants, and settlers could remain unmolested in property, trade, and religion as subjects of the English king, or were free to go to France as they wished. But most were French-Canadians to whom France would be almost a foreign country and so, surprised mid relieved at these moderate terms and their considerate treatment by the British, mmiy of them decided to stay. With the surrender of New France and Louisiana to the British, and having previously ceded its territory west of the Mississippi to Spain for its support in the wm, France was left only with New Orleans, a pitiful remnmit of her once vast North American empire. But the decision of the French Canadimis to remain insured that while the British were the masters of what had been New Frmice, the society and culture of the region would remain distinctly French for many more years.

The British Regime 1763-1781

With the surrender of Montreal the British army and the fur traders, not waiting for a formal treaty of peace, immediately fanned out across the vast territory to replace the French at their posts, occupying Detroit in November 1760, Mackinac Island in September 1761, and Green Bay the following year. With the arrival of the British traders the fur trade was immediately re-established, for the Indians had accumulated stocks of furs that they were anxious to exchmige for the trade goods upon which they had become so dependent but that had not been available to them during the war. But the British made a poor start in establishing their relationships with the Indimis. They insisted that the Indians as well as the French had surrendered and must submit to them, a view that did not go down well with the Indians, who had not surrendered to anyone. Resenting this arrogance as well as the pmsimony of the British in gift giving, fearful that the British were going to confiscate their lands, mid stirred up by French agents mid their own zealots, they rose against their new masters in the spring of 1763 in a bloody revolt precipitated by the Ottawa chief Pontiac. Due to the good sense and political skills of the young officer in the British fort at Green Bay and the support of friendly Indians, Pontiac's Conspiracy, as the uprising is known, did not result in serious bloodshed in Wisconsin. The fur trade was all but suspended during the uprising, but after trade was resumed late in 1764 it expmided greatly, building on the foundations laid by the French. The center for the trade in the northwest was Mackinac Island, where traders arrived from Montreal via the Ottawa River-Lake Nipissing route to Lake Huron, or the St. Lawrence-lower 28 lakes route. From there they went to Wisconsin mid Minnesota and other points north, west, and south along the waterways bordering and braiding those states. In Wisconsin the main post was at Green Bay, while Prairie du Chien became a rendezvous point for traders along the Wisconsin and Mississippi Rivers, although it had no garrison, no merchants, and few permanent settlers. The people of those communities, while they pledged themselves to the British Crown, remained French in Imiguage, customs, and behavior. Even British citizens who took up residence in these tiny settlements soon adopted the ways of their French-Canadian neighbors.

There was no systematic exploration of the northwest during the British regime, but mi account by the Englishman Jonathan Carver of his travels through the region in the 1760s provided much interesting information. In the fall of 1766 Carver traveled from Green Bay to the Wisconsin River by the usual route, proceeding down that river to the Mississippi, and then to Prairie du Chien. He did not comment on Green Bay but provided the following description of emly Prairie du Chien: the Indians "built a town on the bmik of the Mississippi, near the mouth of the Ouisconsin, at a place called by the French La Prairies les Chiens, which signifies Dog Plains; it is a large town, and contains about three hundred fmiiilies; the houses are well built after the Indian mminer, and pleasantly situated on a very rich soil, from which they raise every necessary of life in great abundmice. I saw here many horses of a good size mid shape. This town is the great mart, which all the adjacent tribes, and even those who inhabit the most remote brmiches of the Mississippi, minually assemble about the latter end of May, bringing with them their furs to dispose of to the traders" (Carver 1956, 50). Carver noted that a truce prevailed miiong warring tribes who met during the annual rendezvous at Prairie du Chien, a rule "established among them for their mutual convenience, as without it no trade could be carried on" (Carver 1956, 99).

From Prairie du Chien Carver went up the Mississippi, and wintered among the "Naudowassie" or Sioux on the upper "River St. Pierre" (the St. Peter or Minnesota River). He returned to Prairie du Chien in the spring. In the summer of 1767 he traveled north on the Mississippi once again, took the Chippewa River fm inland to a Chippewa village (probably near Lac Court Oreilles), crossed over to the Upper St. Croix, and from there descended the Brule (which he named the "Goddard") to Lake Superior. From the mouth of the Brule he proceeded to Grand Portage, and then explored the great northern arc of the Lake Superior coast back to Sault Ste. Marie and to Mackinac Island. Carver did not cover the south coast of the lake from the Brule to Sault St. Marie, which perhaps accounts for his error of referring to the Keweenaw Peninsula as "Point Chegomegan." The Bayfield Peninsula mid the Apostle Islmids ("The 12 Apostles") are shown in their approximately correct position on his map, however (4). Carver was as an acute observer of the Indians and their customs, rituals, and modes of living as he was of the geography of the territory he covered. His journey was no holiday romp, attended as it was by considerable hardship on occasion, and by hair-raising encounters with Indians from which he barely escaped with his life. The nmrative of his journeys was published in London in 1778 (several editions followed) and in the United States in 1784 and was translated into Dutch, German, mid French. Thus widely read, it remained a standard work on the Indians and the geography of the upper Great Lake region for over a century.

To the British their newly acquired territory was, as it had been to the French, only a vast reservoir of furs to be exploited for the benefit of investors in the fur trade houses of Montreal and London. To insure that the trade would prosper they had to organize it, secure the good will of the Indians and maintain law and order among the turbulent inhabitants of the vast territory. By a proclamation in 1763 an elaborate system of imperial control under the Board of Trade mid Plantations in London was established for the entire territory west of the Appalachian Mountains. Authority in the territory over the fur trade mid Indian affairs was t^en from the sea board colonies and Cmiada and invested in officials appointed by the Board, and the entire area was declared open to free trade with no settlement allowed. But everyone—eastern colonials, land speculators, traders, frontier settlers—raised objections mid resisted the edict. Other attempts to bring order to the vast western territories suffered similar fates, and without effective government conditions in those territories grew ever more chaotic. The booming fur trade attracted disreputable traders, merchants, and speculators, who cheated

29 each other and preyed on the Indians, resulting in the loss of lives and goods. To remedy this situation, traders were confined to trading posts rather than going to the Indimi villages as they had traditionally done, and so the Indians had to come to the posts to trade. The fmlhest post west was at Mackinac Island, which was a difficult place for the Indians from the interior of Wisconsin and beyond the Mississippi to reach, so French traders, who came up the Mississippi and Wisconsin Rivers to contact these Indimis, made serious inroads into the British trade. But the system of imperial control proved unsatisfactory—^trade remained disorganized, expenses were high, and fur exports declined, while the inhabitants were restive under military authority, there being no civil government. Finally, the authority of the imperial officials was reduced, some garrisons were withdrawn, and control of the fur trade and Indimi affairs was returned to the colonies, who were expected to bear a substantial burden of expenses. Trade was extended beyond the established posts, mid new ones were founded. Canada was to control the post at Mackinac Island, the center of trade in Wisconsin and western Lake Superior.

In June 1774, Pmliament approved the Quebec Act that restored to the Province of Quebec the territory that had been appropriated by the proclmiiation of 1763, including what is now Wisconsin, Michigmi, Illinois, Indimia, and Minnesota east of the Mississippi. This vast tract was to be divided into four parts, each governed by an imperial lieutenant governor; Wisconsin was to be governed from Mackinac Island. Parliament apparently intended by this law only to establish civil government for the alien populations that Great Britain had acquired through conquest, but the eastern colonies did not see things quite that way. They cited the law as one of the "Intolerable Acts" of Great Britain against them, and considered its purposes to be (as described inthe Declaration ofi Independence) to block their expansion westward and to serve as an example of and an instrument for introducing imperial rule into the colonies. What had become irreconcilable differences between the colonies mid the mother country finally erupted in war in 1775 with "the shot heard round the world" at Lexington mid Concord. It is not possible here to trace the complex story of that war in the old northwest. In general, the Indians, traders, merchmits mid French residents favored the British. They preferred the status quo of British rule with all of its shortcomings to the unknown consequences of government by the upstmt Americans. The Indians were concerned that their lands would be confiscated for settlement, the traders that they would be expelled from their rich trading grounds, mid the French inhabitants that they would be slaughtered, fears that were assiduously cultivated by the British. All were concerned that the wm would disrupt the fur trade, which was the economic lifeblood of the region. But the trade continued during most of the war, and in fact expanded as traders penetrated deep into the rich fur territory west of Lake Superior. The demands of the Indians for trade goods remained constant and there were always traders eager to accommodate them, while British command of the seas and control of the Great Lakes insured that the transportation route from England to Montreal mid then to the west remained open. Since it would have been detrimental to the interests of the British as well as those of the Americans for the Indians to be diverted from the fur trade to participate in the conflict between them, they were urged to remain neutral. But the Indians while vowing neutrality violated it with raids on settlers, mid the British soon succumbed to the temptation to use their Indian allies and unleashed them for terrible raids against frontier settlements. This policy proved to be a disaster for the British, for it increased the zeal of the patriots and turned the settlers, who were inclined to remain aloof from the conflict, firmly against them.

Wisconsin was not directly involved in the war in that no major battles were fought on its territory. The Indimis there tended to favor the British, and once again Charles Langlade, now residing in Green Bay and with a commission in the British Indian service, led contingents of Indians from the region down the St. Lawrence to fight in miother conflict between white men. There were some Indians in Wisconsin who were sympathetic to the American cause, however, and many on the upper reaches of the Mississippi who with ties to the Spanish traders from St. Louis preferred the Spanish over the British. This latter relationship proved to be mi important factor in the conflict when Spain declared war on Great Britain in 1779. While the Spmiish had their own reasons for going to war, their control of the lower Mississippi and their influence over the Indians loyal to them were of great assistmice to the American cause. During 1778 and 1779 small American forces penetrated the northwest territory—more incursions than invasions—forcing the Indians and French inhabitants to abandon

30 their support for the British, disrupting the fur trade, and threatening the British outposts. But the American contingents were too weak to achieve victory, mid by 1781 they were withdrawn and nominal British control over the territory was re-established. In October 1781 the British surrendered at Yorktown, ending military operations in the eastern theater, although bloody conflict continued in the west until word of the peace negotiations in Paris reached there in late 1782. The treaty formally ending the war was signed in Paris in September 1783, ending the imperial reign of Great Britain over her former colonies.

The American Regime 1783-1850

While the thirteen colonies had won the war for their independence, that they would now unite to form a new nation was another matter. After the Declaration of Independence, controversy arose among the states over the extensive Imid claims of Virginia and other large states west of the Appalachian Mountains to the Mississippi River. Smaller states such as Maryland without such claims maintained that this vast, unsettled territory should be held in common, open to all for settlement, mid eventually divided into independent states. By the end of the war all of the states with western land claims except Virginia had relinquished them to the Continental Congress. Only when Virginia gave up its claims in 1784 did Mmyland sign the Articles of Confederation and the new nation was bom. The Continental Congress immediately set about to provide for the surveying, settlement, and political organization of this vast "public domain" through a series of laws or "ordinances." The first of these was the Land Ordinance of 1785, which provided for the survey and organized disposal and settlement of the land, while the second was the Northwest Ordinance of 1787 (re-enacted in 1789), which provided for the political organization and development of the northwest territory (5). The immediate practical objective of Congress was to dispose of the public lands to gain revenue to pay the national debt accumulated during the Revolution. This was to be done, and these ordinances so provided, in a manner that would tie the east and west together so as to create a stronger and more prosperous union. The west was to be peopled in an orgmiized way by industrious settlers (squatters and speculators were to be bmred), who after meeting certain conditions during a period of colonial administration, would be admitted to statehood in full equality with the older states (Onuf 1987). The Indians, who had not been consulted in any of this, refused to be reconciled to the ceding of their lands by the British to the Americans. Some tribes eventually agreed to do so mid ceased hostilities, while others cmried on unceasing warfare across the land. General Anthony Wayne defeated a combined Indimi force of several tribes at Fort Recovery and Fallen Timbers in the Ohio territory in August 1794. The treaty negotiated by Wayne with the Indimis at Greenville and signed one year later, conceded their right to all of the lands in the northwest territory until they sold them, with the provision that the Imids could only be sold to the United States (6).

In the negotiations leading to the Treaty of Pmis in September 1783, the British yielded on two key boundmy questions: the western boundary was fixed at the Mississippi and the northern boundary along the St. Lawrence, through the Great Lakes to Lake of the Woods, and then west to the Mississippi. The supposed intersection of the northern boundary with the Mississippi (based on a then current map) was intended to insure that the British would have the free access to the river provided by the treaty. But the actual location of the river is considerably south of the Lake of the Woods, deep in the territory ceded to the Americans, and this geographic fact effectively nullified the provision for British access. Furthermore, this northern boundary also placed many important posts and forts and a vast fur trading area within American jurisdiction. Finally realizing this, the British demmided a change in the boundary and effectively nullified the agreement by refusing on one pretext or another to abandon the forts mid posts. This policy of the British and their support of the Indians threatened to lead to war between the two nations, mi eventuality which was avoided by the Jay Treaty signed in London in November 1794. The Americans did not concede any change in the northern boundary, while the British agreed to abandon their forts but were grmited free trade privileges in the northwest territory. In the spring mid summer of 1796 Americans replaced British troops at forts and posts in American territory, mid the 13 year illegal occupation cmiie to an end. But the British mid Canadimis, protected by the free trade provision of the Jay Treaty, continued to dominate the fur trade. Indeed, as Kellogg notes, "The decade following the surrender of

31 the forts was the heyday of the Canadian fur trade" (Kellogg 1971, 238). They also continued to court the Indians to secure their loyalty and to set them against the Americans.

In 1803 the United States purchased the province of Louisimia, which had been trmisferred back to France by Spain, and imposed strict regulations on foreign fur traders in that territory. The most profitable region for the British fur trade now lay west of the Mississippi in this new American territory, and the regulations threatened to destroy it. The British contended that the free trade provision of the Jay Treaty extended to this region, and summmily disregmded the American regulations. Finally, British domination of the fur trade in the northwest, their machinations with the Indians, and their resistance to American regulation of their fur trade west of the Mississippi, plus their maritime infringements mid depredations against Americmi vessels on the high seas, led the United States to declare war in June 1812. The British easily recaptured the forts, which they had vacated in 1796, thereby neutralizing the authority of the United States in the northwest territory. The Indians were impressed by these quick British victories and became their staunch allies, and the Americans were obliged to abmidon Green Bay and Prairie du Chien in the face of Indian hostility. The British recruited a large force from among Wisconsin Indians that was employed along with a smaller number of settlers and traders recruited at Green Bay and Mackinac to besiege and capture Fort Shelby, a small fort that the Americans had constructed at Prairie du Chien. This was the only battle fought on Wisconsin soil during the Wm of 1812. The British, whose foreign policy concerns and commercial interests were worldwide, were occupied with importmit matters elsewhere and agreed to negotiations. The war came to a formal conclusion with the Treaty of Ghent, signed in December 1814.

With British monopoly of the fur trade and influence over the Indians finally brought to an end, Americans once again occupied the posts that they had so easily surrendered at the beginning of the war. The northern boundary agreed to in 1783, which had been the cause of so much contention between British and Americans, was reconfirmed. While Americans were naturally pleased with the outcome of the war, those Indians who had supported the British in the wm were not. They could not comprehend that the British were to evacuate the northwest and leave them to the mercies of the Americans. But the United States had agreed in the treaty that it would cease hostilities against the Indians and restore to them "possessions, rights and privileges they may have enjoyed or been entitled to" at the beginning of the war (Kellogg 1971, 327). This was accomplished in form, if not in substance, by a series of treaties between the United States government and the various tribes agreed to at different sites throughout the territory after the war.

With the Treaty of Ghent the territorial integrity of Wisconsin was at last assured, mid its real history began. In the yems after the turn of the century there was a great migration by wagon trail and river to the mea immediately north and west of the Ohio River. Settlement was so rapid that within fewer than twenty years three of the five states envisioned by the Northwest Ordinmice had entered the Union: Ohio in 1803, Indimia in 1816, and Illinois in 1818. But the area between Lake Michigan and the Mississippi that was to become Wisconsin retained its character as a wide-open fur trade frontier. The population consisted of people who were or had been involved in the fur trade, and who survived in a subsistence economy. The only settlements were at Green Bay and Prairie du Chien, and these were quite small (7). They served as the main storage and distribution centers for most of the fur trade in the upper Great Lakes and upper Mississippi Valley. There were also tiny fur trading posts at the future site of Milwaukee and at La Pointe, while individual traders settled along the Fox-Wisconsin route to the Mississippi and elsewhere in the territory.

The formalities of territorial government notwithstanding, there was little actual government in this huge wilderness area other that the informal kind enforced by local citizens themselves. Violations of laws and treaties were rampant, civil order was always precarious, while rough justice was meted out on whim and fmicy. And there was the simmering hostility of the Indians, which occasionally broke out in open rebellion. They needed the goods available from the fur traders but resented their dependence on them, and feared the relentless pressure of the settlers against their lands mid cultures. After the wm, the turbulent situation in the region began

32 to change dramatically, however. The government sent agents to deal with the Indimis, erected trading posts to provide them with the goods they needed at reasonable prices and established rules for the conduct of the fur trade. To guard the frontier against British encroachment and to overawe the Indians, a network of forts or fortified posts—Fort Mackinac on Mackinac Island, Fort Brady at Sault St. Marie, Fort Howard at Green Bay, Fort Dearborn at Chicago, Fort Winnebago at the Fox-Wisconsin portage. Fort Crawford at the Mississippi- Wisconsin confluence. Fort Snelling where the St. Peter River joins the Mississippi, and others—was constructed throughout the northwest.

When Illinois became a state in 1818, Wisconsin became part of the Territory of Michigan, the southern boundary of which was the northern boundary of that new state, and the western boundmy that of the original northwest territory. An energetic territorial governor, Lewis J. Cass, undertook to extend civil government and justice throughout this vast and wild land, chmiges that "spelled the doom of the old social mid economic order in this remote remnant of New Frmice in America" (Smith 1985, 207). Cass organized the region west of L^e Michigan into three counties and made appointments to the county governments: to the north Michilimackinac County with its county seat at the borough of the smiie name and its southern boundary on a east-west line through the L^e Superior watershed; to the south Crawford County west of a north-south line from the Illinois border through the Fox-Wisconsin portage to Michilimachkinac County, with its county seat at Prairie du Chien; and Brown County to the east of that line with its county seat near Green Bay. Most of the territory that was to become Wisconsin was included in Brown mid Crawford counties (Kellogg 1909). In 1820 the total population of these two counties was 1,455, divided as follows: for Brown in the east, 963, consisting of 290 civilimis and 673 troops and their dependents at Fort Howmd; and for Crawford in the west, 492, including 361 civilimis and 131 soldiers and dependents at Fort Crawford (Smith 1985, 163) (8). Although the combined populations of the territory encompassed by the original Crawford and Brown counties increased by only 2,164 from 1820 to 1830, this decade was one of trmisition to the explosive growth of the next few decades. The stream of migration from the east increased steadily in volume, particularly after the Erie Canal was opened in 1825, creating an all-water route to the hemtland. Law and order and rudimentary self-government had been introduced by the reforms of Governor Cass, providing a more stable and secure environment for settlers. And military expeditions, travelers, explorers, and artists published a wealth of new information about the region.

For almost 200 years people had come to Wisconsin not to settle, but for the fur trade—they were not immigrants but just visitors hoping to enrich themselves. And their interests were in the great water and forest wilderness of the L^e Superior and northern highland, the abode of the beaver and other fur-bearing animals. But after the Wm of 1812, those who migrated into the southeastern part of territory came not as transients but with the hope and intention of establishing themselves on fmms and building a new life. They soon discovered that the eastern ridges and lowland region, bounded roughly by the Rock River to west, the Fox River to the north, and Lake Michigan to the east, provided ideal conditions of topography, fertility, mid climate for farming, and so it was here that the rural-agricultural character that was to typify Wisconsin for the next 100 years began to develop. But the immediate mid rapid population growth occurred in the southwestern comer of the state, in the so-called driftless area, and was based not on fmming but on mining and smelting lead. Lead was mi important metal in this pre-industrial period, used for paint, shot and bullets, pewter wme, printing type, window glazing, and many other applications—indeed, it was so valuable it was called "gray gold." Lead mining on a systematic scale in the Mississippi Valley was begun by the French in the early 1700s in Washington County and adjacent counties in Missouri. European knowledge of lead deposits in the Galena region (roughly encompassing the present Wisconsin counties of Grant, Iowa, mid Lafayette, the Illinois counties of Jo Daviess, Stephenson, and Carroll, and a small enclave in Iowa) dates from 1690, when Indimis revealed the location of a deposit, perhaps near Dubuque, to the French explorer Nicholas Perrot (Kellogg 1968, 258-263). There is no evidence that the Indians had mined and smelted lead before this time, but had only made limited use of virgin metal for ornaments and minor utilitarimi objects. Perrot apparently taught them crude mining and smelting methods, and the metal became valuable to them as an item of trade to supplement their furs and also for bullets for their newly acquired firearms (Kuhm 1951).

33 Desultory mining by Indians and traders, and eventually on a more systematic scale by entrepreneurs such as Julian Dubuque mid Henry Dodge, continued throughout the French, British, and American periods (Schafer 1932, Libby 1895). The beginning of systematic mid large-scale (for that time) exploitation of the lead deposits and the consequent settlement mid development of the Galena region began in 1822 when one Jmiies Johnson was granted a lease to mine at the site of Galena, Illinois under the 1807 Federal mineral Imids leasing law. Johnson's success in combination with a rising mmket price for lead attracted a horde of prospectors, squatters, and traders to the area, some of whom obtained mineral Imid leases from the government or permission from the Indians to mine and many others who did not. The focus of mining in those early days was along the Fever River (now the Galena) in Illinois. Intensive prospecting soon resulted in the discovery of rich deposits farther north in the Wisconsin counties, and news of these finds attracted another wave of migrants. By 1830 the total population of Crawford, Brown, and Iowa Counties was 3,619, more than double the 1820 figure, with 1,354 for Brown, 689 for Crawford, and 1,576 for Iowa (formed from Crawford County in 1829, covering much of the Wisconsin lead region) (9). Platteville, Mineral Point, SchuUsberg, New Diggings, and mmiy other small communities in the lead district were founded during this time.

The first systematic assessment of the economic potential of the lead region was made by an 1839 expedition led by David Dale Owen, in accordmice with a resolution passed by the House of Representatives calling on the President to prepare a plan for the sale of the "public mineral lands" (Owen 1844). Inthe fall of 1839, Owen explored and assessed the mineral resources of a narrow region in Illinois, Wisconsin, and Iowa between the mouths of the Rock mid Wisconsin Rivers, with roughly equal proportions on each side of the Mississippi. His conclusion, based on his own work and that of his assistmits, was that there were rich deposits of lead, copper, zinc, and iron ore, particularly of the first of these, which would be economically productive, mid that in addition the soils of the region were quite fertile and would support profitable farming. It is likely that Owen's favorable report, published immediately as a congressional document, added impetus to the emerging consensus in Congress to abmidon the leasing of public mineral Imids and dispose of them by public sale (Wright 1966, Mayer & Riley 1985). The report certainly must have stimulated interest among miners, speculators, and settlers in the possibilities of the lead region, further swelling the stremiis of migrants.

That the lands these people appropriated belonged to the Indians meant nothing to them, and they arrogantly trampled on Indian rights mid drove them away. The objections of the Indians were ignored mid the inevitable incidents of violent resistance were hmshly dealt with. The key role of the Indians in the fur trade had provided some protection against the Imid depredations of the Americans, but what the Americans now wanted was not the furs of the miimals on Indian lands, but the lands themselves for logging, mining, and farming. The Indians had no role to play in this new era of resource exploitation but were simply in the way, so the problem for the white settlers came down to getting the land mid getting rid of the Indians. In two treaties in 1829, the Indians (Winnebago, Chippewa, Ottawa, mid Potawatomi) were forced to sell to the Federal government for about $600,000 a vast swath of territory bordering on the Mississippi and Wisconsin Rivers and extending eastward to the vicinity of the Fox-Wisconsin portage and Blue Mounds. The entire lead region and much more then lay open to settlement and exploitation.

Pacification of the Indimis was not to be easily achieved, however. The Sauk and Fox, who occupied lands bordering both shores of the Mississippi, were not signatories to the 1829 treaties. They had long-standing grievmices against the Americans and were traditional allies of the British. In the summer of 1832, when threatened with the deprivation of their traditional planting fields on the eastern bmik of the Mississippi, a band led by Chief Black Hawk crossed the river to reoccupy their fields. They followed the Rock River northward to Wisconsin, attempting to gather support from other tribes and awaiting assistance from the British, but little of the latter and none of the former were forthcoming. They continued northward and westward pursued by mi American force under General Henry Atkinson. Finally, dispirited and weak from hunger and exhaustion, the Indians were trapped and slaughtered by the Americans (despite their flag of truce) as they attempted to re-cross

34 the Mississippi and at the battle at Bad Axe. Black Hawk is remembered by having this unspeakably shameful episode named after him, while General Atkinson is honored by the name of a city.

The Sauk and Fox and other tribes whose members had assisted or supported Black Hawk now paid the price of their folly. In treaties signed in 1832 and 1833, the Sauk and Fox forfeited a fifty mile strip of territory along the Mississippi in Iowa, while the Winnebago signed away territory south of the Fox-Wisconsin Rivers lying generally between Blue Mounds and the Rock River. The united Potawatomi, Chippewa, and Ottawa tribes gave up a huge triangular piece of territory between the Winnebago cession on the west. Lake Michigan on the east, mid the Illinois border to the south, which was destined to become the urban and industrial heart of Wisconsin. Earlier in 1831, the Menominees, a peaceful people who could not be punished for making war on anyone, but who had the misfortune to occupy territory—including Green Bay, Lake Winnebago, and the Fox Rivers—which was part of the strategic route to the Mississippi, were forced to cede it to the government. Thus, with a series of treaties from 1829 to 1833, the Indians gave up and the Federal government acquired for a pittmice all of the land south of the Fox-Wisconsin Rivers between the Mississippi and Lake Michigan. By 1840 all of this territory had been surveyed mid laid out in ranges and townships, mid organized into 18 small counties plus one county nestled in the great bend of the Wisconsin River. The area north of the Fox-Wisconsin Rivers remained in the vast Brown mid Crawford counties mid the new county of St. Croix in the northwest.

The first sales of public Imids in Wisconsin took place at Mineral Point in November 1834, followed by further sales there in September 1835, and at Green Bay in August and November of the latter year. The opening of the public lands to sale brought the usual plague of Imid speculators to Wisconsin. Smith notes the estimate of one speculator that from 1834 to 1836, "three-fourths of Wisconsin Imids sold went to speculators" (Smith 1985, 191). As the land was usually sold at or not much above the minimum price of $1.25 an acre, speculators were able to buy large tracts and resell small pmcels to settlers at substantial profits. The risks for the speculator were great, however. There was a great deal of land, and demand depended on the course and volume of migration and settlement, which could quickly chmige or cease altogether, so that what appeared to be a good investment at one moment could quickly turn into a bad one. Many speculators turned to investments in lands for new towns, or what was called "town jobbing." Town jobbing became a mania in the 1830s, and many of Wisconsin's important cities were founded in this way, but the number of such projects that survived and prospered was small. The Townsite Act of 1844 was an effort by the Federal government to regulate and encourage the establishment of towns by extending preemption rights to groups of settlers or speculators who wished to do so (Nesbitt 1970; Donaldson 1881, 298-305). Much of the land at Mineral Point, Prairie du Chien, Green Bay, mid other promising town locations was bought up by speculators and lots sold with substmitial profits to settlers. In 1834, speculators, realizing the possibilities of a town where the Milwaukee and Menomonee Rivers flow into Lake Michigan (the location of an old fur trading post), laid out three villages there (Juneau Town, Kilboum Town, and Walker Point). Through various devices they were able to buy nemly all of the land in their townsites for not much more than the minimum of $1.25 an acre when the public land sale was held in the summer of 1835. In that same year Milwaukee County was organized with the county seat located at Juneau Town. These villages eventually merged to become the port city of Milwaukee. With the coming of the railroads, the number of potential townsites along their routes, and mound junctions and terminal ports, became enormous. The key factor was the route of the railroad, so political influence and legal mid financial chicmiery to affect route decisions became part of the townsite speculation game.

Since 1821, settlers and their political leaders in that part of the Michigmi Territory west of Lake Michigan had sent a continuous steam of memorials, petitions, and proposals for separate territorial status to Washington. The movement for statehood for Michigan provided the circumstances necessary for favorable consideration of the demand for territorial status, and the Wisconsin Organic Territory Act was passed by Congress in April 1836 after sometimes heated debate over the previous three months. President Andrew Jackson signed it on July 3 1836 providing great cause for celebration on the next day, the sixtieth anniversary of the Decimation of Independence. The southern, eastern, and northern boundaries of the new Territory were essentially the present

35 ones, the upper peninsula having been transferred to Michigan in June 1836. The western boundary was on the Missouri River, but that reverted to the traditional Mississippi River boundary (including part of northeast Minnesota) when the Iowa territory was established inl 838. Henry Dodge, a well-known civic, militmy, and political leader from the lead-mining district, was appointed the first governor of the territory by President Jackson. The first Territorial Legislature met at Belmont, the tempormy capital, in October, the first order of business being the location of the permmient capital. There were numerous candidate sites, but once again it was apparently the speculators who decided the issue. The beautiful Four Lakes chain, situated midway between the Mississippi and Lake Michigan, had been discovered early by townsite speculators, and one of them even platted a village in the narrow isthmus between Lakes Mendota and Monona. By a process which remains unknown, but in which corruption and bribery appmently played a major role, a slim majority of the legislature was persuaded to approve this new "Madison City" as the site of the permanent capital. The square around which the town had been laid out became the site of the new capitol building.

Settlement had continued in the southeast as well as the southwest as Yankees and immigrants, mmiy of them from Germany, arrived by the traditional wagon and river routes, and through the Great Lakes after the opening of the Erie Canal in 1825. Most established farms, while a few settled in Milwaukee and a multitude of small hamlets to serve the needs of the growing agricultural population. The 1836 territorial census revealed that the total population of the two eastern counties mid that of the two in the west were almost the same: 5,599 for the former, with 2,706 in Brown County and 2,893 in Milwaukee county; and 6,084 for the latter, with 5,234 in Iowa County mid 850 in Crawford County (the census did not include Chippewa and Michillimackinac Counties to the north). But the population was by no means evenly distributed over this vast area. Outside of a strip in Milwaukee County along Lake Michigan, Green Bay, Prairie du Chien, and a narrow north-south area more or less in the center Iowa County, the population was less than two persons per square mile, while vast areas of the northern counties had no inhabitants at all.

After the turn of the century mid particularly after the end of the war in 1815, there were a number of military and civilian expeditions into the southwestern territory of the state and up the Mississippi Valley deep into Minnesota, which provided an enormous amount of geographic, geologic, ethnological, mid practical information (Smith 1985, 166-172). One of the civilian expeditions was led by George W. Featherstonhaugh, an English aristocrat mid geologist residing in the United States (Featherstonhaugh 1970). In 1835 and again in 1837, he was commissioned by the Federal government to carry out mineralogical surveys in the west. His travels in Wisconsin in carrying out this assignment took him in 1835 from Green Bay to the Mississippi via the Fox-Wisconsin route, and in 1837 from Galena through the lead district of southwestern Wisconsin to the Four Lakes region, the site of the future capital of the future state. Featherstonhaugh's copious and often caustic observations of people and places provide an intriguing picture of southern Wisconsin inthe mid-1830s. With the exception of the few people he encountered who approached his aristocratic notions of deportment mid refinement, Featherstonhaugh found Americans to be a vulgar, money-grubbing, drunken, untrustworthy lot, the products of too much democracy (10). In May of 1837, he set out from Galena, Illinois, which he described as "a dirty, wooden, ill-arranged town," and traveled through the mining country towmd Mineral Point. Concerned as he usually was about "cleanliness mid comfort," he complained that "the advancing tide of white population,. . . had destroyed every chance of these; the miserable low taverns were kept by greedy, vulgar adventurers, who had come into the country to torment it with what they call 'diggings,' a name they give to the rude, shallow shafts, a few feet deep, which they sink in search of metal. Nothing could exceed the ignorance and filthy habits of the working miners; the greater number of whom, being without skill, mid becoming finally disappointed in their expectations, had fallen into the lowest state of poverty" (Featherstonhaugh 1970, 2:65). He found the "diggings" to be "quite superficial," there being no deep shafts, mid as soon as one "digging" had been exhausted, the miners moved elsewhere to begin another (Featherstonhaugh 1970, 2:72).

Featherstonhaugh described Mineral Point as "an exceedingly miserable place" containing "two filthy looking taverns" that were full of "ginnerals, colonels, judges, and doctors," as these people styled themselves, attending

36 what passed for a court of law on this raw frontier (Featherstonhaugh 1970, 2:67-68). The place was "a complete nest of speculators, with workmen following in their train," along with traders, doctors, and lawyers "to get a living out of this motley and needy population." The people were entirely dependent on food brought in over great distances by wagon, producing nothing for their own subsistence, and prices were very high: flour cost as much as $14 a barrel compmed to $5 to $6 in the east, and fresh meat was entirely unavailable. Everybody, Featherstonhaugh noted, "lived from hand to mouth without once dremiiing of personal comfort." Their sole preoccupation was to mine for lead mid copper, "upon which they relied to pay for every thing they consumed, no one possessing capital beyond that which a trmisient success might furnish him with" (Featherstonhaugh 1970, 2:71-72). Leaving Mineral Point, "a more melancholy and dreary place . . .1 never expect to see again," Featherstonhaugh visited Henry Dodge, the Territorial Governor, "at a quiet cabin he had built for himself in a small secluded valley." Dodge, he noted, "was said to be a perfect western chmacter. I had seen him on horseback in the streets of Mineral Point, and was struck with the appearance of his accoutrements, having, although dressed in plain clothes, immense horse pistols staring out of his holsters. He had been brought up on the frontiers, and since his mmihood had been rather notorious for his desperate feuds with various individuals, many of whom still surviving, he always went around armed, the invariable practice of bloods of his calibre being to fire immediately at any hostile approach" (Featherstonhaugh 1970, 2:84-86).

Throughout his narrative, Featherstonhaugh noted at some length the passion for and practice of land and townsite speculation among Americans. Everyone, he said, seemed to be a speculator: "the tavern-keeper, the trader, the doctor, the lawyer, the artismi, all build to allure others to settle near them," then sell out and move on (Featherstonhaugh 1970, 2:221). Numerous great cities with classical or patriotic names were laid out on beautifully engraved maps, showing streets, squares, mid monumental buildings in great detail, while in reality nothing existed of these supposed cities except a crude shanty or two with their wretched inhabitmits in a sea of mud. Featherstonhaugh noted that "no person, at least no Europemi, could reasonably doubt" that these "cities had a real substmitial existence" when confronted with the proof of these engraved maps (Featherstonhaugh 1970, 2:74-76). Featherstonhaugh spoke from experience, for he allowed himself to be misled by one of the standard frauds of town jobbing, "some elaborately-engraved plans of various cities" in the vicinity of the Four Lakes, which he was assured was to be the site of the capital of the future state of Wisconsin (Featherstonhaugh 1970, 2:77). Determining to visit the beautiful prairie and lake country to the east, and to experience what he assumed would be the more civilized environment of these "cities," Featherstonhaugh left Governor Dodge and continued toward the Four Lakes region. There he expected to see, according to the "engraved plans" that he had acquired, the metropolis of "Madison City" and six other cities adjacent to it: the "City of the First Lake" and the City of Four Lakes," and four Madisons named after the cardinal points of the compass, each of them "with all its squares, streets, institutions, mid temples" (Featherstonhaugh 1970, 2:89). Featherstonhaugh found no cities in the wilderness around the Four L^es, but eventually stumbled upon "a hastily patched-up log hut, consisting of one room about twelve feet square .... Not miother dwelling was there in the whole country, and this wretched contrivmice had only been put up within the last four weeks" (Featherstonhaugh 1970, 2:94-95). As it turned out, the person who had given him the "engraved plans" had never been to the Four Lakes, but had bought the plans in Louisville and, 'Svith that prodigious stock of assurance that so much distinguishes the 'go- ahead' men in these western parts," was busily peddling building lots in the seven non-existent cities to the unwary (Featherstonhaugh 1970, 2:78). Featherstonhaugh rebuked himself for allowing himself to be deceived: "Smart as I knew these western Americans were, I had not thought them so systematically mid callously fraudulent as to cause engravings to be made of cities, with all their concomitant appendages, in countries where not a human being was to be found, and where not a single tree was cut down; and this for the purpose of robbing their own countrymen" (Featherstonhaugh 1970, 2:97).

With the achievement of territorial status, the rapid growth and development that was to characterize Wisconsin for the remainder of the century accelerated. Miners, speculators, lumbermen, and settlers soon began to move north of the Wisconsin-Fox Rivers line, and pressure mounted for the government to extinguish Indimi title to this territory. In a series of treaties in 1836 mid 1837, territories north of this line, constituting about half of the

37 total area of the state, were ceded by the Sioux, Winnebago, Chippewa, mid Menominee to the Federal government. Cessions by the Chippewa in 1837 did not include a strip of Imid along the shore of Lake Superior extending from the future western boundmy of Wisconsin eastward to Menominee territory, nor the upper peninsula of Michigan. In a treaty in 1826, the Chippewa had agreed to allow copper mining on the Upper Peninsula, but little mining had actually been done. The renewal of interest in copper mining in 1842 brought demands from both mining mid timber interests for access to this territory, mid by a treaty signed at La Pointe in October of 1842, the Chippwa relinquished this territory to the government.

The total population of the state in the 1840 census was 30,945, up by 27,326 or 755% from 1830. Of this total 86% lived in the 19 southern counties noted emlier. The remaining 14% lived in the three great counties of St. Crois, Crawford, and Brown into which the vast wilderness territory north of the Wisconsin-Fox Rivers line had been divided. Farming was the principal employment with 66% of the 10,616 for whom occupations were listed employed in agriculture. Manufacturing, trades, mining, mid commerce employed another 29%, while the remaining 5% were employed in inland waterway and ocean navigation and the learned professions. The population was well educated for the times, with only 6% of those over 20 years of age unable to read and write. As in 1830, the people in the southern counties were concentrated in the eastern and western regions: 34% of those in this southern territory lived in Milwaukee and Racine (including future Kenosha) counties along Lake Michigan, while 30% lived in Grant mid Iowa counties to the west. People were moving into the region between these two nodes, however, as shown by population concentrations in Rock and Walworth counties miiounting to 16% of the total. The eastern region was primmily agricultural, with commercial activity developing in Milwaukee and Green Bay. The population was a mix of Yankees and immigrants with no common social or cultural milieu. The people in the western region, on the other hand, brought together by a common focus on mining and marketing lead and a common concern for defense against hostile Indians, had developed over time into an integrated community and a major political force in the affairs of the Michigmi and then the Wisconsin Territories. The Mississippi River was the natural trade and communication route for this region, and lead was shipped down the river to St. Louis mid New Orlemis, destined primarily for overseas markets, while the social and commercial practices and customs diffusing up the river imbued the society with a definite southern character.

Thus, in the mid-1830s the two regions were quite different with respect to their economy and social chmacteristies. But several factors were already at work that would soon erase the differences between them. Lead began to be trmisported overland to Green Bay and Milwaukee for shipment over the cheaper and more direct Great Lakes route to east coast ports and markets. As land becmiie available, farmers began to settle the territory between the two regions and moved via the Mississippi, Rock, mid Wisconsin Rivers into the southwest region itself. And the goods needed by the growing population across the southern part of the territory cmiie increasingly from the eastern region, either manufactured there or shipped into the new Lake Michigan ports. These factors chmiged the social composition of the population in the western region and introduced eastern social, cultural, and commercial influences, attenuating its French-southern chmacter. They also stimulated commercial, manufacturing, and agricultural activity, and eliminated the settlement lacuna between the two regions. By the mid- 1840s the two regions were well on the way to becoming socially and economically integrated.

No sooner had Wisconsin been granted territorial status than political leaders, public officials, businessmen, and speculators, many of whom had motives fm removed from that of serving the public interest, began to agitate for statehood. Indeed, the first Wisconsin statehood bill was introduced in Congress in May 1838 but no action was t^en. But the people did not agree that the benefits of statehood would outweigh the burdens it would bring, and voters (meaning white males) rejected propositions for statehood on four occasions from 1840 to 1845. Circumstances both in Wisconsin mid nationally changed, however, and a fifth statehood proposition was overwhelmingly approved by the voters in April 1846. Congress and President James K. Polk quickly approved an enabling act that authorized the people to write a constitution and apply for admission. A constitutional

38 convention was immediately elected that met in Madison (occupied as the capital since 1838) in October 1846. After bitter debate a constitution was finally composed and presented to the voters in April 1847, but it was rejected. The following December a new constitutional convention met in Madison mid proceeding with less rancor mid more attention to general principles thmi to the pleadings of special interests, drew up a new charter that was approved by the voters in Mmch 1848. A statehood bill, quickly approved by Congress, was signed by President Polk into law on May 29 1848. Wisconsin was the last of the five states contemplated in the 1787 Northwest Ordinance, the others being Ohio, Illinois, Indimia, mid Michigan.

But even before Congress and the President acted, the people and their leaders had moved to establish the government provided by their new constitution. In April and early May, they elected two members to the House of Representatives, numerous state officials, members of the state legislature, and Nelson Dewey as their first governor. What the boundmies of the state would be was the subject of considerable debate in the state constitutional convention mid in Congress. The congressional enabling act had established its boundaries as they are now, but many delegates wanted to recover the 50 mile strip "lost" to Illinois, the Upper Peninsula "lost" to Michigan, and the territory northwest of L^e Superior "lost" to the Iowa Territory. On the other hand, there was a proposal that the state give up even more territory by setting the northwest boundary on a line from nem La Crosse on the Mississippi directly northeast to the headwaters of the Montreal River, thereby eliminating all of the state's boundary on the south coast of Lake Superior. A somewhat less radical proposal to set the northwest boundary on the line of the St. Croix-Brule Rivers was included in the first constitution rejected by the voters. In the end the boundaries set by Congress in the enabling act were accepted.

Inthe years after 1836, particularly inthe 1840's Wisconsin grew mid developed rapidly, indeed, explosively. The British and other northern European peoples who flooded into Wisconsin after 1815 had quickly absorbed the few French-Canadian residents and dissolved their culture, so that all that finally remained of the French presence were place nmiies scattered throughout the state mid a few isolated pockets that retained the flavor of the old society and culture (11). By the time of statehood Wisconsin "contained a Imge population which was widely diversified in its origins and talents, a population whose social habits encouraged a distinctive settlement pattern of homogeneous ethnic mid Yankee communities, a population already at work building the basis of a vigorous and balanced economy" (Smith 1985, 464). In order to m^e their decisions to come to Wisconsin, or to invest money in the state, settlers, speculators, mid entrepreneurs needed information. Carver's travel narrative continued to be a popular source, and the reports of Owen and other travelers and explorers were also available, but all of these were limited in geographic coverage, not containing the detailed, practical information needed by settlers. But a new genre of literature in the form of handbooks, gazetteers, guides and maps soon appeared to meet the settlers' needs. The authors of these works had first hand information gained during their often extensive travels mound the state, but also relied on oral reports, newspaper accounts, government documents, and letters, and also borrowed liberally from each other (12).

The "state of the State" described by the data in the 1850 U.S. Census provides dramatic confirmation of Smith's observation noted above. The population totaled 305,391, mi increase of 887% over the 1840 figure of 30,945. As in 1840, the population was not distributed uniformly across the state. The area south of the Fox- Wisconsin Rivers line contained 94% of the people, with the remainder in the territory north of that line. As would be expected among migrating peoples, the young were disproportionately represented—70% of the population was under 30 years of age. With respect to national origins, 64% of the population was foreign- born, with the Irish the most numerous English speakers, and the Germmis the most numerous non-English spe^ers. Indeed, by 1850 German immigrants constituted 12% of the state's population (Smith 1985, 488- 491). The most frequent occupation by fm was farming, pursued by 52% of the 78,139 employed males, followed distantly by laborers, the trades, merchants, and the learned professions. The most numerous miiong the "manufactures" were lumber, sawing, and planing mills (278 with 1,569 employees) and flour and grist mills (117 with 392 employees). Primary processing of raw materials by these establishments accounted for about 40% of the "value added" by all manufactures, with flour and grist mills contributing about three-quarters

39 of that miiount. The state was also developing socially and culturally, with numerous churches, newspapers, and libraries, over 1,400 public schools, a number of private "academies," mid two colleges. Only 2% of the population (both native mid foreign-bom) could not read or write. In 1850, then, Wisconsin was posed for the protracted "boom" which lasted until the end of the century, during which the population grew by 1,763,652 or 578%; economic development in agriculture, industry, mid resource extraction and processing accelerated; and the people developed their own unique society, culture, mid identity. But there were many hills and valleys created by the capitalist business cycle, a great Civil War mid other developments on the national and state level to be traversed along the way. Nowhere was this truer than at Chequamegon Bay.

40 Wisconsin History Endnotes

1. Except as otherwise noted, this overview of the history of Wisconsin is based primarily on books by Alice E. Smith (1985) and Louis Phelps Kellogg (1968, 1971). The reader should keep in mind that this is a summmy history (mid like all such efforts displays defects of omission and commission) mid should consult the Smith and Kellogg books for comprehensive treatments.

2. Since "Native Americmis" was not adapted until after the period of time covered by this study, and all of the sources consulted except one use "Indian," the term Indian is used throughout this study. While Wisconsin's history in the sense of a written record of people and events began with the arrival of the French in the 17 century, the Native American peoples were here long before that time, perhaps as early as 10,000 yems ago. Inthe period prior to the arrival of the Europeans, all of the territory of Wisconsin except a narrow strip of the northwest coast of Lake Michigan was populated by the Winnebago, a tribe of Siouan language family. In that coastal area and the adjacent Upper Peninsula dwelt the Menominee, the Noquet, and the Algonquian. These peoples, and possibly a few Potawatomi, constituted the Indian population of Wisconsin at that time. Thus, when Nicolet landed at Green Bay in 1634, the Indians who met him—his supposed "people of the sea"—were Winnebago along with a few Menominee, the then predominant tribes in Wisconsin. But the Indimis whom Radisson and Groseilliers encountered at Chequamegon Bay in 1659 were not Winnebago but "of the nation of the Sault" or Ottawa, and "Christinos" or Cree (and possibly some Huron—authorities differ). And when Father Allouez mrived there in the fall of 1665, he found villages of Ottwawa and Huron, plus representatives from several other tribes living with them.

Two great catastrophes had occurred during the years between the visit of Nicolet to Green Bay and of Radisson, Groseilliers, and Allouez to Chequamegon Bay that dramatically changed the Indian population of Wisconsin. The first of these was mi epidemic, which greatly reduced the number of Winnebago. The second was the influx from the east of Indians of mmiy different tribal affiliations due to pressure from the Iroquois. As the fur resources of the northeast diminished, competition intensified among tribes for access to new sources mid for the role of middlemen between the Indimis who gathered the furs mid the French and English. This competition was the principal factor behind the aggression of the Iroquois, whose original locale was in western New York, against tribes to the west and north. The Iroquois, armed with weapons provided by Dutch, and the Neutrals, who received weapons from the Iroquois, drove the Algonquian tribes in the lower peninsula of Michigan across or around Lake Michigan into Wisconsin. One of these tribes, the Fox (or Outagami), made wm on the Winnebago, who, weakened by pestilence and then by the loss of their warriors in a Lake Michigan storm, were reduced to a pitiful remnant of women and children.

As a result of pressure from the Iroquois and their allies, by the time of Radisson and Groseilliers's visit, central Wisconsin had become home to wmidering bands of Sauk, Fox, Miami, Mascouten, mid Kickapoo, plus the few remaining Winnebago who, surrounded by these invaders, had made peace with them. To the north, the Huron, Ottawa, and Potawatomi tribes passed over the Straits of Mackinac into the Upper Peninsula. The Huron mid Ottawa, always fearful of the terrible Iroquois, moved beyond the Mississippi but soon returned to Wisconsin, the Hurons to the sources of the Black River and the Ottawa to Lac Court Oreilles, where Radisson and Groseilliers visited them. To the west of Wisconsin, across the Mississippi and upon its headwaters in Minnesota, lived the Sioux, warlike tribes (to whom the Winnebago were related) known as "the Iroquois of the West." Thus, the tribes that had migrated to Wisconsin found themselves caught, so to speak, between "a rock and a hard place." For not only did the Iroquois pursue them into Wisconsin from the east, the Sioux in the west gave them no peace. The result was that the tribes were forced to wander hither mid yon to escape their enemies, and so were to a considerable extent mixed together, members of several tribes often occupying the same village site.

During the century and a quarter after 1660, the Indian population of Wisconsin was in constant flux due to manipulation and exploitation by the British mid French, political maneuvering mid wars between those 41 nations and between them and the Indians, and competition and conflict among the Indians themselves, the details of which cannot be followed here. By about 1830, when the process of commandeering Indian lands by memis of so-called treaties was beginning, the major tribes in Wisconsin in terms of the areas they occupied were the Chippewa/Ojibway, who covered the largest area in northwest and north central Wisconsin (and the Upper Peninsula of Michigan); the Menominee in the northeast including the west half of the Door Peninsula; the Potawatomi and Ojibway-Ottawa in the east half of the Door Peninsula and along Lake Michigan to the boundary with Illinois; mid the Winnebago in the southwest and south central portion of the state—Tanner 1986, map p. 123; Wyatt 1986, map p. 1-17.

3. For convenience of exposition, the name Wisconsin is used throughout to refer to the general region that became a Territory in 1836 and a State in 1848. For the origin of the name, see Smith 1985, 30; Vogel 1955.

4. On his map the entire northern territory, including the Upper Peninsula, was designated "The Chipewa Territories"—Carver 1956, 138.

5. The Lmid Ordinance adopted by the Continental Congress on May 20 1785 provided that the "public domain" be surveyed by a "rectmigulm survey system." Basically this system provided (as it was later refined) that the land was to be surveyed from base lines and principal meridians into ranges running east to west mid townships running south to north, each six miles in width. The 36 squme mile units thus formed are the "townships" (often confused with "town," a governmental unit). Townships are designated with respect to the base line and principal meridimi from which they have been laid out—for example, a township designation "township 50 north range 3 west" (written T50NR3W) means that the township in question is in the 50 tier of townships north of the base line mid the 3*^ range west of the principal meridian. Each township consists of 36 one square mile sections, numbered from one to 36 beginning with section one in the upper right comer of the township. Each section contains 640 acres, and is further divided into quarter sections of 160 acres, mid these into qumlers of the famous "40s." Half and quarter sections and the subdivisions thereof are designated by northeast, northwest, southeast, southwest—for example. SWl/4 of NWl/4 of sec. 10, T50R3W (40 acres); or Wl/2 of NEl/4 of sec. 12, T47R4W (80 acres); or SEl/4 of sec. 10, T10NR5W(160 acres). Work on establishing the base line and principal meridimi for the survey of Wisconsin began in 1831. The base line is the Illinois-Wisconsin boundary line, and the principal meridian extends from the base line coincident with the eastern boundary of Grant County, north to Lake Superior just west of the Wisconsin-Michigmi boundary. Surveying of townships began in 1831 and by 1837 that part of the state south of the Wisconsin-Fox Rivers line was completed. Surveying north of this river line began after 1840 mid was not completed until 1866—Pattison 1964; Baruth 1979; Johnson 1976; Smith 1985, 188-190.

6. The United States adopted from the British the idea that the Indian tribes were sovereign nations with all of the rights mid responsibilities of such entities. Issues of war mid peace and the disposition of their Imids were therefore to be settled by the formal process of treaty making between sovereign and equal nations. All of this was, of course, a convenient fiction, for whatever "sovereignty" the tribes may have enjoyed was that which the government, with its overwhelming wealth and power, deigned to allow them. Be that as it may, treaty negotiation and signing, and ratification by the Senate with the President's signature was the process by which from 1829 to 1848 all of the Indian lands in Wisconsin were ceded to the United States government, and then sold to settlers and speculators or given to the state. The treaties followed a common pattern: through a mix of deceptions, threats, and cajolery the government persuaded the Indians to cede huge tracts of land with valuable agricultural, timber, and mineral resources for ridiculous sums of money and for promises that were broken more often than not. Along with dispossessing them of their lands, the government pursued two formal policies toward the Indians: removal and acculturation. Removal meant that the Indians were to move or be transported to land reserved for them ("reservations") beyond the Mississippi and later within the state. Acculturation meant the assimilation of the Indimis into the white

42 man's civilization. But the informal policy that many, in and out of government, insidiously pursued (except when it could be openly practiced as at Bad Axe during the Black Hawk Wm) was extermination. The implementation and consequences of these policies—policies acquiesced to by all except a small minority in mid out of government—cminot be followed here. Suffice it to say that they inflicted new miseries on peoples who had endured untold suffering in the great historical tragedy, which began with their first encounters with Europeans more thmi two centuries earlier.

7. In the report of his 1823 expedition, Keating described Prairie du Chien as consisting "exclusive of stores, of about twenty dwelling houses, chiefly old, mid many of them in a state of decay; its population may amount to one hundred and fifty souls." Comparing the village to Carver's description in 1766, the report noted that "it is not in as thriving a situation as it formerly was"—Keating 1959, 245.

8. The population of Michilimackinac County in 1820 was 819, but most of the people lived in the Upper Peninsula, which would not become part of Wisconsin.

9. Chippewa County was formed from the northern part of Michilimackinac County in 1827. The combined population of these two counties in 1830 was 1,503, but again most of the people lived in the Upper Peninsula.

10. Featherstonhaugh had kinder things to say about the Indians, whose debauchery mid impoverishment he blamed on the whites. Critics charged that his narrative reflected the attitudes of a haughty, upper class Englishman, and was full of exaggerations and misrepresentations—Geise, WMH 1962; Haygood, WMH 1962.

11. See Kellogg 1929 on the "Americanization" of Green Bay.

12. An early publication was Lapham's Wisconsin; Its Geography and Topography, History, Geology and Mineralogy, first published in 1844 and in mi enlarged edition in 1846. Lapham's book, almost 200 pages long, had a heavily scientific content as suggested by its title, but it also included detailed, practical information on "soils, productions, population and government." Another such early "mini-atlas" with a regional focus was St. John's y4 True Description ofithe Lake Superior Country (1846), which included a detailed description of the copper mines in the "mineral regions" of the Upper Peninsula. A third example of this new genre was Hunt's Wisconsin Gazetteer (1853), which provided the "nmiies, location, and advantages" of counties and other populated places along with descriptions of their major natural features. One of the most successful guidebooks was Chapmmi's pocket size A Hand Book OfiWisconsin, Or Guide to Travelers & Immigrants, published in 1855 with a revised edition appearing in that smiie year. This little book included concise information about each county, its nearness to markets, and how best to reach it, and was keyed to one of the first reliable maps of the state that showed the progress of surveying. Updated versions of this map were published in succeeding yems. Finally, Ritchie's Wisconsin and Its Resources, published in 1857, was at 300 pages perhaps the most comprehensive compilation of information about the state up to that time. While it contained information of value to the ordinary settler, it would have been useful primarily to those who had capital to invest in townsites or the timber, land, or mineral resources of the state. The second part of the book provided further information ahoutLake Superior, Its Commerce and Navigation. There were also guidebooks in the languages of the larger immigrant groups, such as Ticker's Friendly Adviser to All Who would Emigrate to America and Particularly to Wisconsin, published in Leipzig in 1853 for Germans—Schafer 1941-42.

43 Chapter 2

Chequamegon Bay and La Pointe 1659-1855

Within the broad sweep of Wisconsin history portrayed above, Chequamegon Bay played out its own unique history (1). From 1659, when it was discovered by Europeans, to as late as 1840, the fur trade remained the chief occupation around Chequamegon Bay, even after the trade had died out in the rest of the state and the southern region was settled and developing its agricultural and industrial resources. It was only after the Civil Wm that the mineral and timber resources of the Chequamegon Bay region begmi to be exploited, and it became more or less integrated with the developed southern region by rail mid by the settlement of the intervening territory—"more or less" because much of the north country remained quite different from the agricultural, industrialized, and urbanized south, as it does even today.

The fur trade originated in the demand of the emerging middle classes of England mid the continent for luxury goods among which were fur and fur-trimmed garments, particularly beaver hats. The harvesting of the furs of beaver and other miimals was an ancient practice in Europe, but the stocks of fur bearing animals began to decline and could not satisfy this new level of demand. In North America conditions for satisfying this new market existed: an unlimited (or at least so it seemed) supply of beaver and other fur bearing animals; a low cost system for collecting the furs, that is, trade with the Indimis; mid an extensive network of rivers and lakes that facilitated access of men and trade goods to the vast interior and the trmisport of furs to the coastal collection points. By the beginning of the 17 century there was already limited trade in furs between the French, who came to the Gulf of St. Lawrence to fish, and the Indians, who came to the coastal areas for the same purpose. The crews of the fishing boats exchanged whatever items they could spare for furs that the Indians had acquired and were using for their own purposes. The Indians were, of course, hunters of animals for their furs, hides, meat, mid bone. The beaver was particularly importmit to them because it was large and easy to locate and kill, and for its edible meat mid its fur, which they made into robes. The Indian method of processing the beaver furs for robes made the robes particularly valuable to the French. Gradually, the fur trade ceased to be incidental to fishing, as the Indians began hunting animals for furs to trade, mid French merchants or their agents came to the Gulf with goods for the smiie purpose. An important center of this early trade was Tadoussac, to which the Indians brought their furs down the Saguenay and other rivers from the interior. But this trade could not meet the greatly increased demand for furs, so the French began to push up the St. Lawrence and its tributaries and westward into the Great Lakes (and eventually beyond) to tap the vast fur resources of the interior. It was largely through the pursuit of the fur trade by the French, then the British, and finally the Americans that the territory that was to become Wisconsin was explored and settled. There were, of course, other factors operative including missionary work, the search for a passage to the Indies, relations with the Indimis, conflict among the Indian tribes themselves, and larger political and military considerations. But underlying all of these, shaping and energizing them to a significant extent, was the fur trade.

The Chequamegon Bay region, rich in fur bearing animals and populated by Indians attracted there by plentiful fish and gmiie, was an obvious place for a fur trading post as the trade moved westward. In addition to a plentiful supply of fur-bearing animals and a population of Indians to hunt them, the bay was at the center of a water transportation network that connected the posts mid administrative centers to the east with the northern interior regions. From the Brule River in the west, to the Montreal River in the east, a network of rivers, streams, mid lakes provided access to the northern half of the Wisconsin territory, while easy portages connected to the Wisconsin, St. Croix, mid Mississippi Rivers. Within the bay itself, Chequmiiegon Point connected Madeline Island to the protected travel route along the south shore of Lake Superior from Mackinac and Sault Ste. Marie, while the island was protected against the vagaries of weather on the big lake and was an ideal location for defense against hostile Indians. Ultimately, however, the importance of Chequamegon Bay and La Pointe for the fur trade depended on political circumstmices and the economies of the trade, and for such

44 reasons La Pointe was all but abandoned on several occasions while at other times it was a key center for the fur trade in the northwest.

The first recorded visit of Europemis to Chequamegon Bay was by two French adventurers and fur traders, Pierre Esprit Radisson and Medard Chouml, Sieur des Groseilliers (2). They departed Three Rivers (Trois Riviers) in August 1659 in the company of a party of Indians (3). In his account of their journey, Radisson wrote that five days after they had crossed Keweenaw Peninsula, they came to "a hollow river which was a quarter of a mile in bredth" (meaning a low-lying river, probably a reference to the Bad River slough). Radisson continued: " We went on half a day before we could come to ye landing place, and wear forced to make miother carriage [across] a point 2 leagues long and some 60 paces broad [Chequmiiegon Point]. As we came to the other sid we weare in a bay of 10 leagues about, if we had gone in. By goeing about that same point we passed a straight, for that point was very nigh [close to] the other side, which is a cape very much elevated like the piramides [Houghton Point]." (Scull 1967, 193). The hut they built at the head of Chequamegon Bay, which they styled a "fort," was probably located near Fish Creek, just west of Ashlmid, although its exact location remains in dispute (Burnham 1931). During the winter of 1659-60 Radisson and Groseilliers traveled to the village of the Ottawa at Lac Court Oreilles and then to those of the Sioux in eastern Minnesota. Returning to Chequamegon Bay, they built a second fort, possibly on Houghton Point, where they spent the remainder of their stay. They returned to Montreal in the spring of 1660 with a rich cargo of furs acquired in the bay region. With them begmi the recorded history of the Chequamegon Bay region, and the first stage in the exploitation of its resources. For Radisson and Groseilliers were fur traders, and the primary purpose of their journeys to the west was to discover new sources of furs and to arrange for trade with the Indians to hm^^est the furs.

Soon after the return of Radisson and Groseilliers to Montreal, Father Rene' Menard mid his assistmit, Jean Guerin, in the company of seven traders, journeyed to Chequamegon Bay, mriving in the spring of 1661 (Kellogg 1968, 146-152; Kellogg WMH, 1920-21). There Menard conducted missionary work among the Ottawa, who were settling in a village nem Fish creek. He disappeared under mysterious circumstmices in July of 1661 while on a trip to minister to stmving Huron Indimis living on the upper reaches of the Black River (tributary of the Nemadji) (4). His assistant Guerin was later accidentally killed by one of the traders. The traders intended to stay for only one winter, but were forced by circumstances to spend three difficult winters there (the location of their camp is unknown). Barely surviving, they returned to Montreal in the summer of 1663 with their cargo of furs. The next party to visit Chequmiiegon Bay consisted of the Jesuit Father Claude Jean Allouez mid six traders, who departed Three Rivers with a large party of Indians in August 1665. He arrived at the head of Chequamegon Bay on October 1 1665, where he found the Ottawa at their village on Fish Creek and miother village of Hurons, probably near Bono Creek, plus representatives from five or more other tribes living among them (5). Allouez built a crude chapel and a hut on the shore of the bay, possibly near Thompson's Creek (formerly Vanderventer's Creek), naming his mission "La Pointe du Saint Esprit" (The Point of the Holy Ghost) (6). Despite heroic efforts over a period of three years, he was successful in converting few of the Indians to Christianity, mid in the spring of 1668 he was recalled to Quebec from where he was sent to establish a mission at Green Bay.

Allouez was succeeded at the mission by Father Jacques Marquette , who arrived from Sault Ste. Marie on September 13 1669. He apparently occupied the chapel left by Allouez, or else built one on the same site, and was somewhat more successful than Allouez in converting the Indians to the Catholic faith (7). The Ottawa and Huron, and members of other tribes living with them had sought refuge at Chequamegon Bay from the terrible raids of the Iroquois. But their security proved illusory, for in the summer of 1671 they and Father Marquette were driven away by the Sioux, the fearsome "Iroquois of west," the Ottawa fleeing to the Manitoulin Islands in Lake Huron mid the Huron with Father Mmquette to Mackinac. Marquette's departure marked the end of missionary work at Chequamegon for more than 160 years. The few French traders who remained at

45 Chequamegon Bay after the departure of Marquette and the Indians established themselves at the northwestern end of the Chequamegon Point for protection against the Sioux, and this location became the second La Pointe.

Memiwhile, with the opening of the Detroit River link between Lakes Erie and Huron that peace with the Iroquois in 1667 made possible. Green Bay becmiie the most important French fur trade post in Wisconsin, while Chequmiiegon Bay languished. The situation was reversed 20 some years later when the Iroquois, siding with the English in their war with France (1689), closed off the lower lakes route, while the Fox and Sauk, acting in concert, isolated Green Bay. In 1692 the French decided to reinvigorate the fur trade in the fm northwest. To do this they needed the cooperation of the Chippewa, and that in turn depended on peace between them mid the Sioux (8). While the Chippewa and Sioux had become mortal enemies with the invasion by the former of Sioux territory in the northern Wisconsin, the two tribes actually had mutual interests. The Sioux wanted the trade goods that the Chippewa could provide as the middlemen in the fur trade, while the Chippewa needed access to the hunting territory controlled by the Sioux. In 1693 the French sent Pierre Le Sueur to Chequmiiegon Bay to encourage peace between the two tribes, and in 1695 an uneasy truce was arranged between them. Le Sueur built a small fort on the southwestern tip of Madeline Island, directly across the water from Chequamegon Point, and this new site was the third to be given the name La Pointe (9).

With the reactivation of the fur trade by Le Sueur, La Pointe and Chequamegon Bay became the center of a great web of trails from the St. Louis River mid upper Mississippi Valley in the west to the Keweenaw Peninsula in the east over which cargoes of fur mrived at the annual trader-trapper rendezvous at La Pointe. But in May 1696 the French king, because of a great over supply of furs, issued a decree stopping the fur trade in the west. The posts around Lake Superior were abandoned so in 1698 Chequamegon Bay was once again left to the Indians mid the few traders who chose to remain. Twenty years later in 1718, Paul Le Gardeur Sieur de St. Pierre was sent to reoccupy La Pointe and reopen the fur trade. He built a new fort on Madeline Island, somewhat farther north along the coast from Le Sueur's 1693 location, which became known as the "middle fort" (and Le Sueur's location as the "old fort"). In 1720 St. Pierre was succeeded by his second in command, one Rene' Godefrey, Sieur de Linctot, who in turn was replaced in 1727 by Louis Denis, Sieur de La Ronde. La Ronde was mi energetic commandmit, encouraging the Indians to take up agriculture, building a dock and a grist mill, mid in other ways developing the nascent settlement at La Pointe (10). The La Ronde family—father, then the son and then the widow—remained the custodians of the post at La Pointe until 1749. The men who succeeded the La Rondes at La Pointe were of a quite different stamp, the tentacles, so to speak, of a great octopus of corruption headed by the governor of New France himself, which sucked the wealth out of the fur trade into their personal coffers. In 1759 the French and British were in the final stage of a life mid death struggle for control of the French Empire in North America. La Pointe was soon cut off from communication to the east by English control of the St. Lawrence, and in the summer of 1759 the gmrison was withdrawn. The few settlers there moved to Sault Ste. Mmie or Mackinac, and La Pointe was once again abandoned except for the Chippewa, who, without the trade goods on which they had become utterly dependent, fell on hard times.

There is little information about events and people at La Pointe from 1759 until after the War of 1812, but the tiny and isolated post continued to play an active if diminished role in the fur trade. In 1765 the British, concerned that La Pointe would become a focal point for the hostility of the French-Canadian traders and the Chippewa towmd them, sent a small force to destroy the middle fort. In August of that year an Englishman, Alexander Henry, arrived in Chequmiiegon Bay from Mackinac with a company of voyageurs and a large cargo of trade goods. Earlier while at Mackinac, he had formed a partnership with a French-Chippewa, one Jean Baptiste Cadotte. He landed at an Indian village on the present site of Bayfield, which he said consisted of "50 lodges," built a "very comfortable house," and laid in a supply offish for the winter. In the spring the Indians brought in their winter's catch of furs, which he purchased with his trade goods, and then returned to Mackinac (Quaife 1921; Verwyst 1895, 432; BP 4/1/71; Knight, BCP 7/28/55; Ross 1960, 59-61). The next white visitor was apparently the Irish fur trader John Johnston, who mrived at LaPointe in September 1791. His trade goods and supplies were stolen by his men, but he built a cabin and managed to survive the winter, with the help of a 46 young boy who remained with him. He eventually married the daughter of a chief of the Indian village on the Bayfield site (11).

About 1782 Jemi Baptiste Cadotte's son, Michel, arrived in northern Wisconsin as the agent for the Henry- Cadotte partnership, remaining in the vicinity of the Chippewa villages at Lac du Flambeau and Lac Court Oreilles. About 1787 the British North West Company, formed in 1779 by small traders to control competition among themselves and present a united front to the Hudson Bay Company, absorbed the Henry-Cadotte partnership. The company thereby gained control of the fur trade in northern Wisconsin, and Michel Cadotte was appointed the company agent for the area. While touring the Chequamegon Bay region, Michel Cadotte met and married the daughter of a Chippewa chief who lived near the present site of Bayfield. In the late 1790s (most likely) he moved to La Pointe in charge of the company's trading business there, building a post at the south end of the island just east of the old French fort constructed by Le Sueur in 1693. Cadotte's new wife was baptized with the given name of Madeleine, which her father declared would henceforth be the name of the big islmid. So it was to remain (with a minor spelling change) despite early efforts to change it (12).

As American authority was gradually extended into the northwest territory, tariffs were imposed at Green Bay and Mackinac on British goods entering the United States. In 1806 the Michilimackinac Company was orgmiized with the apparent purpose of cmrying on systematic smuggling operations to circumvent the American tariffs. It took over the North West Company's fur trading posts east of the Mississippi including La Pointe, but Michel Cadotte remained in charge there. In 1811 in a further attempt to evade the American tariffs and duties, the North West and Michilimackinac Companies becmiie partners with John Jacob Astor in the South West Compmiy, mi American firm that assumed control of the La Pointe post. Business prospered during the Wm of 1812, but after the war, Astor, unsatisfied with his share of the profits from the venture, prevailed upon Congress to pass a law excluding all but American citizens from the fur trade within the boundaries of the United States. Astor then bought out his partners in the South West Company, and his American Fur Compmiy took over the post at La Pointe, Michel Cadotte once again remaining as the company's agent. The American Fur Company's buildings were in the same general area as those of the Northwest Company, that is, on the south end of the island east of the old French fort. In 1818 two brothers from New Englmid, Lyman Marcus Wmren and his younger brother, Truman Abr^am, came to the north country as independent fur traders. Proving to be competent traders, and honest in their dealings with the Indimis, they were hired by Cadotte and moved to the compmiy's location at La Pointe. In due course they married Cadotte's daughters, mid in 1823 took over from him as agents for the American Fur Company, mmking the beginning of a new era in the history of LaPointe.

In June 1820, La Pointe was visited by an expedition led by Lewis Cass, Governor of the Michigan Territory. Traveling from Mackinac to the upper reaches of the Mississippi, the expedition passed along the south shore of Lake Superior. It crossed the "Mauvaise" or Bad River onto "Point Chegoimegon," then crossed over to Madeline Island, where they found a Chippewa village and met Michel Cadotte. Included in the expedition as a mineralogist was Henry R. Schoolcraft, who noted that Chequamegon Bay or the "Bay of St. Chmles" as he called it, "must, hereafter, become one of the principal harbors and anchoring-ground for vessels of the lake." While Schoolcraft believed that the copper deposits of the Keweenaw Peninsula could be profitably mined, he was pessimistic about the future of the south shore of Lake Superior because both the soil and climate were, in his opinion, unsuited to agriculture. "A country lacking in fertile soil," he noted, "may still become a rich mining country,. . . [b]ut this deficiency must be compensated by the advantages of geographical position, a contiguous or redundmit population, pmtial districts of good land, or a good market. To these the mining districts of L^e Superior can advance but a feeble claim, while it lies upwards of a hundred miles beyond the utmost points of our settlements, and in the occupation of savage tribes whose hostility has been so recently manifested"—prophetic words, indeed (Schoolcraft 1855, 301-302).

47 Governor Cass visited La Pointe again in July 1826, accompanied by Thomas L. McKenney of the Federal Indian Department, who recalled that they were received by "Mr. Cadotte, who has lived here twenty-five yems. ... He has mi Indian wife, a worthy, well disposed woman, and . . . several sons and two daughters, grown. His daughters both mmried traders." He noted that Cadotte's house was "on the south side of the islmid, and near its southern termination. . . . This place was once, a hundred yems ago, the seat of a Jesuit mission", which he (mist^enly) placed about three-quarters of a mile northwest of Cadotte's house. He went on to say, "Now there is scmcely a vistage of buildings left where the cross stood, mid where its mysteries were attempted to be explained to the natives. Once in about two years a priest passes from Montreal to Fond du Lac, to visit the scattered remnants of traders, and some few Indians, who have only traditions, when all is left to nature again" (McKenney 1959, 261-262).

In 1831 and again in 1832, Governor Cass sent expeditions under Schoolcraft to western Lake Superior to try to stop the remorseless warfare between the Chippewa and Sioux in the L^e Superior region (13). As the fur trade frontier moved westward, the French established forts and trading posts in Wisconsin and Minnesota, dealing directly with the Sioux and other tribes. The Chippewa lost their status as middlemen and became hunters mid trappers, ranging fm into Sioux territory in search of furs. The long if tenuous truce between the two tribes quickly broke down and in the incessmit warfare that followed, the Chippewa, skilled woodsmen mid with firearms provided by the French, drove the Sioux out of the L^e Superior country. They eventually occupied a substmitial proportion of the northern territory of Wisconsin, establishing villages at Lac du Flambeau, Lac Court Oreilles, mid elsewhere. The observations of some of the members of the 1832 expedition members provided an interesting picture of La Pointe at that time. Douglas Houghton, the expedition's physician, recorded that there were 224 Chippewa Indians at La Pointe, including 118 males and 106 females (Houghton meant all of Madeline Island) (14). Lieutenant Jmiies Allan, commmider of the expedition's military escort, noted that Lyman M. Wmren, the agent of the Americmi Fur Compmiy, "has lived for a number of years at his present residence on the island of La Pointe [Madeline], and has given to this little spot an appearmice of civilization. He has built a large, comfortable dwelling, a storehouse, mid eight or ten outhouses, which, with the houses of a Mr. Cadotte and fmiiily, and those of the subagent, . . . make almost a village. All the buildings are handsomely situated, on a rise of ground, about two hundred yards from the lake, and immediately back of them are cultivated and enclosed fields, in which oats, peas, beans, potatoes. Sec. were growing finely. Wheat would grow here, but the want of means to make it into flour prevents its cultivation. The season is too short, and the soil too light to grow com with any success. The soil of the island is nemly as good as any that I have seen on the lake, but it is light mid sandy, mid would be thought poor Imid in Ohio or Indiana. It, however, produces a good luxurimit grass, (genus alopecurus), which I observed, Mr. Warren had appropriated in the raising of horses and cow. The timber is sugar-maple, birch, and pine" (Mason 1958, 185). And Reverend Willimii T. Boutwell, accompanying the expeditions to assess the spiritual needs of the Indians, inspected Wmren's fmm and noted the agricultural possibilities of the land: "Potatoes are out of the ground mid peas also, both of which look well. About 1/5 of mi acre of com Mr. W. has planted, as an experiment, I am satisfied that the soil will, if manured, yield good com, if the season is of sufficient length. It is a mixture of clay and sand, naturally wet. The grass, where it had sufficient moisture, looked fine. On the whole, I am highly gratified with the appearmice of the outdoor concerns. Peas and potatoes Mr. W. has heretofore raised—peas, 100 bushels last yem and with a favorable season, he calculates on a yield this yem from his seed of 200. With industry and economy, a man may live and support a family. There is much land in N.E., cultivated which is fm inferior in quality" (Mason 1958, 314)

During their annual provisioning trip to Mackinac in the summer of 1825, the Wmren brothers were converted to Christianity (Widder 1981). Shortly afterwards, Trummi, suffering from a severe cold, took a ship for Detroit, but died on board on July 21^^ Influenced by his brother's death and his new religious faith, Lymmi Wmren decided to establish a mission at La Pointe. He convinced his father-in-law to donate part of his property for a mission, and in the summer of 1827 the Wmrens and Cadottes went to Mackinac where on July 26 a deed granting about 2,000 acres to Lyman Warren was recorded (it was on this deed that the name

48 "Magdalen Island" was first used). On the day previous, Lyman Waren and Mary Cadotte were formally married by a priest (Schenk 1990, 7). In February 1830 Lyman brought Jedediah D. Stevens, a young teacher and lay missionary, to La Pointe, but he remained only until March. The following August, Frederich Ayer, another teacher and lay missionary, mid Caroline Rodgers, a young mixed blood Chippewa who would serve as interpreter, mrived at La Pointe. Ayer opened a school where he taught the Indians, fur trade employees, and their children. Inthe spring he returned to Mackinac. Finally, on August 30 1831, a fully qualified missionmy. Rev. Shermmi Hall, arrived at La Pointe (15). He was accompmiied by his wife Betsy, Frederick Ayer, and Elizabeth Cmiipbell, who was to serve as interpreter. Then in August 1832 Rev. Willimii T. Boutwell, a seminary classmate of Hall, joined him at La Pointe (having just returned from Schoolcraft's expedition to the source of the Mississippi). Later that month Warren returned from Mackinac accompanied by Sabrina Stevens (sister to Jedediah) who would assist Hall and Boutwell. With the arrival of Hall and Boutwell mid their assistants, missionmy work among the Indians was resumed after a lapse of over 160 yems since the departure of Father Marquette. In August 1833 they formally organized a mission church at La Pointe, thought to be the first Protestant congregation in Wisconsin. In 1834-35 they undertook the construction of a mission building, located on the main road along the shore north of the "old Fort." It was a large building sturdily constructed, which could accommodate the missionary families, visitors, and the school and church activities (16).

The Protestants did not have the field to themselves very long, however, for in July 1835 they were joined by a Catholic missionary. Father Iraneous Frederic Baraga. Baraga, energetic and dedicated to his calling, soon gathered a flock of converts and built a church just north of the new Protestant mission building (17). In 1838 another Presbyterimi minister. Reverend Granville T. Sproat, mrived with his wife, and in 1840 Reverend Leonmd H. Wheeler, a Congregational minister, arrived with his wife and a young woman teacher. There was now a substmitial Protestmit missionmy establishment at La Pointe, and in 1840 they constructed a new Protestant church in the village, closer to their congregation (18). Reverend Wheeler believed that something had to be done about the deplorable conditions in which the Indians lived, so he proposed to teach them agricultural practices to make them self sufficient. He did not think that Madeline Island was suitable for such purposes, however, and in 1845 he erected a new mission house on the mainland near Bad River. Some Indimis already lived there, and many at La Pointe who were not Catholics moved there with Wheeler. He named the site "Odanah" from a Chippewa word meaning village (19). According to his son, William, Wheeler anticipated that the Indians would eventually be forced onto reservations and selected the Bad River location as superior to others in the region, pre-empting the land for the Indians (Bumhmii 1974, 30-31).

Memiwhile, in 1835 Lyman Warren relocated the American Fur Company agency to a new site, appropriately known as the "new fort," around which the village of La Pointe grew in its present location. Buildings in the village in addition to the compmiy's offices, warehouses, and stores, included a hotel, stores, log dwellings, and the mission buildings. While the fur trade continued to prosper, there were clem indications that the fur resources in the La Pointe region would soon be exhausted, so in 1835 the American Fur Company turned to fishing as a hedge. Fishermen and coopers (to make barrels in which to ship the fish) were brought to La Pointe, and the business flourished for a few years (20). A fur trader who was at La Pointe during this time described the company's operation there as follows: "La Pointe was preeminently the Indian depot for the distribution of goods to the different minor posts, and it was necessarily the headqumters for all engaged in the fur traffic. Fishing was also carried on very extensively. Those who were engaged in this occupation were those who remained at home during the winter, mending their nets and making preparations for the next season's work. Fishing was also a brmich of the American Fur Company's business. There was but one store and that was the fur compmiy's. They cmried in stock everything that was necessary—groceries, dry goods, hardware, etc. The grocery department occupied a two-story building about the smiie size as the dry goods department building, one standing on each side of a street leading from a dock about the same place where the present dock is. There was also a banking depmtment, which was situated about 200 feet east of the other buildings. There was no saloon. There were two carpenter shops, one operated by Mr. Perinier and the other by Dufault, also one large cooper shop maintained by the company, one blacksmith shop, etc. There was also

49 one very large warehouse for repacking fish; it was about 200 feet long and was situated on the dock. In the rear of these buildings the company also maintained a very extensive garden and orchard, in which were raised all kinds of garden vegetables, grapes, cherries, crabapples, currants, strawberries, etc. . . . All voyageurs, 'runners,' as they were called, were employed by said company. They would take along blankets, clothes, guns, etc., to trade with the Indians for their furs. They took along very little provisions, as they depended mostly on hunting, fishing, wild rice, and trade with the Indians for their support. There were several depots for depositing goods and collecting furs, for instance at Fond du Lac [Minnesota], Sand L^e, Courtes Oreilles, Lac du Flmiibeau, Mouth of Yellow River, etc. The vessels used on Lake Superior for the fur trade were the 'John Jacob Astor,' a three-masted schooner, the 'Brewster,' and the 'Siskowit' built by old man Perinier" (Verwyst 1916, 178-179).

By 1840 the American Fur Compmiy was in serious trouble because the market for fish had all but collapsed and the demand for pelts, particularly for beaver fur, had also declined due to changes in fashion and in hat making technology. While the company recovered somewhat in the next few yems and was able to meet some of its obligations, it failed under the weight of further disasters until what remained of its assets was sold in 1850. The decline inthe fortunes of the American Fur Company meant the inevitable decline of La Pointe, since the company was the sole employer there. The major entrepreneur now became Julius Austrian, a German immigrant who had come to La Pointe from Mackinac with Joseph Austrimi in 1847. They opened a trade goods store that Julius continued to operate after Joseph went to Eagle River the following year. The Chequamegon Bay region was surveyed in 1852, and when the land was put on sale in May 1853 Julius Austrian (as attorney-in-fact for Joseph Austrian) purchased at Willow River (Hudson) the land on which the village stood. He had the village surveyed and platted, and sold the lots to the original residents for a nominal fee (21). This was indeed fortunate, for speculators would surely have eventually purchased the Imid and probably dispossessed the occupmits.

But while La Pointe may have been in decline, it was not forgotten. In 1843 a post office was established there and in Februmy 1845 it was designated as the seat of the newly formed La Pointe County, with a suitable courthouse constructed (22). In the mid- 1840s the copper boom on the Keweenaw peninsula, about sixty miles across the lake from La Pointe, provided employment for mmiy men as did the opening of the ore mines on the Marquette rmige. The fishermmi of La Pointe also enjoyed a profitable business supplying the mining camps on the upper peninsula, and the village, with its protected and spacious harbor, served as a trans-shipment point for cargo destined for the mining operations there. In his report on the 1849 expedition that explored the south shore of Lake Superior, Owen described La Pointe as a "beautiful village" that had grown up along a "magnificent bay." "This bay is nemly three miles across, and is capable of containing, at anchor, secure from all winds, a numerous fleet of vessels....It is not only one of the most commanding and accessible situations on Lake Superior, but it presents one of the most agreeable and picturesque lake scenes the tourist cmi well imagine.... As a site for a town, and especially as a place of resort for health and pleasure. La Pointe offers advantages beyond any portion of the mainlmid in Wisconsin. Its surface is sufficiently level and extensive for all purposes of agriculture; its soil, a retentive redmml, is capable, under a proper system of tillage, of returning to the husbandmmi a hundred-fold, and of producing fruits and vegetables in perfection. Its gently sloping sandy beach insures a secure footing to the bather. As a fishing station, it is unrivalled. The bays and creeks of the numerous islmids and main shore, distmit only a few hours' run, are miiongst the best grounds on the whole lake...." (Owen 1852, xxxiii-xxxiv).

As noted elsewhere, by treaties in 1837 mid 1842 the Chippewa had ceded all of their land in Wisconsin and Michigan to the government and "gone on the dole." They were allowed to remain on their land at the pleasure of the President, but that "pleasure" was short lived. Due to pressure from mining and logging interests, the government decided in 1849 to remove them to land reserved for them in northern Minnesota Territory. To force them to move, the payment of annuities in October 1851 was transferred from La Pointe to the Smidy Lake Agency, about sixty miles west of the western end of L^e Superior. The Chippewa sent a large

50 delegation to collect the annuities and inspect the land, but they had to wait until November for the Indian Agent who was to make the payments to arrive. Many died from malnutrition and disease, and the survivors returned to Wisconsin determined to resist removal (Armstrong 1972, pt. 2, 288-292; Clifton 1987). Their recalcitrance was supported by Reverend Wheeler who, while on a visit to New England the following winter, went to Washington to urge the Commissioner of Indian Affairs to allow the Chippewa to remain on the south shore of Lake Superior. Matters were at an impasse because the government would not withdraw the removal order, while the Chippewa were adammit about not moving. Finally, with violent resistance by the Indians looming, a delegation of Indians made mi arduous journey to Washington inthe spring of 1852 to petition Federal officials to withdraw the removal order, which they finally accomplished through the intervention of President Millard Fillmore (23).

In August 1854 the chiefs of the numerous bands of Chippewa dispersed throughout northern Wisconsin, Michigan, mid Minnesota were called to meet with government Indian agents at La Pointe. At this "treaty council," the titles of the Chippewa to their lands west of the Mississippi River, containing incalculable riches of timber mid minerals, were finally extinguished. In return the Chippewa were to receive minuities for two decades, to include "five thousand dollars in coin; eight thousmid dollars in goods, household furniture and working utensils; three thousand dollars in agricultural implements and cattle, cmpenter's and other tools and building materials, mid three thousand dollars for moral and educational purposes" {Treaties ofithe Chippewa 1974, 1854 Treaty, Article 4). Reservations were established in the Chippewa home territory in northern Wisconsin at Red Cliff, Bad River, Lac Court Orielles, and Lac du Flmiibeau (24). On September 30 the treaty was signed by 85 Chippewa chiefs and the representatives of the government in front of the Charles Oakes house at La Pointe, which henceforth was known as Treaty Hall (25). It was duly approved by the United States Senate and came into effect in Janumy 1855 (26).

With the approval of the treaty, the Indians at La Pointe moved to the designated reservations, those who were Catholic going to Red Cliff and the remainder to the Bad River reservation (27). A few Indians who were steadily employed at La Pointe were allowed to remain there. The Protestant missionaries left La Pointe, and the center for Protestant missionary work shifted to Reverend Wheeler's mission at Odanah (in later yems it was taken over by a Roman Catholic mission). A Catholic missionmy priest remained at La Pointe to continue work among the Indians there and at Red Cliff, and to serve the spiritual needs of the whites mid "mixed bloods," many of whom were of French-Cmiadian descent and Roman Catholic (28). Since the reservations at Red Cliff and Bad River and at other locations in northern Wisconsin could not support the traditional hunting-fishing- gathering subsistence culture of the Indimis, they were forced to rely on handouts from the government and to submit to acculturation. As Danziger notes, "... when the chiefs touched their pens to the La Pointe treaty the bands began a new journey down the white man's road. For nearly a century it was a road without turning, a one-way street to cultural disintegration and crushing poverty" (Danziger 1979, 90). Thus the great historical tragedy of Native Americans was continued miiong these remnants of the Chippewa, who were confined to forlorn reservations on the shores of the mighty lake over which they had once held dominion.

During the same time that the removal of the Indimis was depopulating La Pointe, other events occurred that brought short-term prosperity to the village. In 1854-55 the two settlements that were to become Ashlmid were established, and in 1856 Bayfield was founded. La Pointe became a very busy place, serving as a port of supply for these new communities on the shores of the bay, for the mining camps in the upper peninsula, and for Superior, miother newly established town at the far western end of the lake. The son of a school teacher, who came to La Pointe in July 1857 during this period of prosperity, described it in a letter to Father Chrysostom Verwyst as "a busy, hustling little place. The dock was a large structure, furnishing the safest possible landing for all boats. It had upon it a large warehouse, and on the shore adjoining it, there extended along the lake shore, towards Pointe de Fret [Froid], quite a little row of houses; some occupied as stores, some as warehouses and others as cooper shops. There was quite a large building which was used as a hotel on the left hand side as you passed up from the dock, and on the right, another large one, or at least Imge as I recollect it, which was

51 used as a store by Julius Austrian. Behind this building was a grass plot, and fronting on that, a long row of one-story houses which had been the offices of the Americmi Fur Compmiy. Behind this row of buildings was quite a Imge garden, surrounded by a high stockade fence, and in my time, that garden produced apples, cherries and currants, besides all of the ordinmy vegetables.

"Behind the garden was the old church, stmiding in the churchymd where, at that time, the dead were buried on the surface of the ground, the coffin being laid upon the ground and surrounded by a little frame-work of logs which was filled with sand from the l^e shore. . . .The school-house stood in the church yard, and there must have been mi average attendance of from twenty to forty pupils of both sexes. The town proper consisted of clusters of houses built on each side of a road-way running east and west, close to the lake shore, terminating on the west [at] Pointe De Fret, and on the east at Middle Fort, which was either an episcopalian or a presbyterian mission, but at which no missionary was stationed during my time. Still farther to the east was what was called Old Fort, consisting of a clearing on the eastern side of the island, from which all of the buildings had been removed, but which had grown up to grass and second growth timber.

"There were about three or four white families on the island; the people were mostly half-breeds, the descendants of intermarriage between the old voyageurs mid the Indian women, mid nemly all the men of middle or beyond middle life were Canadian-French mid had been voyageurs or coureurs des bois, and had evidently settled upon the islmid to pass their old age there with their families. In addition to the groups of houses at La Pointe proper and Middle Fort, there was a settlement upon the western side of the island, at a distance of one or two miles. The people were a most innocent, affectionate and happy people. They made their own boats and nets, and the barrels, half-bmrels and quarter-barrels in which they packed their fish. During the winter they went out trapping. They raised potatoes and other root crops, and one or two of the white men occasionally raised wheat and oats, but very little of it. There were only two or three horses in the entire settlement, and one or two cows. In winter nearly all the hauling was done with dog teams; nearly every family owning from three to four dogs. These animals were fed upon fish heads taken from the fish in the fall, filled frozen into barrels mid kept during the winter for dog food ....

"The great events were the arrival of the first stemiiboat in the spring. Payment time in the fall, when everybody went to Bad River on the Reservation to attend the payment. Christmas day, when we had midnight Mass, and New Year's day, when visits were exchanged, and everybody who had a house kept it open. In the spring and fall great flights of migratory birds used to light upon the islmid and were killed for food; in June pigeons were particularly numerous. The berry season included strawberries, raspberries mid blueberries, and altogether the life, while perhaps monotonous, was of great simplicity and singular beauty. From the time navigation ceased until it opened, we were an isolated community. Provisions were stored and provided for in the fall, precisely as if one were going on a voyage, the first boats used to bring small packages of meat and sausages in their ice-chests, which were sold to such of the inhabitmits as could pay for them, and were considered rare delicacies. A more simple, hospitable, honest community could not exist anywhere, and there was an element of cheerfulness and good nature that permeated the entire community which I have never seen since" (Verwyst 1900, 290-293; Bumham, y4DP 5/8-5/9/36).

In 1853 the influential business journal De/^ow'5 i?ev/ew predicted that with the opening of the St. Mary's canal, "La Pointe is destined to become a large place. . . .It is not only one of the most commmiding mid accessible situations on Lake Superior, but it presents one of the most agreeable and picturesque lake scenes that can well be imagined" (Debow 's Review, 10/53, 369). But rather thmi growing. La Pointe shrank. From a high point of 463 in 1850, the population declined to 319 or by 31% by 1860. Most of the decline occurred after 1857 as the relative prosperity of earlier years faded in the aftermath of the finmicial panic. These figures do not show the decline of the Indimi population to almost zero with the establishment of reservations at Bad River and Red Cliff. Then, to add insult to injury, the county seat was moved to Bayfield in 1859, and when Ashland County was formed from La Pointe County in 1860, the village of Ashland was designated the county seat of the new

52 county (29). Rather than becoming a "large place," La Pointe was fated to remain a small, quaint village subsisting on fishing, tourism, and some agriculture (30).

53 Chequamegon Bay and La Pointe Endnotes

1. This review of the early history of Chequamegon Bay is based on sources listed in the bibliography, particularly Ross 1960, Davidson 1892, Thwaites 1895, Verwyst 1895, and Holzheuter 1986.

2. Scull 1967; Kellogg 1921-22. See the bibliography for other sources on these two men and their adventures. Etienne Brule may have visited the Chequamegon region sometime in 1622-23—Butterfield 1898, 107-108, 154-163.

3. Some sources state 1658, others 1660 or 1661, but 1659 is the most commonly cited yem—Campbell 1896, 19-21; Verwyst 1916, 177

4. Some sources claim that Menard did not go to Chequmiiegon Bay but wintered near present day L'Anse, Michigan, at the head of Keweenaw Bay, and began his fateful journey to the Hurons from there—Kellogg 1968, 148, n. 13. On the possible location of Menard's death, see Schmirler, WMH 1961-62.

5. Kellogg stated that when Allouez arrived, "there were seven different tribes with eight hundred warriors clustered around the beautiful shores of Chequmiiegon"—Kellogg 1868, 153. Thwaites listed Indians from seven tribes beside the Ottawa and Huron encountered by Allouez: "Chippewas, Pottawatomies, Kickapoos, Sauks, and Foxes. . . .Miamis, mid Illinois. . . ."—Thwaites 1895, 405-406. Corcoran stated that in addition to a large village at Fish Creek, there was another near Whittlesey Creek, while "scientific investigation of the topography" proves "that there were other settlements nem Boyd's Creek, Vanderventer's Creek, between Pike's Bay and Bayfield, at Passabikmig, at RedCliff, and on Madeline Island"—Corcoran 1946, 83. "Pa-sa-bi-kong" was the Indian name for the so-called "pageant grounds" about three miles from the village of Red Cliff—Levi 1956, 90. Also see Verwyst 1895, 430-433.

6. The topographical reference of this name is unclear since there is no prominent feature where the mission is assumed to have been located which would deserve this appellation. Perhaps the reference was to the sand spit of Chequamegon Point, which had historical significance for the Chippewas—Thwaites 1895, 405. One source claims that Allouez constructed "several chapels in the region"—"Jean Claude Allouez." Wisconsin Writer's Program, Wisconsin Biographies, Box 9, p.3.

7. Kellogg 1968, 158, 163; Davidson 1892, 437-438; Thwaites 1895, 406-407. The tradition that Mmquette built the first Catholic church at La Pointe is false—that was done by Father Baraga in July 1835. Father Chrysostom Verwyst, who came to Bayfield in 1878, asserted that "La Pointe du Saint Esprit" was Houghton Point, and that it was here that Mmquette built his church. As evidence he cited Marquette's map of 1670, but on that map "mission du st. esprit" is clemly placed at the end of the indention denoting Chequamegon Bay, which in miy case is too small on the map to show details such as Houghton Point— AWP 8/22/85; Thwaites, Jesuit Relations, 1959, v. 59, map between 108-109. In an article pubhshed in 1895, Verwyst apparently changed his mind for he referred to the "ordinary abode of Father Allouez mid Marquette, the site of their chapel" at the end of Chequmiiegon Bay—Verwyst 1895, 439-440.

8. The French first encountered the Chippewa at Sault Ste. Mmie, and hence referred to them as "Saultiers" or people of the rapids, but they had come there from their original home north of Lake Superior and L^e Huron. According to William Whipple Warren, the historimi of the early Chippewa (of whom his mother was a descendent), the Chippewa first came to Chequamegon Bay from Sault Ste. Marie, perhaps in the late fifteenth century, and settled in a large village at the southwestern end of Madeline Island. He described their movement from the Sault as follows: "At every step of their westward advmice along the southern shores of the Great L^e [Superior], the Ojibways [Chippewas] battled with Foxes and Dakotas [Sioux]; but they pressed onwmd, gaining foot by foot, till they finally lit their fires on the sand point of Sha-ga-waum- 54 ki-ong [Chequamegon Point]. On this spot they remained not long, for they were hmassed daily by their warlike foes, and for greater security they were obliged to move their cmiip to the adjacent Mon-ing-wun-a- kaun-ing (place of the golden breasted woodpecker, but known as La Pointe). Here they chose the site of their micient town and it covered a space about three miles long and two broad, comprising the western end of the island [Madeline]"—Warren 1984, 96. During one particularly severe winter when they were starving, they resorted to cannibalism, eating the bodies of youngsters poisoned by the witch doctors. After a number years of this practice, perpetuated by fern of the witch doctors, enraged parents killed them. But the Chippewa imagined that the spirits of the dead victims haunted the village and in 1610 they abandoned it, some going to Sault Ste. Mmie and others establishing new villages on the mainlmid across from Madeline Island. It was said that for two centuries the Chippewa shunned the islands and would not spend the night on Madeline Island—Ross 1960, 12-13, Warren 1984, c.6. Hodge notes that "There is nothing found to sustain the statement of Warren" regmding the early settlement of the Chippewa at La Pointe, and the earliest archeological evidence of Indimi settlement is from the 1660s—Hodge 1912, 278; Wyatt 1986, 1-3. While Warren used the name Ojibway (also spelled Ojibwa mid Ojhibway) in his tribal history, Chippewa is the name by which the tribe was (and is) more commonly known, and the name which appears on treaties and other official documents concerning them—Warren 1984, 35-37; Wyman 1993, 11-12.

9. For 160 yems, from the construction of this fort by Le Sueur in 1693 to the establishment of Bayfield and Ashland inthe early 1850s, the history of the tiny fur trade, fishing, missionmy, and harbor village of La Pointe is the focus of the history of Chequamegon Bay.

10. La Ronde was also deeply involved in the early efforts to develop copper mining mound the Ontonagon River inthe Upper Peninsula—Ross 1960, 50-52; Bumham,y4DP 10/5/33.

11. See Johnston's biography.

12. According to Ross, the Indian name for Madeline Island was "Moningwunakauning—The Home of the Golden Breasted Woodpecker." He pointed out that the island was not the home of the bird, but only a stopover on its spring mid fall migrations—Ross 1960, 11. The islmid was named "I.S. Michel" or "Island St. Michel" on a French map from 1688—see map section in the Introduction. This was shortened to "Michel's Island" in some sources, which stated that it was named after Michel Cadotte, but this is incorrect. Under the French the island was known variously as Isle Detour, La Ronde, La Pointe, and by other nmiies; and under the English as Cadotte, Woodpecker, Magdaline, and so on—Ross 1951, 19; Bumham, y4DP 8/12/31; Lathrop 1905, 9-10; Thwaites 1895, 410, n.2. The name "I. es 12 Apotres" or "Islands of the 12 Apostles" appeared on a French map of 1755 and Carver labeled them "The 12 Apostles" on his map of 1766—see map section in Introduction. An interesting legend alleges that the island group was named after a band of pirates who inhabited them after the French and Indian War and styled themselves "The Twelve Apostles"—Bumham, ADP 10/1/30, 4/14/31. The first recorded use of the name "La Pointe" was by Father Allouez in 1665 for his chapel at the head of Chequamegon Bay. When Marquette left in 1671 the name was applied to the northwestern tip of Chequmiiegon Point (or Long Island) where a few fur traders remained after his departure. The nmiie was then transferred across the chminel to the southwestern tip of Madeline Island when La Sueur built a fort there about 1693. The name finally came to rest in the present village of La Pointe when it was established about 1835. The name was also used until about 1870 to refer to the Chequmiiegon Bay mea generally, and was also one of the early names ofMadeline Island—Ross 1960, 37,43,78; Bumham, y4DP 72/2/57. 7/72/55. 7/13/38 Lyman Warren tried to change the name of the village to "Fort Ramsay" in honor of Rmiisay Crooks, president of the American Fur Company, but he was the only one to use the name—Schenck 1990, 14.

13. Schoolcraft also visited LaPointe inthe summer of 1831 on the same mission, and held a large council with the Indians. His 1832 expedition traveled to the headwaters of the Mississippi where Schoolcraft identified 55 Lake Itasca as the source of the river—Bray 1970, 58. For a biography of Schoolcraft, see Osbom mid Osborn 1942, 294-653.

14. No one on the expedition appems to have noted the number of white settlers there, but Ross commented that "it is doubtful if there were more than fifteen whites" at La Pointe in 1832, including employees of the American Fur Company (which Schoolcraft placed at six), missionaries, mid "mixed bloods"—Mason 1958, 154; Ross 1960,86.

15. In the following summer Mrs. Hall gave birth to a daughter, thought to be the first child of white pments born in the western Lake Superior region—Bumham, ADP 11/30-12/5/32.

16. "The traders and others assisted generously with material mid labor. The missionmies worked zealously with their own hmids besides superintending the building. For church and school purposes they built a basement room of home-made brick, which they manufactured on their own grounds forty rods off. The tall chimney with its three or four great stone fireplaces was erected. The massive bemiis mid joists for the heavy framework were hewed from the luxuriant pine forest by sturdy and willing hands. The walls were built according to the necessary frontier fashion, with strong upright posts hewed square, standing four feet apml along the sills. A deep groove was cut the whole length of each post, on the two sides facing each other along the sills. Short pieces of timber, four feet long, were hewed six inches thick and about twelve inches wide. The ends of these short pieces being cut to fit into the post-grooves, they were slid down from the top of the posts until the space between each in succession was filled, thus forming a solid wooden wall six inches thick, the chinks being filled with clay mud. Outside of this the weather-bomding was nailed on. Inside, the home-made lath, consisting of narrow cedm strips split out by hmid, were nailed on in the picturesque criss-cross style, with dimiiond-shaped openings to hold the plaster. This consisted of stiff clay mud, of which an unbounded supply was close at hand, and was plastered on two inches thick, possessing a very adhesive quality. The two stories above the basement were divided into rooms of various sizes, for the needs of two or three mission families. The shingles were rived by hand from straight-grained pine blocks, then separately shaved off with a drawing-knife until both surfaces were smooth. There was then no saw­ mill on Lake Superior. Every board used, whether for roof-boards, flooring or siding, had to be all sawed out by the laborious 'whipsaw' method; one mmi stmiding above and the other below a log, (the lowermost man generally in a pit dug in the ground) and working a long saw up mid down by hand, dividing the timber lengthwise." The building "was surrounded by a stockade of cedar posts eight feet in height"—Lathrop 1905, 24-25. It was located toward the south side of the village, oriented west to east, with its west gable end about 60 feet from the beach, according to Ross. In 1951 he measured the building—it was 56 feet long, 25 feet-5 inches wide, and 26 foot-6 inches from the foundation to the eves. He also drew a floor plan based on his examination of the building, some 50 yems emlier, in 1897—Ross 1960, 83-85; map 24.

The building served the missionaries and their families in several capacities until the Protestant mission was abmidoned in 1855. Ross noted that by 1897, the "mission building, after serving as a dormitory to assorted itinerants, had fallen into a sad state of disrepair. Pmt of the roof had collapsed; the floors were in poor condition, with grass growing in the cracks of the boards, mid portions of the building were being used as a cow stable." In 1898 the building was repaired and converted into a hotel nmiied the "old Mission Inn." A photograph from 1898 shows that verandas had been constructed around the building at the first mid second floors. Within a few years, to accommodate increased patronage, two dormitories were constructed mid a large dining room was added to the main building—Ross 1960, 151, 158, 168; plates 6a, 26. The building was razed in 1965—On The Rock 1997, 78; Lathrop 1905, 5, 24, 47—pictures; Thomas 1899, 21—picture.

17. Baraga arrived at La Pointe on July 27 1835. He immediately mrmiged for the construction of a church, which began on August 3*^ . Constructed of logs from the dismantled Wmren store purchased for $150, the building was 20x50 feet, 18 feet high, with a steeple. It was located near "middlefort," about 100 feet south

56 of the Indian burying ground. The work was done by volunteers from among the French-Canadian and Indian residents, probably under the direction of Joseph DuFault, a carpenter who had constructed the American Fur Company buildings. Baraga celebrated mass in the still incomplete church on August 9^ — Bumham, "The Story of Baraga," y47:)P 9/10/35; Bumham, "The Baraga Paintings," y47:)P 4/28/32; Neill 1892, 31; Ross 1960, map 24.

On September 29 1836, Baraga left La Pointe for Europe, returning on October 8 1837 with money to complete the church—Gregorich 1932, 51-52; Rezek 1906, 71-72. By 1838 the church had become too small for Baraga's growing congregation, and he contracted with the American Fur Company to rebuild and enlarge it. The timbers and bomds from the first church were used for the new church, and the inside was plastered. The church was completed in August 1838, mid dedicated to St. Joseph on September 2" . In October 1840 Baraga purchased a 477 pound bell for $178 from New York, which was installed in the belfry. In July 1841 the church was t^en down and rebuilt on its present site; it was rededicated to St. Joseph on August 1 1841—Bumham, "The Story of Baraga," y47:)P 9/10/35; Ross 1960, 103-104, plate 11, map 21; Verwyst 1900, 185, 203.

There is one description of the interior of the rebuilt church, by Father Otto SkoUa who succeeded Bmaga in October 1843: "The church at La Pointe is fifty feet long and thirty feet wide. It has a beautiful altar, quite high, with an excellent picture of St. Joseph painted in 1834 by a skilled artist of Laiback nmiied Lang. In the church are forty benches where people knelt and prayed during the celebration of divine worship, and one bench near the altar was reserved for six chanters. There was also a chapel for celebrating Mass in the wintertime, mid joined to it was a room for the priest to live in"—"Father Skolla's Report" 1936, 231; also see the drawing of the church by Skolla—Rezek 1906, 361, 366.

The church was filled with paintings mid other sacred mid seculm objects collected by Baraga or given to him as gifts. Eighteen oil paintings hung on the plastered walls of the rebuilt and enlarged church. Three of these are known. "The Holy Fmiiily," was a painting of Joseph working in his shop with Mary and the Child Jesus looking on. It was painted in Laiback, Slovenia (now Ljubljana, Yugoslavia) when Baraga was in Europe in 1836 and 1837, and brought back to La Pointe by him—Verwyst 1900, 187. The second painting, "Descent From The Cross," was "a rather crude copy of the original which hmigs in the Sistine Chapel;" it was also brought from Europe by Baraga—Ross 1960, 165. A photograph of the altar of the 1841 church shows "The Holy Fmiiily" painting hanging directly over the altar, and "Descent From The Cross" on the right-hand side—Ross 1960, plate 31; Gregorich 1932, 50; Ashland And Environs 1888, np.

The third painting, also of the "Holy Family," was described by Bumham: "The painting, evidently a copy from an old painting of the Holy Fmiiily, depicts the infant Jesus caressing a lamb, and looking up to his parents, Joseph and Mary, who, leaning over, look down into his face;"—it was "11x131/2 inches in dimension to the outside of the frame"—Bumham, "The Story Of Baraga," ADP 9/21/35. Bumham suggests that it was painted by one of Baraga's two sisters or by Baraga himself. Bumham discovered this picture in 1935 in the possession of Lillie (Thomas) Martin of Ashland. She had been given it by her grandmother, Matilda Perinier, who in turn had received it about 1861 for her services to the mission from Father John Chebul, who cmiie to La Pointe in June 1860. Matilda Perinier was the wife of Antoine Perinier, a carpenter for the American Fur Company at La Pointe—Bumhmii, "The Story of Baraga," ADP 9/15/35-9/23/35. (Bumhmii appems to have confused this picture with that of the holy fmiiily which hung over the altar in the church.)

According to a visitor to the church in the fall of 1873, it contained "many items of interest. Among the most interesting items is the gold and silver service. Many fine oil paintings are hung in the chapel, miiong them one, 'Mary mid the dead Christ' [certainly "Descent From The Cross"], that bems unmist^able signs of old age. . . . Among other curious trophies is the Bishop's bed and his wardrobe, furniture, etc.'' AWP

51 91611'i. Another visitor in 1885 noted that "The altar is furnished with the usual adjuncts of the Catholic ritual, evergreens and flowers, crucifix, missal, pictures of the saints, a Christ on the cross—in wax—and the virgin and her shrine. The most interesting picture is a 'Descent from the Cross'. . . ." In the vestry "we find more ancient treasures—censers of antique pattern, silver candlesticks, and in a drawer beautiful priest's vestments of white and red satin, richly embroidered in lace, no one knows how long ago by the patient fingers of nuns in Old World convents. There is a very good portrait of Bishop Bmaga. . . ."— "Memories Of Mmquette,"y4ff^P 10/3/85 (see note in bibliography on this article). (It is curious that neither of these visitors commented on the Imger painting of the Holy Family, which hung in a more prominent place over the altar and was equally old).

The church with all of its priceless historical artifacts was totally destroyed by fire, apparently by arson, on June 15 1901—BCP 6/15/01. It was immediately rebuilt with a bell cast from the remains of the old bell, and rededicated to St. Joseph in emly December 1901. A suspect was arrested and charged, but apparently was never brought to trial—"In Ruins," BCP 6/15/01; "Church Dedicated," BCP 12/7/01; "Arrested On Suspicion,"_BCP 6/22/01; Ross 1960, 164-165.

18. "The church was built in the same manner as the Mission House had been built seven years before—with whip sawed lumber, sectional wooden walls, hmid-split cedar strip criss-cross lathing, clay-mud plaster, and old fashioned small paned windows"—Lathrop 1905, 31. It was 32 feet long by 25 feet wide, and could accommodate 150 to 200 persons. After the Protestant mission was abandoned, the church fell into disrepair, serving as a hay bam and as a sailmaking loft. In the early 1890s it was repaired and served for a while as a Presbyterian mission church. In 1901 it was purchased by the owner of the Mission House mid moved to a site on a hill overlooking the building. It collapsed in ruins in May 1943—Ross 1960, 100, 151, 165-166, 174; Plate 32; map, p. 24; BCP 5/13/43; Lathrop 1905, 6, 30, 34—pictures; Thomas 1899, 20— picture.

19. Ross 1960, 111. The 1850 U.S. Ce?75W5 listed ten white people in the "Bad River neighborhood," including Rev. Wheeler as a missionary, his wife and five children, mid one teacher, merchant, and farmer. The Chippewa had long used the general area of Odmiah as their camp ground during the wmmer months, planting gardens, and hunting, fishing, mid gathering rice in the sloughs. They called the place Kie-tig-ga- ning—Scott, "Early Settlement Of The Bad River Indian Reservation," Chippewa Project.

20. The U.S. Census for 1840 showed a population of 458, and for 1850, 463 (not including Indians except those married to whites).

21. The government lots in sections 30 and 31 of T50NR3W, amounting to 306.28 acres at $1.25 per acre— Local Tract Book, v. 86, p. 77, Plat of the Village of La Pointe. For the record of the transfers to the original occupants, see Deeds, v. 1, archives of the Bayfield County Register of Deeds. Also see New York Daily Tribune, June 26 1854. The American Fur Company had been allowed to pre-empt 160 acres of land for its own use before the government survey, part of which it parceled out to its employees in irregularly shaped lots. When the company went out of business the land reverted to the government—Ross 1960, 151- 152; Picturesque Wisconsin, June 1899, 24. There is no evidence that Julius Austrimi was a "Government Agent," as suggested by Ross. It is not clear how Joseph and Julius Austrian were related—^they may have been brothers or Julius may have been Joseph's nephew. In addition to Julius Austrian there was also a Max Austrian living at La Pointe at this time.

22. Laws ofiWisconsin Territory 1845, 52-53. Included within the jurisdiction of this new county were present day Ashlmid, Bayfield, and Douglas Counties, and parts of Burnett, Washburn, Sawyer, and Price Counties.

58 23. The delegation was led by Benjmiiin G. Armstrong, a white man who had married the niece of Buffalo, an important chief of the La Pointe Chippewa, and became their interpreter and trusted adviser. On the journey to Washington, see Armstrong WMH 1972, pt. 2.

24. "For the La Pointe band, and such other Indians as may see fit to settle with them," Article 2 of the treaty specified the boundaries of a reservation that encompassed most of the drainage basin of the Bad, White and Potatoe Rivers, amounting to 124,234 acres. The reservation also included 100 acres on the northeastern tip ofMadeline Island. For "The Ontonagon band and that subdivision of the La Pointe bmid of which Buffalo is chief," Article 2 provided that they each may select, "on or near the lake shore, four sections of land. . . the boundmies of which shall be defined hereafter." The Indimis selected land along the southeastern coast of the Bayfield peninsula and the President's executive order confirming their selection, amounting to 13,652 acres, was issued on February 21 1856—Executive Orders 1975, 218-221. Carollissa 1956; "Treaties With The United States Govemment," c. 11; "Bad River Reservation," c. 12; "The Red Cliff Reservation," c. 15; Chippewa Project: Arbuckle, "The Bad River Reservation;" Scott, "Early Settlement Of The Bad River Reservation;" Teeple, "Rivers Of The Bad River Reservation." The earliest sawmill on Chequamegon Bay was built about 1846 on the Bad River within the reservation—Arbuckle, "The First Sawmills On The Bad River Reservation," Chippewa Project; Bumham, "The Leihy Settlement," y4Z)P 9/25-9/28 1934; Bumham, "Leihy's Mill-1846," y47:)P 11/21/34, 12/1/34.

25. The foundation of the house was constructed of fieldstone, while the house itself was of frame construction with clapbomd siding. The halls of the first floor were in the shape of a T, and a large fireplace was located where they intersected. The house was located on the east side of front street overlooking Pointe de Froid, with a view in three directions. After the treaty signing, the house passed through several owners, serving for a time as a small hotel. In 1917 it was deeded to the Daughters of the American Revolution on the condition that a chapter be established in Ashland, but this was never done. It burned to the ground on May 10 1923, destroying irreplaceable documents and records concerning the history of La Pointe mid Chequamegon Bay, mid many priceless historical artifacts. Ross 1960, 95, 117, 166, 172; Plate 8; map, p. 21; Thomas 1899, 23—picture. "Historic Building Destroyed By fire,"_BCP 5/11/23.

26. Armstrong 1972, pt. 2. Article 2 of the treaty also provided that Chief Buffalo "may select one section of land, at such place as he may see fit." Buffalo selected a tract "lying on the west shore of St. Louis bay, . . immediately above and adjoining Minnesota Point." Heavily timbered at the time, the tract lay at the heml of what was to become the city of Duluth. Buffalo assigned one quarter section to his adopted son Benjamin Armstrong, and one qumter each to his nephew and the nephew's two sons; these three immediately conveyed their allotments to Armstrong. The region had not been surveyed by the rectangular system, and the tract was described by "metes mid bounds," which utilizes natural features and compass headings to determine boundaries. Because of the ambiguity of the resulting description, Buffalo's selection immediately "ran into official shoals mid reefs, involving primarily two questions, priority of selection and the meaning of the description of the Imid"—Roberts 1954, 11. A long period of litigation over the property ensued in which numerous parties, including the ubiquitous speculator Frederick Prentice, one of the proprietors of Ashland, was involved. Roberts 1954; Woodbridge and Pardee 1910, c.8.

27. There is no mention of the religious affiliation of the Indians in the treaty, but only of their "band" membership. However, as discussed earlier. Rev. Wheeler had established a Protestmit mission at Odanah/Bad River in 1845, while Red Cliff was part of Bayfield's Catholic parish.

28. For information on the priests who succeeded Rev. Bmaga, beginning with Rev. Otto C. Skolla in 1845, see Verwyst 1886, 150-152.

59 29. WisLaws 1860, G, C211; Wis Laws 1863, G, C241; Bumham,y47:)P 2/26/35, 2/28/35. The Ashland County seat was moved to La Ponte in 1863 when Ashlmid was abandoned, but moved back to a revived Ashland in m3—Wis Laws 1863, G, C241; AWP 11/8/73. Bayfield County was formed in 1866 from La Pointe County mid land annexed from Ashlmid County, with the county seat in Bayfield—Wis Laws 1866, G, CI 46.

30. According to one observer, "The population varied very much according to the season. In the winter they would number about thirty or forty mixed-blood families, besides a very few Pagan Indimi families. In the summer the population would double in all shades"—Verwyst 1900, 198-199. Since the census was taken at the end of June, these population figures may therefore not be accurate for an entire year. For a description of La Pointe at the end of the 19^ century (including pictures), see Picturesque Wisconsin, June 1899. 19-24.

60 LaPointe Statistics 1840-1860

Table 1

Population Characteristics (1)

1860 - Town 1855 - Town 1850 - Village 1840(2)

Total 319 397 463 458 White 309 84 459 454 Indian 10 4 Half-breeds(3) 313 Free Colored 4 Adults 196 239 263 Children 123 224 195 Males 173 229 244 278 Females 146 168 219 180

1. For the 1840, 1850, mid 1855 censuses, the village of LaPointe was in LaPointe County and for the 1860 census, in the Town of La Pointe in Ashland County. The 1855 State Census revealed that about 79% of the population of the town were "half-breeds," or people of mixed white and Indian blood, so it is reasonable to assume that they also constituted a significant proportion of the population in earlier and later yems. In 1840 and 1850, French (or French-Canadian) names were predominant in the population enumerations. In the 1855 census French names still dominated but more non-French names were recorded. In the 1860 census French names were still important but names reflecting many other national origins also appeared in the population enumerations. The most common French names in the 1850 census were Cadotte with 40 entries, mid Roy with 28 entries. In the 1855 census there were 13 Cadottes and 17 Roys, but only five Cadottes and no Roys in the 1860 census, although 16 of the latter were on the 1860 enumeration for Bayfield.

2. Population figures for the eastern district of St. Croix County, consisting of the settlements on Lake Superior. There were also 351 people in the western district, for a total population of 809 for this immense territory. Since at that time there were no other settlements on Lake Superior within the boundaries of St. Croix County, it is reasonable to assume that the figure of 458 refers to the population of La Pointe village.

61 3. Included as "white" in the U.S. Censuses. "Half breeds" was the term used in the State Census document.

Table 2

Ages

1860 61 62 109 59 26 2 319

1850 110 114 140 75 20 4 463

<4 years 5-14 years 15-29 years 30-49 yems 50-69 years 70+

1840 94 101 149 88 22 4 458

62 Table 3

Places of Birth

U.S . and Foreign Births

1860 1855 1850

U.S. 269 363 431 Foreign 50 34 32 Total 319 397 463

U.S. Births

1860--26S) 1850- 431

State Adults Children Adults Children

Wisconsin 120 104 186 219 Michigan 13 5 7 5 Minnesota 8 1 2 0 New York 7 0 5 0 Other states _8 Jl _J_ 0 Total 156 113 207 224

Foreign Births

1860--50 1850'-3 2

Country Adults Children Adults Children

Canada 21 29 Germany 10 1 Ireland 7 0 Other _8 _2 Total 46 32

63 Table 4

Occupations

The 1840 census showed four people engaged in "agriculture," 133 in commerce, 17 in "manufactures mid trades," 14 in lake navigation, mid four in "learned professions and engineering." Most of those included in the "commerce" category were no doubt involved in the fur trade, there being no other commercial activity except perhaps a little fishing. In 1850, including voyageurs mid traders together, over 61% of the occupations were involved with the fur trade, suggesting that although declining it was still an importmit economic activity for the settlement. The American Fur Company's fishing undertaking from La Pointe must have been on a small scale, for only four fishermen were recorded. By 1860 the types of occupations had changed dramatically. No voyageurs were listed indicating that the fur trade had finally ended (unless some of the laborers were engaged in the trade), while 17 fisherman and ten farmers were shown.

1860 1850

Laborer 34 Voyageur 73 Fisherman 17 Laborer 21 Farmer 10 Carpenter 7 Cooper 5 Trader 7 Boat builder 4 Fisherman 4 Carpenter 4 Clerk 4 Merchmit 3 Cooper 3 Clerk 2 Other 11 Servmit 2 Total 130 Trader 2 Other _1 Total 90

64 Table 5

Agricultural Resources

1860 1850(1)

No. of farms 7 1(2) 1 Total acres 1,739 4,150 3 Improved acres 180 150 20 Horses 1 2 1 Cows 2 4 3 Oxen 2 2 2 Other cattle 3 3 5 Wheat (bushels) 50 40 Com 40 15 Oats 300 200 25 Peas/beans 61 30 Potatoes 1,467 300 300 Hay (tons) 26 60 15 Butter (pounds) 162 200 100 Maple sugar 2,500 3,000

1. Only Rev. Shermmi Hall's mission fmm listed.

2. The Julius Austrian farm is listed separately; it was much larger and more productive than the other farms.

Table 6

Property and Taxes 1860

Property values Real estate $41,412 Personal $ 6.824 Total $48,236

Annual taxes State $ 98.13 School $588.90 County Highway Town $153.41 Poll Total $840.44

65 Table 7

Institutions

1860 1850

Schools Number 1 - Govemment 1 - Common Students 60 30 Teachers 2 1 Libraries 1-Private-150v. Churches (1) Catholic - 500 Catholic-300 Methodist-Episcopal --300 Presbyterian - 150 Newspapers (none listed) (none listed)

1. Numbers referred to the capacity of the church building, not to the size of the congregation.

Table 8

Wages (1) 1860

Farm hand with bomd - month $20.00 Day laborer with board - day $1.00 Day laborer without board - day $2.25 Carpenter without board - day $2.50 Female domestic with board - week $2.00 Bomd for laborer - week $3.50

1. Average wages

Industrial Resources

The only industrial resource in La Pointe County recorded for 1850 was a water powered sawmill with an annual output of 7,000 board feet of pine "sawed lumber." The location of this mill was not recorded; it may have been the mill constructed on the mainland by the American Fur Company but the apparent owner was an individual not listed in the population enumeration for the county. Holzhueter places the mill at La Pointe, but there was no water power source there (Holzhueter 1986, 50). The industrial resources in 1860 included two coopers, a boat builder and a steam powered sawmill. This was large mill operated by a 25 horse power stemii engine, employing seven men, and producing a million board feet of pine lumber annually

66 La Pointe Biographies

Jean Claude Allouez was bom on June 6 1622 in Saint Didier-en-Forest, Haute Loire, France. He received his early education at Puy, the capital city of his home district, during which he became interested in missionary work. In 1839 he graduated from college at Puy, and then entered the Jesuit novitiate at Toulouse. After several years of theological study he was ordained in 1655, mid in 1656 was appointed preacher in the cathedral town of Rodez. Strongly desiring to do missionary work, he was ordered to Canada (New France) and arrived at Quebec in July 1658. He began to learn the Indian languages, and was soon able to preach among the Algonquin tribes along the St. Lawrence River. Judged by his superiors to be "eminently suited for missionary work," he was promoted to positions of greater responsibility. In 1664 he was appointed to the Ottawa mission in the Lake Superior region and set out for his new post on August 8 1665, arriving at Chequmiiegon Bay on October 1^^ Near the head of the bay he built the mission of Saint Esprit, naming the location La Pointe du Saint Esprit. He remained there until 1668 (1669) when he returned to Quebec. He returned west to Green Bay with Father Jacques Marquette, who replaced him at the Saint Esprit mission on Chequmiiegon Bay. From there he did missionmy work among the various tribes mound the shore of Green Bay, Lake Winnebago, and Lake Michigan, mid on the Fox and Wolf Rivers. In October of 1676 he journeyed to the Illinois country to take up missionary work there, eventually settling at a mission at Kaskasia. He remained in the Illinois country until his death on August 27 1689 near the site of Niles, Michigmi. WPA Writer's Program, Wisconsin Biographies, Box 9 (SHSW-A); Ross 1960, 30-33; Burnham 1974, 14-16; Bumham, y47:)P 4/19/38.

Paolo Andreani. Count Paolo Andriani was bom in Milan, Italy around 1763 of a noble family of that city. Having a scientific bent of mind, on March 13 1784 he carried out the first successful balloon ascension in Italy. In June of that yem, he went to Paris where he became acquainted with French scientists and was given responsibility for an expedition to Scotland. Around 1790 he came to the United States on a tour, cmrying letters of introduction to George Washington and other people of importance. His comments about the United States, intended to be flattering, got back to Washington, who considered them naive and superficial, an insult to the proud new nation. He did not meet Washington and his reception by other upper class Americans, despite his aristocratic lineage, was apparently rather cold. Andreani's tour also had a scientific purpose. During this period French scientists were interested in the true shape of the emth, suspecting that it was not a perfect sphere. It was apparently in this connection that Andreani was at La Pointe in September 1791, where he encountered the fur trader, John Johnston (see Johnston's biographical note). Andreani toured the Great Lakes and may even have circumnavigated Lake Superior. He visited Grand Portage in 1791 and described in some detail the fur trade at that post and around the Great L^es. Subsequently, he went to Philadelphia where he was elected to the American Philosophical Society. Appmently toward the end of the century he returned to Europe, but in 1806 came back to the United States for another tour, unfortunately contracting small pox in New Orlemis. It is not known if he continued his tour but at some point he returned to Europe, dying in poverty in Nice, Frmice, on May 11 1823. G. Hubert Smith. "Count Andreani: A Forgotten Traveler.'"Minnesota History, v. 19, March 1938, 34-42; "Andremii, Vaolo.''DizionarioBiografiicoDegli Italiani, v. 3, Rome, Italy, 1961, 128; C.H. Chapman. "The Historic Johnston Family Of The ^oo.'' Michigan Pioneer and Historical Society, v. 32, 1903, 341; Ken Alder. TheMeasure OfiAll Things; The Seven Year Odyssey And Hidden Error That Transfiormed The World. New York: Free Press, 2002.

67 John Daniel Angus was bom in Albany, New York in 1813. He learned navigation skills as a young man, and after several years of salt-water sailing, he came to La Pointe in 1835. He was hired by the Americmi Fur Compmiy to captain its vessels, the schooners Madeline and Siskiwit, transporting fish catches from various lake stations to La Pointe where the fish were packed in barrels and shipped. When the company went out of business he was captain of the Algonquin, a small schooner which was the first commercial vessel to enter Lake Superior. Later he was master of the excursion steamer Illinois, which ran between Detroit and Sault Ste. Marie. He was at one time keeper of the La Pointe lighthouse on the end of Chequamegon Point, and also piloted boats between Ashland, Washburn, and Bayfield. He died at La Pointe on February 13 1894. Hmris 1976, 142; Ross 1960, 115, 116n; Ellis, y4frP 6/30/77; Bumham, "Boats Of Fur Trade Days," y47:)P 2/7 7/5(5; "Early Navigation on Lake Superior,"^fTP 6/19/75; Bumham, "Interview With Captain Angus,".47:'P 3/5/35; _BCP 2/17/94 (obituary).

Benjamin Green Armstrong was bom on July 4 1820 in Alabama. At the age of eight years, with less thmi three weeks of schooling, he was lured from home by a mmi who raced horses. In the summer of 1833 he was injured in a fall from a horse in New Orleans and contracted a fever. His health impaired, he abandoned horse racing. After traveling mound the upper Mississippi Valley with his brother (the purpose of which is unclear), he went in June 1840 to Hudson, Wisconsin to regain his health. He was accompmiied by a young half-breed who taught him the Chippewa language. In 1841 his uncle started him in the trading business and he traveled to the headwaters of the Mississippi to establish a trading post. (A Chippewa guide showed him the small streams and lakes that fed into Lake Itasca mid were thus the true source of the Mississippi). Armstrong became well acquainted with the Chippewa and their language and culture, mmrying the niece of Buffalo, a powerful chief of the La Pointe band, who adopted him as a son. He became a trusted adviser and interpreter for the Chippewa, striving to protect their interests against the traders, Indimi agents and commissioners. In 1852 when Chippewa resistance to the Federal order to relocate them from La Pointe to Sandy Lake threatened to turn violent, he led a delegation of chiefs to Washington, where they were successful in having the order revoked. He played mi instrumental role in the treaty signed at La Pointe on September 30 1854, which extinguished the Chippewa title to their lands west of the Mississippi and established reservations for them in northern Wisconsin. Under the terms of the treaty. Chief Buffalo was allotted one section of land, which he selected on the present site of Duluth, giving quarter sections to his nephew and his nephew's two sons mid to Armstrong. The following October Armstrong went to Ontonagon, where he joined a company formed to pre-empt land in the newly ceded territory. He established a trading post at or near the present site of Duluth. In Jmiuary 1855 he set out for La Pointe with the furs he had collected, but along the way was blinded by a substance that either by accident or design had gotten into his eyes and remained so until the winter of 1861 when his sight was restored through the patient ministrations of his wife. In the spring of 1861 Armstrong was appointed interpreter to the Indian agent at Bayfield and to the superintendent of Indian affairs in the northwest. When rumors of an Indimi uprising in northern Wisconsin began to circulate, he led a delegation of nine chiefs to Washington, where President Abrahmii Lincoln promised them that their annuity mrearages would be paid at the end of the war. In 1864 he resigned his position as interpreter mid moved with his family to Portage Lake, Michigan. They remained there until the spring of 1870, but it is not known where they then resided. In November 1874, Armstrong led miother pmly of six Indians east to show them "the great white nation and what civilization really was." While in Manchester, Maine, he mid the group of Indians joined a show called "Washburn's Last Sensation," traveling around New Englmid the mid-Atlmitic states. The group then returned to northern Wisconsin, where Armstrong moved to Ashland, where he served in various political offices. The date of his move to Ashland is uncertain, but he and his fmiiily were listed in the 1880 census of Ashland. He died there on July 31 1900. Armstrong, WMH 1972-73; Armstrong 1892; "Benjamin G. Armstrong." WPA Writer's Program, Wisconsin Biographies, Box 10 (SHSW-A); "A Son Of Buffalo," y47:)P 8/1/00 (obituary); ''Died," AWP 12/30/82 (wife's obituary); Bumham, "Story of Armstrong's Life is Review of History of Ashland," y47:)P 10/5/33 (son Henry's obituary).

68 Julius Austrian was bom in Bavaria, Germmiy, in 1821. He worked as atminer in France and Germany before coming to the United States in early 1844. He remained in New York briefly and in the fall of that year came to La Pointe where he joined the trading post established there by the Leopold brothers emlier that year. In 1847 his brother (?) Joseph arrived from Germany and they operated the business together (the Leopold brothers having returned to Mackinac) until Joseph moved to Eagle River, Michigan in the spring of 1848. With the demise of the American Fur Company, Julius Austrimi becmiie the major entrepreneur and promoter of La Pointe. In May of 1853 he purchased from the govemment the land on which the village of La Pointe was located, and resold the individual plots to the residents who had settled on them under the jurisdiction of the American Fur Company. In June of 1855 he sold the fur company's old sawmill on the mainlmid to Elisha Pike. In 1857 he lived and operated a store in Bayfield, and in 1859 he and several other men incorporated the "La Pointe Iron Company" to mine iron and other mineral ores on any lands owned by the company in Wisconsin. He did not appear in the June 1860 U.S. Census of the Town of Bayfield in La Pointe County but was shown as a farmer with 150 acres of improved and 4,000 acres of unimproved land in the Town of La Pointe in Ashland County. In 1862 he moved to Eagle River where he engaged in the general merchandise business. In 1871 he left Eagle River for St. Paul where he established a general commission business and invested in real estate. His investment interests in the Chequmiiegon Bay region continued, however, and in 1872 he was reported to be one of the largest land owners on the Penokee range. (Many of his land purchases were made as attorney-in-fact for Joseph Austrian.) In 1881 he retired to devote himself to charitable works. In 1849 he married Hannah Leopold, the sister of the Leopold brothers. He died in St. Paul on March 18 1891 (reportedly run over by a horse-drawn beer wagon) and was buried in Chicago. "A Band of Brothers." Portage Lake Mining Gazette 3/17/66; BM 7/14/57; Bumham 1974, 288; "La Pointe Iron Company." Chicago: Evening Post Print, 1871 (SHSW-PC); "An Eventful Life." St. Paul Pioneer Press 3/20/91 (obituary); "Pioneer Portage Lake Steamship Man's Life" (Joseph). Houghton Daily Mining Gazette 6/3/08; "Had a Stirring Career." Beloit Free Press 6/8/08 (Joseph obituary).

Frederic Ayer was bom on October 111 803 in west Stockbridge, Massachusetts. From the age of two years, he lived in New York, where his father was a home missionary. Although destined for the ministry, frail health prevented him from completing the necessary studies. In 1829 he went to the Indian mission at Mackinac, Michigan to teach, but the work proved to be too mduous for him. In the summer of 1830 Lyman M. Warren came to Mackinac on his annual supply trip, hoping to find a Protestmit missionary to accompany him back to La Pointe. There was no missionmy available, but Ayer volunteered to go to La Pointe with Warren. There he taught the Indimis, employees of the American Fur Company, and their children Bible verses, English, and arithmetic. He also learned the Chippewa language mid began to compile a Chippewa spelling book. The following spring he returned to Mackinac, but in August went back to La Pointe with Wmren and Rev. Sherman Hall, who established the first Protestant mission there. Ayer stayed on during the winter of 1831-32 as a teacher mid assistant to Hall. In the spring of 1832 he went to Sandy Lake, Minnesota where he opened a school. He completed his Chippewa spelling book and in the spring of 1833 traveled to Utica, New York to arrange for its publication. In that yem he placed himself under the American Board of Foreign Missions, and was put in charge of the mission and school at Yellow Lake, Wisconsin. After two years he transferred to the mission at Pokegama on the Snake River in Minnesota. In 1840 the Indians (Ojibway) fled after the Sioux had attacked their village but Ayer and the other missionaries remained, ministering to the dispersed Indian camps. In 1842 Ayer and his family returned to Oberlin, Ohio where he was ordained at Oberlin College to preach among the Indians. Along with other missionaries he established a mission at Red Lake, Minnesota where he remained until 1849. He then moved to Belle Prairie, Minnesota where he established an independent school for promising Indimi children. In 1865 he and is wife volunteered to work among the freedmen, and they went to Atlanta, Georgia to open a school. The school was successful despite the trying conditions in the post-Civil Wm south. He supervised the construction of a chapel and two houses, mid orgmiized a Congregational Church

69 and a temperance society. He died in Atlanta on April 28 1867 and was buried there. "Frederick Ayer, Teacher and Missionary to the Ojibway Indians 1829 to 1850," Collections ofithe Minnesota Historical Society, v. 6, 1894, 429-437; A/rC 234; MB 15; Bumham, ADP 7/28/32, 7/29/32; Widder 1981.

Iraneous Frederic Baraga was bom on June 29 1797 in Malavas, Austria. His family was well-to-do family but not of the aristocracy. His parents died when he was young and he inherited considerable property and money. His education began under private tutors at an early age, mid in 1816 he entered the University of Vienna and graduated in 1821 with a law degree. Having in the meantime decided to enter the church, he broke an engagement mid renounced his inheritmice in favor of his sister Antonia. He entered the seminary at Laibach, completing the three year course in two years, and was ordained a priest on September 21 1823. He served parishes in his native country for several years, but in 1830 offered himself for service in foreign missions in the United States. He was accepted and arrived in Cincinnati in early 1831, and in the spring was assigned to missionary work in Michigan. He worked among the Indians, enduring great hardships with his life frequently in danger from fur traders who resented his influence among the Indians mid from drunken Indimis who were supplied with liquor by the traders. Working miiong the Indimis around Grand River, he advised them not to sell their lands to settlers who were pressing northward from Ohio. He was accused by the settlers and traders of fomenting disturbances among the Indimis. Although exonerated of this charge, the govemment forced the church to transfer him, and he was sent to La Pointe, where he arrived on July 27 1835. In his usual dedicated and indefatigable manner, he set about re-establishing the first Roman Catholic mission on Chequamegon Bay since 1671, beginning the construction of a church three days after his arrival. In September 1836, he went to Europe to seek funds for his La Pointe mission, returning in October of 1837. He was accompanied on his return by his sister Antonia who was to assist him, but she was unable to tolerate the hmsh climate and the great difficulties of Indian missionary work, mid returned to Europe after two years. While at La Pointe he visited Fond du Lac on the St. Louis River to baptize Indians, but was not able to establish a mission there. In June 1843, he left La Pointe for L'Anse, Michigan to begin a mission there, mid when the copper rush to the Upper Peninsula began in 1845 he opened churches and schools to serve the immigrants who poured in to work the mines. In November 1853 he was made Bishop of Sault Ste. Marie, responsible for missions in lower and upper Michigan and northern Wisconsin. In May 1866 he moved the seat of his bishopric to Mmquette, continuing in his older yems his custommy rounds of parishes and establishing churches and schools among the rapidly growing population. He was an accomplished linguist, publishing among other things a grmiimar mid a dictionary of the Chippewa language. He died at Marquette on Janumy 19 1868, mid was buried in the cathedral there. "Frederic Baraga." WPA Writer's Progrmii, Wisconsin Biographies, Box 11 (SHSW-A); Verwyst 1900; Gregorich 1932; Rezek 1906; Lambert 1967; DWB 24-25; DAB 1:584-585; Bumham "The Search For The Countess," y47:)P 4/23/32-4/30/32 (7 articles); Bumham, "The Story of Baraga," y47:)P 9/6/35- 10/2/35 (23 articles); Bumhmii, "Bishop Baraga Escapes," y4Z)P 8/14/37. There were festive observances of the 50^* and 101000 * anniversaries of Baraga's mrarrivai l at La Pointe: 50^^—ADP 8/22/85, 8/29/85; 100* —ADP 8/23/35, 8/26/35, 8/29/35, 8/30/35, 8/31/35.

John W. Bell was bom on May 3 1804 (1803) in New York City. In 1811 the family moved to Quebec, Canada, where young John received a limited education and was apprenticed to a watchmaker, and later completed an apprenticeship in ship building mid the cooper trade (barrel m^ing). After working in the salmon fisheries in the Gulf of St. Lawrence and as a cooper in Montreal, he came to Lake Superior. He settled first at the mouth of the Iron River, some twenty miles west of Ontonagon, Michigan. He moved to La Pointe on June 23 1835, where he went into business making fish barrels for the Americmi Fur Company and soon became active in the local and county govemment affairs of the area. Over yems he held practically every town and county office including chairman of the town or county board of supervisors for at least 20 years. Indeed, in November 1868 he was elected as chairmmi of the board of supervisors, register of deeds, superintendent of schools, and district attorney, and the following year was county judge and assessor. At the same time he continued to engage in the

70 cooper business mid fur trade for the Americmi Fur Compmiy. He was present at all Indian payments and treaty councils held at La Pointe for over half a century. In 1865 he led a delegation of 18 principal chiefs of the Lake Superior Chippewa to Washington to obtain overdue Indian payments. Rebuffed as such delegations usually were by those in charge of Indian affairs, they were finally granted an audience with President Lincoln, who ordered that a just settlement with the Indians was to be made. The assassination of the President shortly afterwards brought their efforts to naught, however, and they returned to La Pointe empty-hmided. Bell did not abuse the public trust placed in him, although probably much was done in the rough and ready conditions of the time that would not be allowed today. He was a kind and although powerfully built, a gentle person. The numerous public offices that he held and dischmged with competence and honesty, and his open, magnmiimous and at times flamboyant character, emned him the sobriquet of "King John," although he often referred to himself as "Old Whackum." He was married at La Pointe on June 26 1836. He died there on December 30 1887. "Another Pioneer Dead," WI 1/5/88; Geo. Francis Thomas. "A Thrilling Tale."AWP 1/7/88; Bumham. "King Bell." ADP 4/15/31; William Knight. [John W. Bell]. Bumham, y47:)P 7/9/29; "Memories of Marquette." AWP 10/3/85; Charles M. Sheridan. "John W. Bell was known as 'King of the Apostle Islands.' " WT 2/19/31; Ross 1960. 122-123. 144-145; Bumham 1974. 129-131; On TheRock 1997. 392-394.

Charles William WuljfiBorup was bom in Copenhagen, Denmark on December 10 1806. He attended medical college and upon graduation went to the island of St. Thomas in the West Indies to practice medicine. Since the tropical climate there proved to be injurious to his health, in 1827 he moved to the United States. From New York he went to Mackinac, Michigan where he was employed as a clerk by the American Fur Company. Subsequently he was stationed at other company posts, including Yellow Lake, Minnesota and La Pointe. As the company's chief western agent from 1838-1842, he played an important part in the company's affairs, and acquired a Imge fortune. He also continued to practice medicine, being the only physicimi at that time in the region. There is no information about him from 1842 until 1848, when he established a business in lumberman's supplies in St. Paul. In 1852 he entered the real estate business, platted an addition to St. Paul, and also established a bank in partnership with his brother-in-law. On July 17 1832 he married Elizabeth Beaulieu. He died in St. Paul on July 6 1859. "Charles William Wulff Bomp," WPA Writer's Program, Wisconsin Biographies, Box 12 (SHSW-A); Neill 1892, 16, n.2.

William Thurston Boutwell was bom in Lyndboro, New Jersey on February 3 1803. He was educated at Philips Exeter Academy mid Dartmouth College, graduating in 1828. He then entered Andover Theological Seminary, graduating in June 1831 and was ordained a Congregational minister (with Sherman Hall) at Wobum, Massachusetts. Shortly thereafter he and Hall depmted for Mackinaw, arriving on July 13 . There Boutwell studied the Chippewa language and assisted in the mission school (meanwhile Hall went to La Pointe). After three months he moved to Sault Ste. Marie where he met Henry R. Schoolcraft. In 1832 he was invited to join the Schoolcraft expedition to the upper Mississippi valley where he was to look into the possibility of establishing missions among the Chippewa west of L^e Superior. The expedition depmted from Sault Ste. Marie on June 7 1832 returning to Fort Snelling on July 24 . On August 6^ Boutwell reached La Pointe where he remained to assist Rev. Sherman Hall during the winter of 1832-33. In the summer of 1833 he visited Mackinaw where he was assigned by the American Board of Foreign Missions to work at missions in eastern Minnesota. He returned to La Pointe in August, and from there he journeyed again to Minnesota where he established the first Indimi mission in Minnesota, at Leech Lake. In the summer of 1834, while at Leech Lake, he proposed by messenger to Hester Crooks at Yellow Lake, Wisconsin. She was bom on May 30 1817, the daughter of an Indian woman and Ramsay Crooks, the president of the American Fur Company. They were married by Rev. Sherman Hall at the fur trading post at Fond du Lac, Minnesota, on October 11 1834 (or in August 1834). They left immediately for Leech Lake, arriving there on November 9 1834. He eventually came into conflict with the Indians and in 1838 he moved to the mission at Pokegama. He remained there until the spring of 1847, when warfare between the Sioux and Ojibway (Chippewa) Indians forced the mission to close.

71 Boutwell abandoned Indian mission work and in June 1847 moved with his fmiiily to a 160 acre tract nem Stillwater, Minnesota. From there he served the settlers who poured into Minnesota after it was designated a Territory in 1849, traveling as fm north as the Falls of the St. Croix River and as far south as the junction of the St. Croix with the Mississippi at Prescott, from his home at Stillwater. His wife, Hester, died on October 15 1853, and on September 26 of the following year he married Mary Ann Bergen of Lancaster, New Hampshire. She died in 1868. He died at his home on October 10 1890. Edward D. Neil, Memoir ofi WiUiam T Boutwell, The First Christian Minister Resident Among The Indians OfiMinnesota. St. Paul: Mac ale ster College Contributions, v. 2, pt. 1, 1892; A7B, 67; Widder 1981; Sister Claire Lynch, Reverend William Thurston Boutwell (1803-1890). np: November 1983 (MHS); Ross, 1960, 76, 83, 118.

Alfired Brunson was bom on February 9 1793 in Dmibury, Connecticut. He attended common school in the winter mid assisted his father in his business in the summer. When his father drowned in 1806, the fmiiily stayed with the mother's brother, who was a shoemaker. Alfred was apprenticed to his uncle, but disliked the work. A strong sense of piety grew up in him at an early age, and he suffered remorse over his mid his parents' alleged sinfulness. In 1808 he departed for Ohio to avoid prosecution for having thrown stones through the windows of a house of ill fmiie. He intended to study law, but responding to an inner compulsion sought to enter the work of the church but was initially rebuffed because he was too young. On August 26 1811 he married Eunice Burr, his childhood sweetheart, and the family moved to the Western Reserve in Ohio where he cleared a farm and the couple did missionary work for the Methodist Episcopal Church. He enlisted in the army in the War of 1812 and during his one yem term saw active service against the British on the frontier. Upon release from the army, having declined a commission, he continued with missionary work in Ohio and Pennsylvania. In 1835 he was assigned to service in a large territory along the Mississippi River, and moved his family to Prairie du Chien in July 1836. In 1839 he left missionmy work because of poor health, then read law mid was admitted to the bar in 1840. In that same yem he was elected to the territorial legislature, serving for one session after which he was appointed Indian agent for La Pointe. He arrived there on Jmiuary 3 1843, after an arduous journey from Prairie du Chien. He completed the necessary business at La Pointe in two weeks and returned home, but cmiie back to La Pointe in the summer of 1843 where he remained into August, traveling back to Prairie du Chien by way of Fond du Lac and the Mississippi River. His appointment as Indian agent was not renewed due to govemment disapproval of some of his actions. His wife died on October 18 1846, and he married Caroline Birge from Belvidere, Illinois on February 13 1848. In 1850 he ran for election as district judge but was defeated, so he took up missionary work again at Mineral Point. His second wife died in 1860, and in March 1861 he married Malinda Richards of Paris, New York. He served as a chaplain for one yem during the Civil War, after which he continued work as a Methodist itinermit missionmy until retirement in 1873. He then began a vigorous literary life, serving as a correspondent for several magazines and newspaper, and writing articles and a two-volume autobiography. He died in Prairie du Chien on August 3 1882, and was buried there. "Alfred Brunson," WPA Writers Program, Wisconsin Biographies, Box 13 (SHSW-A); Ella C. Bmnson. "Alfred Bmnson, Pioneer of Wisconsin Methodism." WMH, v. 2, December 1918, 129-148. "Bmnson, Alfred," WBD, 55-56; Burnham, y47:)P 8/2/32, 3/15/33 (date of service at La Pointe incorrect).

Buffalo, Great Buffalo, or Ke-che-waish-ke, was a powerful head chief of the Chippewa bands around L^e Superior. He was bom in 1759 on Madeline Islmid, the son of the hereditary Chief Ou-daig-weos. While preferring peace, he was also a skilled military leader. In 1825 he signed the Treaty of Prairie du Chien which established the boundary between the Chippewa and the Sioux. He led his warriors in several successive skirmishes with the encroaching Sioux, culminating in a decisive victory over them in a battle on the Brule River on October 1 1842. In 1851 the govemment discontinued the payment of the annual annuity at La Pointe, despite the provision in the Treaty of 1842 that payments would continue there for 25 years. The Chippewa were told to go to Sandy Lake, Minnesota, for their payments, but when a large body of men arrived there they found the agency destroyed by fire and the agent gone. After much suffering the Indians returned to La Pointe,

72 having concluded that the govemment intended to remove them to Sandy Lake. A delegation of Buffalo and five other chiefs, with Benjamin Armstrong as their interpreter, journeyed to Washington, where after enduring many discourtesies at the hands of govemment officials, they were granted an audience with President Millard Fillmore, who rescinded the removal order. The annuity payments were resumed at La Pointe in 1852. On September 30 1854 Buffalo and other chiefs signed a treaty at La Pointe by which all of the remaining Chippewa lands were ceded to the govemment. In return they were granted reservations at Red Cliff, Bad River, Lac du Flmiibeau, and Lac Court Oreilles, mid annual stipends of money and supplies. In recognition of his special status mid esteem in which he was held by the govemment, Buffalo was granted one section of land in what is now downtown Duluth. He gave part of the land to Benjamin Armstrong, who had married his niece and was his adopted son, and who had served as trmislator mid guided the Indians in the treaty negotiations. Great Buffalo died at La Pointe on September 7 1855, 96 years old. "Great Buffalo," WPA Writer's Program, Wisconsin Biographies, Box 19 (SHSW-A); Morse 1857, pt. 6; DWB 148; Armstrong 1972; Bumham, "The Predecessors of Buffalo," y47:)P 2/27/33-3/1/33 (3 articles); Bumham, "Chiefs of the Chippewas," y47:)P 8/26/32- 9/2/32 (6 articles); Bumham, "The Death Of Buffalo," y47:)P 4/7/34, 4/9/34; Bumham, "The Three La Pointe Cemeteries," y47:)P 6/22/34; Bumham, "The Father Of Buffalo," y47:)P 7/30/34; Bumham, (Buffalo's name), ADP 1/4/38; Roberts 1954.

Michel Cadotte was bom on July 22 1764 at Sault Ste. Marie, the son of Jemi Baptiste Cadotte and his Chippewa wife, Anastasia. He was educated in Montreal and worked for his father upon his return to Sault Ste. Marie. He then was employed by the North West Company mid in 1798 was apparently in chmge of a fur trading post in the company's Fond du Lac department in northeastern Minnesota. Sometime prior to 1800 he established a post near the old French fort at La Pointe. He married Equary-Way-Say, the daughter of White Crane, chief of the Chippewa at LaPointe village. She took the Christian name Madelaine, and the largest of the Apostle Islmids was named after her (with a minor spelling change). Through his mixed blood and his marriage to a chiefs daughter, he gained great influence among the Chippewa, who called him Ke-che-me- shane or Great Michel. While his permanent residence was at La Pointe, his trading interests extended widely into Minnesota, where he spent much of his time. He prospered as mi independent trader working under contract to the North West Fur Company, and established a comfortable homestead for his family at La Pointe. When John Jacob Astor gained control of the fur trade inthe Great Lakes region in 1811, Cadotte became a trader for the Americmi Fur Compmiy. About 1818 the brothers Lyman and Trummi Warren arrived from New England at La Pointe, and were employed by Cadotte. They were soon attracted to his beautiful daughters, and in 1821 Lyman married Mary and Truman married Charlotte. Cadotte then sold his interests in the fur trade to his sons-in-law and retired. He died at La Pointe on July 8 1837. "Michel Cadotte," WPA Writer's Progrmii, Wisconsin Biographies, box 14 (SHSW-A); DWB, 64; Bumham 1974, 116-120; Ross 1960, 62 passim; Harris 1976, 63 passim; Bumham, y47:)P 4/22/38; Schenck 1994; Warren 1984, 299-304 passim; Bumham, "The Cadottes," y47:)P 4/23/33-6/14/33 (20 articles); Burnham y47:)P 8/7/29

Joseph Dufiault was bom about 1790, place unknown. There are two accounts of his coming to La Pointe about 1810—one account was that he came on his own initiative and was employed by the fur trader, Michael Cadotte, and later by the American fur Company, as a carpenter; the other account was that he came from Montreal in response to a request by the American Fur Company for a builder. In any case, in the employment of that compmiy he supervised the construction of its buildings and other facilities, the Catholic mission church for Father Baraga, and possibly the Protestant mission buildings mid other buildings at La Point. He was known as "Dufault the builder." Dufault married a daughter of Michael Cadotte. He died at La Pointe on March 8 1873 at age 83, the oldest resident at the time and was buried there. (Some descendants of Joseph Dufault apparently spell the name "Defoe.") Bumham articles: "Joseph Dufault the Builder," ADP 7/26-7/27/32; "Dufault the Builder,"y47:)P 8/17/36; "Michelle Dufault,"y47:)P 3/8/37; "Dufault,"y47:)P 1/23/39; "Obituary," AWP 3/15/73.

73 Edmund Franklin Ely was bom on August 3 1809, in Wilbraham, Massachusetts. Nothing is known of his early life until 1827, when in Rome, New York, he was converted to Christianity. The following year he began to study for the ministry in Albany, New York, teaching music mid serving as a church choir leader to support himself. After completing his seminary studies, he decided to devote himself to missionary work among the Chippewa Indians at the western end of the Great Lakes. In June 1833 he was ordered by the Board of Foreign Missions in Boston to work among the Chippewa of the upper Mississippi valley region, which was then under the direction of Reverend William D. Boutwell. Ely departed Albany on July 5 1833 and after an eventful journey arrived at the La Pointe on August 17^ in the compmiy of Boutwell, Lyman Warren, Frederick Ayer, and Hester Crooks, whom he had joined after leaving Machinaw. He noted that the settlement "consisted of 10 or 12 houses and stores, built in the Canadian style [with] sides and roof. . . covered with cedar bmk." After a short pause at La Pointe, Ely and Boutwell traveled to Fond du Lac, Minnesota mid from there to Sandy Lake, arriving in September 1833. For the next 16 years, Ely pursued his missionary work with the Indians, teaching and proselytizing at their camps mid at mission posts scattered around the western end of Lake Superior, including besides La Pointe, Sandy Lake, Leech L^e, Pokegama, and Fond du Lac. During his missionary work he translated a reader, speller, mid hymnbook into the Chippewa language. On August 8 1835, he was married to Katherine Bissell (Gonlais) by Reverend Boutwell at the Mackinaw mission. In 1849, concerned about providing a better education for his children, Ely gave up missionary work and the family moved to St. Paul. Since Ely was well acquainted with the country around the western end of Lake Superior, when it was opened for settlement by the 1854 treaty with the Chippewa, he helped survey mid lay out the new townsite of Superior. In 1855 he laid out the townsite of Oneota, Minnesota. He constructed a dock and a ste am-operated sawmill, engaged in the mercantile and real estate business, and held several public offices. The financial crisis of 1857 made his property and businesses worthless, so in 1862 the family moved back to St. Paul. In 1873 Ely and his wife moved to Santa Rose, California, for health reasons. He died there on August 29 1883 (1882). Kathryn Johnson, Paper On EdmundF. Ely, January 27 1946 (extracted for the most part from Ely's diary) (MHS); "History Of Duluth, And Of St. Louis County, To The Year 1870," Collections ofithe Minnesota Historical Society, v. 9, 1901, 241-278 (includes a short biographical sketch of Ely by his son Henry); Etta Wheeler Merritt, "Oneota," The Merrits And Iron Ore; Material In Possession OfiThe St. Louis County Historical Society, 1852-1931. Superior, WI: Superior Public Library, 1938. There are some discrepancies in biographical details in the vmious sources: A quotation from Ely's diary in Johnson indicates that his wife's name was Catherine Bissell, while his son in his biographical sketch stated that her name was Catherine Gonlais; Johnson stated that Ely died in 1883, while his son gave the date as 1882.

Medard Chouart des Groseilliers was bom in July 1618 in Charly-sur-Mmne, France. He entered the Jesuit order as a lay helper, came to New France in 1637, and spent several yems in a mission among the Huron Indians. He then went to Trois Riviers on the St. Lawrence River and entered the fur trade with Pierre Esprit Radisson, who later became his brother-in-law, and with whom he was associated in various voyages and enterprises during the remainder of his life (see Radisson). On September 3 1647 he mmried Helene Martin, a widow and goddaughter of Champlain. After she died in 1651 he mmried Marguerite Radisson, also a widow, sister of Pierre Esprit Radisson. His date and place of death are unknown. (See Radisson entry for citations to sources on Groseilliers.)

Sherman Hall was bom on April 30 1800 in Weathersfield, Vermont. He attended Phillips Academy, and graduated from Dartmouth College in 1828. In June 1831 he graduated from Andover Theological Seminar and was ordained as a Congregational minister. He offered his services to the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, expecting to be sent to an overseas mission. Instead, he accepted the Bomd's suggestion that he work among the Indians in the L^e Superior region. He was sent to work among the Oneida Indians nem Calumet, Wisconsin, but at the request of Lyman M. Warren at La Pointe he went there, mriving in the company of Warren on August 30 1831. His mission was the first among the Chippewa Indimis on

74 Chequamegon Bay, since the Jesuit fathers had abandoned the region in 1671. In August 1832 he was joined by Rev. William T. Boutwell, an old friend and seminary classmate. On August 20 1833, Hall, Boutwell, mid others organized the first mission church in Wisconsin, and in 1834-35 they built a mission building. From his mission at La Pointe, Hall established mission stations and schools, west and south of Lake Superior, for the Indians. His was one of the largest mission fields in North America. While at La Pointe he learned the Chippewa language and translated pmls of the Bible, hymns, and textbooks into that language. In 1852 he moved with his family to Crow Wing Indian agency in Minnesota to work miiong the Chippewa Indians gathered there. In November of 1854 he resigned as missionary and Indimi school superintendent at Crow Wing, and moved to Sauk Rapids, Minnesota where he served as the pastor of a Congregational church. Later he was appointed judge of probate and county superintendent of schools. On June 10 1831 he mmried Betsy Pmker. Their daughter Harriet, bom on April 1 1832, was said to be the first white child bom in the Lake Superior region. Hall died on September 1 1879 in Sauk Rapids. DWP, 155; "Rev. Sherman Hall," WPA Writer's Program, Wisconsin Biographies, box 20 (SHSW-A); Bumham, "The First White Child" ADP 11/30/32-12/5/32 (5 articles); Lathrop 1905, 16-20; Bumham 1974, 113-114; Ross 1960, 75-55, passim; Widder 1981.

Alexander Henry was bom in New Jersey in August 1739. At the age of 21, after the English conquest of Canada, he entered the fur trade and was one of the first traders to be licensed to operate in the newly conquered territory. Between 1761 and 1763 he was at Michilimackinac and Sault Ste. Marie (barely escaping the slaughter of the fort garrison at the former location on June 2 1763). Subsequently he obtained exclusive trading rights for three years on Lake Superior from the English, and while at Sault Ste. Marie in July 1765 he formed a pmlnership with Jemi Baptiste Cadotte, the father of Michel Cadotte. On July 26 he departed for Chequamegon Bay with a large cargo of trade goods. He arrived there the next month mid found an Indian village of 50 lodges on the present site of Bayfield. The Indians were destitute, the supply of trade goods on which they had become dependent having been cut off by wars to the east, and he was obliged to distribute his goods to them on credit. He and his men built a cabin at the Indian village, mid then laid in a supply of trout and white fish for the winter. He collected a large quantity of furs during the winter, disposing of all of his trade goods, and in the spring of 1766 he returned to Mackinac. In the following years he explored and spent winters on L^e Superior. He searched particularly for evidence of cooper and precious metals, his interest having been aroused by a Imge mass of virgin copper which he had examined on the Ontonagon River during the journey back to Mackinac from Chequamegon Bay. In 1769 he formed a mining compmiy with investors from England, and attempted to mine copper at the Ontonagon River. The effort was a failure, however, and the company was dissolved in 1774. In 1775 he wintered with Indimis on the plains of western Canada, but returned to Lake Superior the following spring. He went to Montreal, where he arrived on October 15 1776, then visited France and England. In 1877 he went back to Canada and after a brief visit to the Indian country he returned to and settled in Montreal, where he mmried mid raised a family. He became a general merchant and a partner in the North West Company. He died in Montreal on April 4 1824. (Some sources state that Jean Baptiste Cadotte accompmiied him to Chequamegon Bay, but while he refers to "his men" in his description of the journey and stay there, he does not mention Cadotte.) Alexander Henry. Travels And Adventures In Canada And The Indian Territories, Between The Years 1760 and 1776. New York: Printed and published by I. Riley, 1809 (particularly pt. 2, c. 1 and 2). Quaife 1921; series of articles on Henry inthe Sault Ste. Marie Evening News, Centennial Edition, June 18 1955; Bumham. ADP 10/14/31,1/15/36; Bumham 1974, 114-116, 436; Ross 1960. 59-63; _BP 4/1/71.

75 John Johnston was bom on August 25 1792, into a Scotch-Irish family of Imided gentry at Craige, Antrim County, Ireland. He received the usual education of those of his station and at 17 years assumed the management of the Belfast waterworks that had been established by his grandfather. Realizing the poor future prospects of this endeavor, he left Ireland for Canada in 1790 to seek his fortune. At Montreal, having been provided with letters of recommendation, he was favorably received by the directors of the North West Compmiy, who suggested that he go to La Pointe at Chequamegon Bay, where the company did not then have a fur trader. After an adventurous journey, he arrived at Madeline Island in September 1791, accompanied by five Cmiadian voyageurs. There he met Count Paolo Andremii, an Italimi scientist, who was engaged in making measurements to ascertain whether or not the earth was a perfect sphere (see Andreani's biography note). Johnston and his companions set to work preparing for the winter, constructing two cabins and laying in a supply offish and wood. He sent two of the men with supplies to Bad River to camp for the winter. Unfortunately in November, there were Cmiadian fur traders on the island who convinced Johnston's men, both at Bad River and on the island, to desert and t^e with them most of the equipment mid supplies. With the help of a young boy (whose race and name are unknown), Johnston, like Robinson Crusoe and his man Friday, in the book, survived the winter managing also to collect a substmitial cargo of furs. Indeed, the winter even brought romance into the young bachelor's life, for he fell in love with the daughter of Wabogish or Waubojeeg ("White Fisher"), a powerful Indimi chief who lived in the Indian village on the site of Bayfield. Johnston asked the old chief for his daughter's hand in marriage, but the chief, having seen too many marriages between Indian women and white men result in great unhappiness for the women, told him he must wait. He went to Montreal with his cache of skins and returned the following spring to claim his bride (apparently a most reluctmit one) and they were married in 1793. Johnston's new wife, whose Indian name was Shagowashcodawaqua or "Woman of the Green Glades," adopted the name Susan. In 1793, Johnston and his wife moved to Sault Ste. Mary, where he built up a considerable establishment as an independent trader at this crossroads of the north country and with his wife raised a family of four sons and four daughters. In 1809 he returned to his home in Ireland with his young daughter Jane (who later married Henry R. Schoolcraft). Despite the entreaties of his family to remain there permmiently, he returned to his wife and children at Sault Ste. Marie mid never went back to Irelmid. During the War of 1812, still a British subject, he assisted them in the capture of the American fort at Michilimakinac (at the tip of the lower peninsula of Michigan, guarding the Straits of Mackinac). Two years later, the fortunes of the Americans in the northwest recovered with Perry's victory over the British lake fleet on Lake Erie. They sent a force to recapture the fort at Michilimakinac and the British asked Johnston for assistance, which he provided in the form of a hundred men armed mid outfitted as his expense. The Americmi force sent to t^e Michilimakinac, having hemd of this, moved to Sault Ste. Marie where they plundered mid burned Johnston's warehouse, home, and other property. Thus delayed, they were unsuccessful in their assault at Michilim^inac, the fort having in the meantime been relieved. After the war, Johnston resumed his business at Sault Ste. Marie mid prospered, although his applications for compensation for his wmtime losses were rejected by both the British mid American governments. He died at Sault Ste. Marie on September 22 1828, survived many years by his wife. Louis R. Masson, "Mr. John Johnston; An Account Of Lake Superior, 1792- 1^07." Les Bourgeois De La Compagnie Du Nord-Ouest, v. 2, 1890, 137-142; C.H. Chapman, "The Historic Johnston Fmiiily at the Soo." Michigan Pioneer and Historical Society, v. 32, 1903, 304-353; "Johnston Fought Against U.S. In 1812; Soo Raided," Sault Ste. Marie Evening News, 6/18/55; Ross 1960, 63-65; Bumham 1974, 120-122; Bumham, "Some Mixed Bloods," ^7:*^ 8/23/30 (Bumham refers to Johnston as "Johnson"); Osbom and Osbom 1942, 91-94, 516-522, passim.

76 Louis Denis Sieur de La Ronde was bom in Quebec on August 2 1675. In 1687 he entered the French navy, mid during the next 20 yems participated in vmious campaigns, including eight in New France from 1692 to 1705. On July 20 1709 in Quebec, he married Marie-Louise, daughter of Rene-Louis Chartier de Lotbinier, with whom he had three sons and three daughters. From 1705 until 1727 he was involved in numerous naval and military adventures, diplomatic intrigues, mid personal escapades, some of which served to advance his cmeer and reputation, while others cast him in mi unfavorable light with his superiors. On June 6 1727 he was appointed commandant of "Chagouamigon" (La Pointe), succeeding Paul Le Gardeur Sieur de St. Pierre, but did not take up the post until 1731. He soon learned from the Indians about the deposits of rich copper ore on the Keweenaw Peninsula mid sent specimens to France for assaying. In anticipation of favorable results from these examinations, a vessel was constructed to transport ore on Lake Superior to Sault Ste. Marie, while another vessel would be built on Lake Huron to cmry the ore to Niagara. In 1733, permission was received to proceed with the enterprise, and mining operations were begun mound the Ontonagon River. Two Germmi mining experts were sent from Europe who confirmed the richness of the ore at this mid other nearby sites, but cautioned that the cost of transporting the ore would be prohibitive. The promises of riches swept away all doubts and mining continued, however. The enterprise finally collapsed due to the high cost of labor and transportation, and the wmfme that once again broke out between those hereditary enemies, the Chippewa mid the Sioux, which La Ronde, as the French commandmit for the region, was powerless to stop. La Ronde persevered, however, but died at Quebec in 1741, where he was buried on March 25, his dream of riches from copper mining unfulfilled. He was succeeded as commandant at La Pointe by his son Philippe, while his widow was granted the concession of the profitable fur trade at this post, for several yems, as a reward for her husband's services to New France. Kellogg 1968, 351-357; CSHSW, v. 17, 1906, 299-315; "Denys de la Ronde, houis,"DictionaireBiographique du Canada. Quebec: Press de I'Universite de Laval, 1974. v. 2, 188- 192.

Pierre Charles Le Sueur was bom in 1657 in Artois, France. While a young man he was sent by the Jesuits as a lay brother to the mission at Sault Ste. Mmie. He was attracted by the fur trade, however, and was soon trading with the Sioux Indians on the upper Mississippi. In 1690 he mmried Marguerite, daughter of Michael Messier; they had one son and four daughters. In 1693, Le Sueur was commissioned by the governor of New Frmice to reopen the routes between Lake Superior and the Mississippi River, and to maintain peace between the Chippewa mid the Sioux and insure their adherence to the French. To achieve this he constructed a post at La Pointe, the first white mmi's dwelling in the region since the time of Marquette. He traveled extensively miiong the tribes mound the western end of Lake Superior as a representative of New France, and was so successful that he was able to bring the great chiefs of the Sioux and Chippewa to Montreal in 1695, where peace between the two Indian nations was ratified. About 1697 Le Sueur submitted a report to the king in which he proposed to establish a permanent post at La Pointe and to mine copper and lead, but his proposal was rejected because it was thought to be simply a cover for engaging in the fur trade. It was later accepted, however, and he was given 50 men to exploit the mines and engage in trade. In May 1696, the French King decreed that the fur trade in the west was to end and the forts and posts abandoned, leaving the Jesuit priest-missionaries, the so-called "black robes," as the only white men among the Indian tribes in the region. Le Sueur returned east and then went to France; at some point he was captured by the English but was released. In 1899 he was given royal authorization to undertake mi expedition from Louisiana up the Mississippi to the Sioux country to the site of a lead mine he claimed to have discovered. He went to Biloxi, Mississippi in January 1700 and later that year ascended the Mississippi River, returning to Mobile with a load of furs and minerals. In April 1702 he returned to France to give an account of his expedition and display the cases of minerals he had collected. His demand to be named a judge at Mobile, Alabama and to be given the authority to undert^e other expeditions was granted, and in 1704 he begmi the return journey to Louisiana. His ship stopped at Havana, Cuba, where Le Seuer contracted yellow fever mid died on July 17 1704; he was buried in the church of San Cristobal. His

77 family, who had departed for Louisiana in a later ship, arrived there in the spring of 1705 only to lemn of his death. Kellogg 1968, 251-260 passim; "Le Sueur, Pierre," Dictionaire Biographique du Canada. Quebec: Presse de I'Universite de Laval. 1991. v. 2. 445-446.

Jacques Marquette was bom in Laon, France, on June 1 1637. He was educated at the Jesuit College at Reims, and entered the Society of Jesus in 1654. He was ordained as a priest at Toul in 1666, and then departed for Canada, arriving at Quebec on September 20 . The following month he went to Three Rivers where he spent eighteen months among the Algonquin and Huron tribes learning their languages. In 1668 he went to Sault Ste. Marie where he renewed a mission that had been established there earlier. He was then sent to the mission of La Pointe du Saint Esprit on Chequmiiegon Bay, where he arrived on September 13 1669. Driven away by hostile Sioux in 1671, he went to Mackinaw, where he founded the mission of St. Ignatius at Point St. Ignace. In 1673 he was ordered to accompany Louis Joliet in an expedition of exploration. They departed Green Bay on May 17 1673 and crossed the territory that was to become Wisconsin by the Fox River-Wisconsin Rivers route, and explored the Mississippi as far south as Arkansas City, Arkansas by July 17 1673. They returned to Green Bay via the Illinois River and Lake Michigan, arriving there in September. Marquette then went to the St. Francis mission at De Pere, Wisconsin, and remained there until October 1674, when he was ordered to establish a mission at Kaskasia, Illinois. He set out on October 25 but was unable to reach Kaskasia until April 8 1675. After a brief period of missionary work among the Indians, he was forced by illness to leave, and departed for Makinaw. In failing health, death overtook him on May 15 1675, at the present site of Ludington, Michigan. He was buried on the bank of the Marquette River on May 18 1675. Two years later his remains were exhumed and returned to the mission at Point St. Ignace for burial; the location of his grave is unknown. "Mmquette, iacques," DWB, 239-240; "Marquette, iames," ACAB, 213-214; "Marquette, Father Jacques," Harris 1976, 450-451; "Father Marquette,"y4frP ll/7/74;_BCP 9/19/77

Pere Rene Menard was bom in Paris on September 7 1605. After completing classical studies he entered the Jesuit Order on November 7 1624 in Paris. Upon finishing his novitiate in October 1626 he spent the next few yems studying and teaching, and then took the final vows of the Jesuit Order. In Mmch 1640 he was ordered to Quebec, reaching there on July 8 . Little is known about his life from then until 1649 except that he did missionary work miiong the Indimis and learned the Algonquin language. From 1649 to 1656 he lived at Trois Riviers, until he was assigned to the Iroquois mission in the Finger Lakes region of New York. Hearing of a plot of the Iroquois to kill the French missionaries and colonists there, he escaped in the spring of 1658 and returned to Montreal. On August 19 1660 Radisson and Groseilliers arrived at Montreal from their explorations of the south shore of lake Superior, accompanied by a flotilla of Ottawa Indian cmioes. Menard accompanied the Indians back to L^e Superior, a journey of great hardship because the Indians were very cruel to him. The winter of 1660-1661 was spent near Keweenaw Bay in great destitution. In March 1661 he accompanied fur traders to Chequmiiegon Bay where he worked miiong the several tribes from the interior of Wisconsin who had congregated on its shores. On May 23 a messenger arrived from the Huron village on the headwaters of the Black River, reporting that the people there were starving. Compelled by his compassion to go to the village to comfort the sick and baptize the dying, he departed on July 13 , accompmiied by a young fur trader and by three Huron guides. The Indimis soon deserted them, but Menard insisted on continuing. To reach the Huron village it was necessary to paddle up one of the tributaries of the Chippewa River, and to ease the task of his young companion of getting the canoe through the rapids, Menard disembarked, intending to meet him by the calmer water fmther upstream. But Menard never reached the rendezvous point. His fate remains unknown and his body was never found; most likely he became lost in the dense forest and perished. (Some sources claim that he did not go to Chequamegon Bay, but wintered near L'Anse, Michigan, at the head of Keweenaw Bay and began his final joumey from there—Kellogg 1968, 148, n. 13). Campbell 1897; Kellogg, WMH 1920-21; Bumham y47:)P 8/9/29; Bumham 1974, 346-347; Ross 1960, 28-29. On the possible location of Menard's death, see Schmirler, WMH 1961-62.

78 Pierre Esprit Radisson was bom in 1636 in St. Malo, Brittany, Frmice. In 1651 he moved with his parents to Trois Rivers, New Frmice. In 1651 while hunting along the St. Lawrence River, he was captured by the Iroquois Indians (or Mohawk). Gaining his freedom in 1654, he later was a member of an expedition in 1657 to establish a French colony among the Onondago Indimis in New York. His future brother-in-law Medard Chouart des Groseilliers (which see) joined him in the fur trade, mid they were associated for mmiy yems in journeys and enterprises of exploration and trade. They made two journeys to the fm west. There is some question as to when the first one occurred, whether during the period 1654 to 1657 or later, and exactly the territory covered. Radisson claimed that they penetrated as far south as the Gulf of Mexico and explored the Mississippi River, but that is generally considered to have been a fabrication. The second voyage west began in 1659, and took them to Chequamegon Bay, from where they visited Indian tribes in northern Wisconsin and northeastern Minnesota, and possibly penetrated north to Hudson Bay. They returned to Quebec with a rich cargo of furs but because they had gone to Lake Superior without the French governor's permission their cargo was confiscated. Groseilliers went to France to seek the return of the confiscated furs, but was unsuccessful. He and Radisson then switched their allegiance to the English and were engaged in the exploration mid settlement of Hudson Bay in order to exploit the rich fur resources there, and were promoters of the Hudson's Bay Compmiy. Subsequently, they returned to the French service (1674) and then again back to the English (1683), mid were involved in numerous undertakings and adventures mound and involving Hudson Bay. About 1670 Radisson married a daughter of the Kirke fmiiily, a descendent of one of the Kirkes who had forced the French to surrender Quebec to the English in 1629. He died in England in 1710. DWB 151, 297; Ross 1960, 19-28; Burnhamy47:)P 8/29/29, 4/18/38; Bumham 1974, 65-67; Campbell 1896a, 1896b; Bryce 1968; Nute 1978.

Otto Skolla was bom in Dalmatia, Austria in 1805. Nothing is known of his life until he joined the Franciscmi Order. He resided in the monastery at Camiola, but felt a deep desire to work as a missionary. He wrote to Father Frederic Baraga, then at La Pointe, and in August 1840, received a reply that he would be allowed to do missionary work in the diocese around Detroit. After completing the necessary financial and other arrangements, he embmked for the United States on September 24 1841. After a frightful voyage of three months, he reached New York on December 25 1841. He remained there until the spring, assisting a priest to care for a Imge congregation. At the beginning of May 1842, he left New York and after ajoumey of almost two weeks, reached Detroit, where he was received by the bishop. He remained in the Detroit diocese, taking chmge of a large congregation of Germans, and cmrying out other responsibilities. In June 1843, he was sent to Mackinac, where he remained for two years. In the autumn of 1845, he was allowed to go to L'Anse, Michigan, to join Father Baraga in his work among the Lake Superior Indians. They proceeded to La Pointe, arriving on October 3*^ , and on the following day Skolla said his first mass at the place. After a few days, Baraga returned to L'Anse, and Skolla was left in charge of the La Pointe mission. He remained for eight years (1845-1853), occasionally going to Fond du Lac, Minnesota, to preach and baptize miiong the Indimis there. In the summer of 1853 he was assigned to the Menominee Reservation, which he reached after a roundabout joumey through Milwaukee, Detroit, Sault Ste. Marie, and Green Bay. He established his mission on the south shore of a lake near the village of Kishena, where the Indimis built a crude church and pmsonage. In 1856 a second church was constructed in the village. Father Skolla worked diligently among his Indian charges, preaching, baptizing, and promoting tempermice. But vicious slander was spread about him by some malevolent Indians, which eventually reached the ems of the Indimi agent, and his small annual govemment stipend was stopped. He was forced to leave the mission in 1857, returning to the monastery at Cmniola, Austria, where he apparently was still living in 1891. "Rev. Otto Skolla, O.S.F., St. Obs." P. Chrysostomus Verwyst. Lifie And Labors OfiRt. Rev. Frederic Baraga. Milwaukee: M.H. Wiltzius & Co., 1900.

79 Lyman Marcus Warren and Truman Abraham Warren. Lyman Marcus was bom in Lanesboro, Massachusetts on August 9 1794. Later the family moved to Champlain, New York, where the father established a tanning and shoemaking business, and where Lymmi's brother, Trummi Abraham, was bom on March 12 1800. About 1817 the two brothers went to Mackinac Island to engage in the fur trade, gaining employment as clerks with George Ermatinger, an independent fur trader. Lyman was stationed at Leech Lake, Minnesota, while Truman was assigned to a station at Lac du Flambeau in northern Wisconsin. There he mmried a wommi of mixed French- Indian blood. In 1821 Lyman mid Truman became independent traders for the American Fur Company at Lac du Flmiibeau, where they met the sons of Michel Cadotte, the factor of the Americmi Fur Compmiy at La Pointe. They moved to La Pointe to work for Cadotte, mid in 1821 (1822) Truman mmried Cadotte's daughter Charlotte, (apparently discarding his first wife and two children) and Lyman married Cadotte's daughter Mary (Marie). In 1823 they bought out their father-in-law, who retired from the fur trade. In the summer of 1824 Lyman and Truman made the annual joumey to Mackinac to buy provisions. A Protestant mission had recently been established there, and the missionmy, anxious to convert them, gave them several religious tracts that they read during the winter back at La Pointe. In the summer of 1825 they again went to Mackinac. Truman, suffering from a pulmonary complaint, decided to go to the south to recover, but died on board ship on July 21 on the way to Detroit and was buried at Fort Gratiot, Michigan. Lymmi, now responsible for his brother's family, as well as his own, carried on the fur trade at La Pointe. Influenced by his brother's death mid his reading of religious tracts, he becmiie dedicated to his new faith mid decided that a mission should be established at La Pointe. In July 1827, the Cadottes and Warrens journeyed to Mackinac where Lyman Warren and Mary Cadotte's marriage was formalized by clergy mid Michel Cadotte deeded some 3,000 acres to his son- in-law, in part for a mission. Unable to secure an ordained missionary for La Pointe, Lyman convinced the missionary teachers Jededi^ D. Stevens and Frederick Ayer to come to La Pointe for brief periods. Finally, in August 1831 he returned to La Pointe from Mackinac, accompmiied by Sherman Hall and Frederick Ayer. Hall established what was to become an extensive Protestant mission church there. In 1834 Lyman was appointed deacon of the church. Lyman's fortunes subsequently declined, however. In the fall of 1837 he was expelled from the church at La Pointe for allegedly lewd behavior with a woman and in the following summer was fired for mismanagement by the American Fur Company. That September he was arrested for illegal trade with the Indians mid in April 1839 paid a fine of $4,000. He moved to Chippewa Falls to operate a sawmill in which he had made a small investment in 1835. He also continued working in the fur trade and in 1841 was appointed as the blacksmith and farmer for the Chippewa, raising agricultural products for them. He subsequently applied for the post of Indian sub-agent at La Pointe, but was not appointed, nor was he re-appointed as blacksmith and farmer for the Indians. The sawmill also proved to be unprofitable and then his wife, Mmy, died on July 21 1843. Inthe summer of 1843, Lyman returned to LaPointe for the marriage of his son, William, mid was received back into the Presbyterian Church. In the winter of 1844 he brought his wife's remains to La Pointe for interment, then returned to Chippewa Falls where he sold his shme in the sawmill and turned his trading business over to his nephews. He planned to travel to New York mid then settle in Dubuque, Iowa, but became ill and returned to La Pointe, where he died on October 10 1847. He was buried in the Protestant cemetery there; the location of his grave is unknown. Schenck, 1990; Widder, "La Pointe Mission," WMH 1981; Lathrop, 1905; J. Fletcher Wilhams, "Memoir of William W. Warren;" Warren 1984, 9-20. Bumham articles: "The First English Speaking Family Of La Pointe," y47:)P 9/7-9/12/32 (5 articles); "Warren The First Lumberman," y47:)P 9/13-9/15/32 (3 articles); "The Warrens," y47:)P 10/12/31; "The Historical Warrens," y47:)P 6/26/36; "The Warren Brothers,"y47:)P 8/26-8/27/30; "La Pointe Founded In imi," ADP 4/3/33 (biographical information on William Whipple Warren); "George P. Warren Of La Pointe," y47:)P 9/19/32, 3/16/34; "James Henry Warren,"y4Z)P 12/29/36 (biographical information on Truman Warren's two sons from his first marriage). In his "Memoir Of William W. Wmren" (son of Lyman), Williams states that "William Whipple Wmren, . . . was a descendent of Richard Warren, one of the 'Mayflower' pilgrims." Genealogy sources on Richard Warren do not support this claim, however; none of the names that Williams lists in the supposed line of descent from Richard Warren to William Whipple Wmren are shown in these sources. This was confirmed in a letter from the General Society of Mayflower Descendants, November 15 1999 mid from a private genealogical resemcher, March 6 2000. Robert S. W^efield and Others {comps.), Mayflower Families In

80 Progress. Plymouth, MA: General Society of Mayflower Descendants, 1988. (SHSW-PC); Genealogy OfiThe Warren Family From Richard Who Came In The Mayflower, In 1620, To 1720. Albany, NY: J. Munsell, 1874 (SHSW-PC); William Whipple Warren wrote an emly history of the Chippewa or Ojibway people—see Warren 1984. After the death of Truman in July 1825, his widow, Charlotte, married James R. Ermatinger, afamily friend, on August 1 1829, at Sault Ste. Marie. Ermatinger was born, probably in Michigan, on October 3 1808 and came to La Pointe to work as a fur trader. After their marriage the Ermatingers moved to Vermillion Falls in the Chippewa Valley, where they established their home and a trading post. In addition to the three children from her first marriage, Charlotte Ermatinger bore seven children with her second husband. Three of her Ermatinger sons, Charles, Isaac, and Elisha served in the Civil War. Chmles died of wounds and Isaac died of disease during the war. Her surviving twin son from her first mmriage, George P. Warren, also served in the war, was wounded, but survived. She died on March 20 1887 and James Ermatinger died on September 2 1866. Because of his close association with Vermillion Falls, it eventually becmiie known as Jim Falls, the nmiie it bems today. Bumham, "Charlotte Cadotte Wmren Ermatinger Of La Pointe," y4Z)P 9/16/32; "La Pointe, Green Bay And Prairie Du C\\\en," ADP 6/15/33 (includes biographical information on James R. Ermatinger); Emil H. Gerber, The Making ofiJim 's Falls. Jim Falls, WI: E.H. Gerber, 1989?. (SHSW-GC)

Leonard Hemenway Wheeler was bom at Shrewbury, Massachusetts on April 18 1811. After his mother died, he moved with his father and mi aunt to Bridport, Vermont, where he attended elementary school. When he was 17, he went to live with an uncle at Middlebury, Vermont where he became strongly committed to the Christian faith. In 1832 he entered Middlebury College (Academy) graduating in 1837, after which he taught school briefly before entering Andover Theological Seminary, graduating in 1840. He also attended medical lectures during his time at the seminmy. On April 26 1841 he mmried Harriet Wood of Lowell, Massachusetts. He had already been appointed by the Americmi Board of Congregational Missions to work among the Chippewa Indians of Lake Superior, and after his ordination in Lowell the couple journeyed to La Pointe, arriving there on August 1 1841. The Wheelers lived among and worked with the Indians at La Pointe for four years, learning their language, culture, and way of life. During this time they shared the large missionary pmsonage with Rev. Sherman Hall and his wife, in the basement of which Mrs. Wheeler conducted a school for the Indians. Convinced that conditions at La Pointe were not suitable for converting the Indians to a settled and civilized way of life, he moved the mission inthe summer of 1845 to a site at the junction of the Bad and White Rivers, naming it Odan^. In addition to the demmiding work of educating and ministering to the physical and spiritual needs of the Indians at La Pointe mid Odanah, he served as physician and minister to the settlers at La Pointe and at Whittlesey and Bay City after they were founded, mid was active in the civil affairs of the area. On two occasions he made arduous journeys to Washington to plead successfully that the Chippewa not be removed from their northern Wiscosin lands. He made a final joumey to Washington in 1862 to warn the govemment about the dangerous unrest among the Sioux Indians in Minnesota, mid while he was there they went on the warpath. The responsibilities of his missionary work, the hard physical labor of building the Odanah mission, the difficult journeys he had undertaken, and his many services to the Indians and settlers, ruined his health mid he was forced to retire in October 1866. He moved to Beloit, Wisconsin where he perfected a windmill he had invented to power the com mill at Odanah, and he and his son William formed a company to manufacture it. He died at Beloit on February 25 1872. ( His son, Edward P. Wheeler, became a minister and returned to Ashland to be pastor of the Congregational church there.) "Obituary," _BCP 3/16/72; "Death of Rev. L.H. Wheeler," BCP 3/23/72; DWB, 372; "Leonard Hemenway Wheeler," WPA Writer's Program, Wisconsin Biographies, Box 37 (SHSW-A); Davidson 1892, 447-451; mis,ADP 9/1/77, 9/15/77, 9/22/77; Ross 1960, passim; "Memoir of Mrs. Harriet Hood Wheeler," Davidson 1895; "Last of Earth," y47:)P 8/13/94 (wife's obitumy); "Island Pioneer Missionary's Son,".47:'P 2/16/23 (son Edward); "Rev. E.P. Wheeler, 88, Northland Founder, Pioneer Here, Killed," ADP 6/28/38 (son Edward); Monroe Times 5/7/3 7; Milwaukee Journal 5/7/3 7; "W.H. Wheeler T>ies," Beloit News 5/6/37 {son William); Bumham, "The Invention ofthe Wheeler Windmill at Odanah in 1%66",ADP 10/30/37. Chapter 3

The Second Era of Resource Exploitation

The decline of La Pointe in the 1840s mmked the end of the fur trade, the first era of resource exploitation in Chequamegon Bay. The end result of some 180 years ofthe fur trade was the devastation ofthe vast population of beaver and other fur bearing animals, and the near destruction ofthe Native American peoples and their way of life, all for the benefit of investors and other claimmits outside ofthe region. This pattern was to be repeated in a second rapacious, if briefer, era of exploitation when outside interests would again ravage valuable and finite natural resources and exploit a vulnerable population, bringing prosperity to the region, but abmidoning it when the resources were exhausted and their own purposes served. It began with the settlement of Whittlesey and Bay City and Bayfield in the mid-1850s. The settlers at these wilderness locations included the mmiy ordinary people who did the hard work of settlement: clearing the land, cobbling together crude log cabins, grubbing a living from the poor soil, and risking their meager resources mid even their lives. But also included were a few men who provided the initiative, planning, and influential connections that led to the founding of these early settlements on the bay: Asaph Whittlesey, Martin Beaser, Edwin Ellis, and Frederick Prentice at Whittlesey and Bay City (which together became Ashland) in 1854-1856; and Henry Rice mid his associates at Bayfield in 1856. Also importmit to the early development of Chequamegon Bay was Superior, established in 1853-1854 by Stephen A. Douglas, Edmund and Henry M. Rice, and a number of other importmit men of affairs.

These men were not seeking small pieces of land on which to establish farms, but were businessmen undertaking speculative ventures in lands from which they hoped to profit. As Edwin Ellis, recalling some 25 yems later what had "induced" him and others to settle Ashland, stated: "In explanation it must be confessed that we were to some extent, led on by a spirit of speculation, which a cool calculation would not have approved; and which we in riper years would not have entered upon. But it may be said in truth of almost all of the attempts to settle America in the 16 and 17 centuries, that adventure and speculation were the moving forces. Hope of speculative gains, on the part of men of means, aided the Pilgrim and Puritan fathers in their efforts to escape ecclesiastical bondage, and to found an empire of civil and religious liberty. We were not indeed fugitives from oppression, but we were seeking cheap lands which our enterprise and the tide of commerce, which we thought we saw near at hand, should render valuable and lay the foundation of our fortunes" (AWP 10/6/77). But why did these men choose western Lake Superior for their speculative investments? After all, the settlement frontier was far to the south on the line ofthe Fox and Wisconsin Rivers, while the north country was still more or less a "howling wilderness." The recorded population ofthe four counties in far northwest Wisconsin in 1850 was only 2,236, and that of La Pointe County (encompassing future Ashland, Bayfield, and Douglas Counties) only 489. There were no railroads, few passable roads, and little evidence of economic development except in the copper region on the Keweenaw Peninsula to the east.

Despite the wilderness location, it was the expectation ofthe men who founded the townsites that they would quickly develop into ports that would be key links in a northern rail-water transportation network over which the agricultural, forest, and mineral resources ofthe upper midwest and west would pass to the east, and immigrants and manufactured goods would move to the south and west. Their townsite investments were called "town jobbing" (1). Speculators would locate a promising site for a town at the confluence of navigable rivers or along such rivers, at river mouths or other promising port locations on the Great Lakes, or at other strategic points and buy the land at the minimum price of $1.25 an acre. Each ofthe numerous lots platted on mi acre of such cheap land could be sold for many times its original cost, provided that settlers came to their town. While additional money had to be spent on "improvements" to the townsite, the investors would still realize substmitial returns. To attract settlers mid investors, they conducted energetic publicity campaigns, complete with elaborate engraved maps picturing a thriving community where often there was only wilderness or swampland. With the coming ofthe railroads the number of potential townsites along their routes, and around

82 junctions and terminal ports became enormous. The key factor was the route ofthe railroad, so political influence mid legal and financial chicanery to affect route decisions became part ofthe townsite speculation game.

While the investors at Superior and Chequamegon Bay were primarily interested in townsites that they anticipated would become important Great Lakes ports, the copper and iron ore resources ofthe western end of Lake Superior also attracted their attention (2). The copper resources that proved to be the most significant in the history of Chequamegon Bay and Superior were located on the Keweenaw Peninsula, about 70 miles across open water from La Pointe (to Ontonagon). Vast amounts of free metallic (or native) copper, some in Imge pieces or even in great boulders, had fascinated the Indians and excited the greed ofthe Europeans who came later. Pieces of this copper, called float copper, widely distributed by rivers, streams, and the glacier, misled prospectors and speculators as to the location of actual deposits, before this process was understood. The Indians engaged in primitive mining operations to extract the native copper, which they used to fashion implements, weapons, and decorations. Some of these items were found in the possession of tribes far removed from L^e Superior, having become articles of trade. According to Indimi tradition there were copper "mines" on Madeline Island from which they obtained pieces of metallic copper used for making "weapons, ornaments, and cmde domestic utensils" (ADP 8/15/32; Bumham, y47:)P 8/1/32; McLeod 1846, 284-285).

By a treaty signed at La Pointe in August 1826, the Chippewa agreed to allow the govemment to carry on mining operations in the Upper Peninsula, but there was to be no settlement and title to the land was to remain with the Chippewa. Nothing was done under this treaty, however, and it was not until the 1840s that extensive prospecting and mining begmi. Pressure to open the area to exploitation led to the treaty concluded at La Pointe in October 1842 by which the Chippewa ceded all of their remaining Imid in Wisconsin mid Michigan to the govemment. What followed has been called the first mining "rush" in the United States, preceding by several yems the more famous one involving gold (Hybels 1950, 97-98). By 1846 there were at least 104 compmiies formed to mine copper, with holdings that extended from the Porcupine Mountains in the west all ofthe way east to the St. Mary's River, some of which actually engaged in mining operations. Their governing boards were composed of business and professional men, some of them quite prominent, from eastern cities, particularly Boston (Hougton and Bristol 1846, 92-109; Gates 1951). But bythe emly 1850s the mad speculative atmosphere ofthe 1840s had disappeared and mining operations had become rationalized, carried on by a few large companies.

In Wisconsin, copper bearing formations extend from the Montreal River to as far west as English L^e and beyond. They are for the most part buried beneath clay deposits and glacial drift mid exposed only where rivers have cut through this overburden into these formations. In 1846 the Montreal Mining Company and then the Cambrian Mining Company attempted to mine copper on the Montreal River, but the works were eventually abmidoned (Owen 1880, 3:203-206). In his exploration ofthe south shore of Lake Superior in 1849, Chmles Whittlesey examined these copper-bearing formations (3). In his report he stated that from the Ontonagon River westward, "copper does not seem to be so plentiful or as well concentrated." He noted that mining works in the Porcupine Mountains had been abandoned mid that in 1846 and 1847 "many locations were made for mining copper" west ofthe Montreal River but without success. His assessment was that the prospect of profitable copper deposits west ofthe Montreal River were no better thmi at that river, "where a fair trial was made mid abmidoned," a reference to the earlier operations ofthe Montreal River and Cambrimi Mining Compmiies (Whittlesey 1852, 438-440). West of English Lake on the South Rmige, copper mining operations were undertaken in 1845 and 1846 at Copper Creek, Black River Falls, and near the Brule River by the American Fur Company out of La Pointe, but these were unsuccessful ("An Old Settler's ^otes," AWP 2/7/74; History ofiStuntz, 1941, 108).

Iron ore was discovered on the Marquette range near what is now the city of Nequmiee in the fall of 1844 by a govemment surveying party as a result ofthe strong effects ofthe magnetite deposits on their compasses. A

83 company was soon formed to mine and smelt the ore, mid the first iron bar was produced on a primitive forge in the winter of 1848 (Brotherton 1944; White 1885). Mining, smelting mid forging grew steadily thereafter, and this region ofthe Upper Peninsula, with Marquette as its port, soon becmiie a major supplier of iron to the nation's developing industry. But these operations were too fm east to have any important effects on developments in northern Wisconsin. Rather, it was the prospect of exploitable iron ore deposits in the Penokee Range that attracted the interest of speculators and miners. The first evidence of iron ore in the Penokee Rmige was uncovered in 1848 by Randall during the survey along the fourth principal meridian southward from Lake Superior (Aldrich 1929, 19; Irving and Van Hise 1890, 7). In the following yem, Whittlesey traced the iron ore beming strata along the Penokee Range from the Montreal River westward to English Lake (4). In his report he concluded (with some technical reservations) that mines "may be wrought hereafter at a profit, and rival the works of Northern Europe" (that is Sweden). He noted that the best exposures of ore were located about eighteen to twenty-eight miles from Lake Superior. He thought that a good harbor could be constructed at Bad River if the sand bar at its mouth were removed and piers constructed to keep the river clear. The "nearest natural harbor" to the ore deposits was "Cheqwomigon Bay, about twenty-five miles from the central part ofthe Penokie Range" (5). Whittlesey's report created considerable interest in the Penokee Range. In short order the govemment surveyed the region, followed by pre-emptors who erected "their rude cabins on each quarter section" along the range (Whittlesey 1863, 2). There is no record of any actual mining operations being undertaken at this time, however.

But what were the conditions that encouraged these men to believe that their townsite mid resource investments at the head ofthe Great Lakes would be successful and profitable? In 1844 the United States entered an extended period of growth, development, mid expansion (fueled in part by the Mexican War from 1846 to 1848) that lasted until 1857, interrupted only by minor recessions. During these years, six states were admitted to the Union, and by virtue ofthe Oregon (1846) and Mexican (1848) cessions, and the Gadsen Purchase (1853), the United States gained dejure control of all of its present continental territory, with the new state of California guarding its western flank (6). At the same time (1844-1857), the population grew from 19.5 million to 29 million, or by 48%, due in considerable measure to immigration, which totaled 3.8 million. The increasing population was redistributed in two ways: concentration in towns and cities, and western settlement. All the sectors ofthe economy—manufacturing, agriculture, mining, construction, and particularly railroads— expanded. In terms of general economic measures, it has been estimated that from 1839to 1859the gross national product increased from $1.62 billion to $4.17 billion, or by 157%, and per capita income from $98 to $140, or by 43% (Hession mid Smdy 1969, 254-257). It was during this period that the manufacturing base of the nation was established mid the railroad network in the Great Lakes region and to the Mississippi was laid down.

Wisconsin was in a good position in 1850 to share in the national prosperity, with vast tracts of unclaimed land, an expanding, vigorous population, and a treasury of rich agricultural and natural resources. As one author noted, "Wisconsin, more than any other state ofthe Northwest, exhibited the spirit ofthe new boom period . . . In graphic poetic narrative, editors East mid West sang its praises, picturing this pmlicular portion ofthe country as the paradise of all earth" (Robbins 1976, 187). The state had a democratic constitution, a stable govemment, an agricultural society and yearly agricultural fairs, an immigration board, and other institutions of an established society. Of settlers there was no shortage. The state's population, which had increased to 305,391 in 1850, more thmi doubled during the decade ofthe fifties to 775,881. In 1850 the population was concentrated south ofthe Wisconsin-Fox River line, heaviest in the eastern half of that region, but with a localized concentration in the southwestern lead district. While the vast majority of migrants settled on promising agricultural lands, the process of urbanization that was underway nationally was reflected in the rapid growth of villages and cities in the state. Indeed, the area including Milwaukee and communities south along the shore of Lake Michigan and east of a north-south line along the western boundaries of Jefferson and Dodge Counties was becoming urbmiized, with atotal population of 34,243 by 1850 mid 64,768 in 1860. The State's economy also developed rapidly during this period, led by agriculture followed by lumbering, with mining and manufacturing a distant third. One author who was moved to "graphic poetic narrative" described Wisconsin's future prospect this way: "Here where no kingly fist can trammel the soul, where no omnipresent police can bem fireside converse and secret thoughts to the quick ear of tyranny—where brighter than European skies, are arched above the heads of freer than European men—where a soil, instilled with freedom, clothed in verdure, and decked with flower-gems, has never felt the tread of tyrmit or slave—where esta perpetua has been inscribed upon a glorious charter of human rights—here are being laid the foundations of a home, where the Celt, the Teutonic, mid Scmidinavian shall fraternize, and the shamrock mid thistle, the lily and the pine, shall mingle their leaves and flowers to symbolize the unity of races and the brotherhood of man" (A.F.C. 1853, 148).

The favorable economic mid social climate nationally and in Wisconsin, the advancing settlement ofthe upper midwest, the trans-Mississippi country, mid of California and the Oregon Territory, and the growing market to the east for agriculture products mid industrial raw materials certainly would have attracted the attention ofthe speculators to the north country. But two other conditions—without which their townsites would not become the ports they anticipated—had to be met to induce them in invest: the integration of Lake Superior into the Great Lakes commerce system, and the construction of railroads to connect the port sites at the western end of Lake Superior with the hinterland. The development of commerce and shipping on the Great Lakes proceeded from east to west with the settlement of adjacent regions in the United States and Canada, catalyzed by the opening ofthe Erie Canal in 1825, joining Lake Erie at Buffalo with the Hudson River at Albany, and the Welland Cmial in 1829, joining Lake Erie and Lake Ontmio around Niagma Falls. Bythe emly 1850s, the lakes formed a great commercial shipping channel from the Atlantic Ocean to the far interior, and Buffalo, Toledo, Detroit, Milwaukee, and Chicago were established ports. Indeed, an mticle in De Bow's Review in 1853 reported that commerce on any one ofthe Great Lakes exceeded that ofthe whole Mediterranean ("The Great Lakes" 1853, 359). But Lake Superior, isolated by the rapids in the St. Mary's River between it mid Lake Huron, was not part of this booming commercial system. This situation was remedied when Congress made a large grant of land to Michigan to aid in financing a canal around the rapids. Construction begmi in 1852 and the first ship transited the "Soo" Canal in May 1855 (Neu 1953; Moore 1905).

The question then was where the port or ports at the western end of Lake Superior would be located. There were two equally suitable possibilities: St. Louis and Superior Bays, protected by an offshore bar extending across the end ofthe lake, and Chequamegon Bay, sheltered by the Apostle Islmids. For the former, the obvious site for a port appeared to be the present location of Superior on Superior Bay, a low, level plain close to the natural opening in the offshore bar (7). Located at the extreme western end ofthe Great Lakes chain, this site was the logical location for the lake terminals of roads and railroads leading to a great west-to-south quadrant of territory. On Chequmiiegon Bay there were three suitable locations for a port, the present locations of Ashland, Washburn, and Bayfield. The Ashland location, deep within the bay, was a level plain, but high banks posed mi obstacle to access to the water, the water was shallow, and vessel protection somewhat inadequate. It was, however, near the ore deposits in the Penokee Range. At the Bayfield site the level area along the waterfront was limited, but the water depth was greater than needed; there was excellent protection for vessels, while railroad connections would link it to Superior and the western hinterland (8).

With the construction ofthe St. Mary's river canal underway, these sites appemed to have the potential to become important ports in the Great Lakes commerce system. But without railroads to connect the sites to the cities, farms, people, and resources ofthe hinterland, this potential would not be realized. Railroad speculation and development in Wisconsin took place in the context ofthe rapid growth of a national rail system. Between 1840 and 1850, national railroad mileage increased from 3,328 to 8,879 miles, or by or 167%; mid from 1850 to 1860 there was a further enormous increase to 30,626 miles, or by 245% (Taylor 1968, 84-85). By 1850 what might be called a railroad network had developed in New England and the mid-Atlantic states, with lines penetrating westwmd as far as Buffalo. On the Great Lakes, lines ran from Clevelmid and Sandusky to Cincinnati, and from Detroit to Michigan City just short of Chicago, with short segments elsewhere. In

85 Wisconsin, the first operational railroad was the Milwaukee, Waukesha, and Mississippi, opened from Milwaukee to Waukesha in February 1851 (9). By the end of 1856, the state possessed a developing rail network of 395 miles, 263 miles of which had been constructed in that mid the previous year. (Paxson 1911; Gebhard 1917). The network connected with Illinois railroads and Chicago through Beloit, Janesville, Lake Geneva, mid Milwaukee-Racine-Kenosha, but extended northwmd only to Fond du Lac, Waterford and other points within the Wisconsin-Fox rivers boundary.

The prospective benefits of railroads to Lake Superior had long been recognized, and had resulted in numerous meetings, urgent petitions and memorials to the Legislature and to Congress, newspaper editorials, and other forms of "railroad agitation." In Congress inthe fall of 1851 and summer of 1852, James D. Doty, the representative from Wisconsin's third district, introduced several bills and petitions providing for grants of land to aid in the construction of railroads from Chicago to L^e Superior (10). And by 1856, several railroads had been chartered by the Legislature to build from various towns in southeastern Wisconsin to points on L^e Superior from St. Louis Bay to Ontonogan. One, the Rock River Valley Union, was authorized by an amendment to its chmter in 1851 to extend its road to Lake Superior, and the company published a map with its first annual report showing a proposed route from Fond du Lac to Iron Bay (11). Another, the St. Croix and Lake Superior, chartered in 1854, was authorized to build a road from Hudson or vicinity to the St. Louis River, with a brmich "running to some point at or near La Pointe" and another brmich "to some point at or near Iron Bay" (12).

Then in February of 1854, a railroad land grant bill for Wisconsin was introduced in Congress, passed the Senate but was tabled in the House, primmily on the votes of mid-Atlantic and southern states. The bill was introduced again in the next Congress in May 1856, passed the Senate and then the House by a margin of sixteen votes (L^^^tofwe^ 1856, Vll, C43). Following the formula in the 1850 Illinois act (L^^^tofwfe^ 1845- 51, V9, C61), the 1856 act granted Wisconsin "every alternate section of land designated by odd numbers for six sections in width on each side" for two routes: "from Madison, or Columbus, by the way of Portage City to the St. Croix River or Lake between townships twenty-five mid thirty-one, and from thence to the west end of Lake Superior, mid to Bayfield; and also from Fond du Lac on L^e Winnebago, northerly to the State line," the total grant exceeding two million acres. This Imid was withdrawn from the mmket, while the price ofthe even- numbered sections retained by the govemment was doubled to $2.50 per acre. The act provided that when a company had completed twenty continuous miles of construction along an authorized route, the Governor would so certify to the Secretary of Interior, who would patent (give the company title to) up to 120 sections of land within that twenty miles to the company, which would then be free to sell it. The law further provided that the roads must be completed within ten years, or all unsold land would revert to the Federal govemment.

Why the Wisconsin land grant bill was approved—indeed, even brought to the House floor for a vote—is an intriguing question, since scores of such bills were introduced in the yems after the 1850 Illinois railroad act, few of which were even reported out of committee. No doubt one reason was that many southern congressmen, who usually would have vigorously opposed a Imid grant to a northern state, appmently agreed to support the bill or at least not to vote on it because of generous Imid grants to several southern states (13). Also, the bill had the support of a powerful group of men who were prominent on the national scene, including five or more U. S. Senators (among them Senator Stephen A. Douglas of Illinois), plus men who were important in economic and political affairs in western Wisconsin and eastern Minnesota (including Henry M. Rice, the Minnesota Territorial Delegate). Many of these men were among the investors in the Superior townsite.

On October 8 the Wisconsin Legislature approved a bill accepting the Federal grmit, and several memorials were quickly received from companies interested in obtaining grants (14). After vigorous competition between the contending companies, the Legislature awarded the grant for the northwestern route to the La Crosse mid Milwaukee (15). When the Legislature was debating which ofthe petitioning railroad companies should receive land grants, the La Crosse and Milwaukee, to secure the support ofthe officers and stockholders ofthe St. Croix and Lake Superior, which had also petitioned for a grant, mranged that if it should receive a grant it would convey to the latter company the right to that part covering the line from the St. Croix (Hudson) to the west end of L^e Superior (Superior). The La Crosse and Milwaukee having received a grmit, the two companies applied to the Legislature to authorize this mrmigement. This was done in early March 1857 by mi amendment to the charter ofthe St. Croix and Lake Superior (Wis Laws 1857, PL, C230). A few days later the two compmiies concluded an agreement that implemented the transfer but also effectively consolidated them (Acts ofiLegislature ofiWisconsin 1865, 21-26; Report ofithe Select Committee,l%5%, 264-269). The corporate existence ofthe St. Croix mid Lake Superior was preserved, but the La Crosse and Milwaukee maintained control by replacing the members ofthe board of directors with men from the La Crosse and Milwaukee, incl\\6\ng'Qyron¥Alho\\m (Report ofithe Select Committee, 1858, 139, 146-147; ^C 3/17/57). Soonafterthe grant had been made to the La Crosse and Milwaukee, rumors began to circulate that bribery had been involved. A reluctant Legislature was finally forced to investigate, mid its report revealed that more than $800,000 in cash and bonds had been paid to members and officers ofthe Legislature, to the Governor, mid even to newspaper editors to secure the grant for the La Crosse and Milwaukee. Byron Kilboum, president ofthe company, was heavily implicated by the investigation, but neither he nor any ofthe others involved were punished except at the bar of public opinion (16).

Under the terms ofthe grant, the La Crosse and Milwaukee was required to build from both Madison and Columbus to Portage, then to "the St. Croix River or Lake," and from there to the west end of Lake Superior and Bayfield. But the company built westward from Portage to La Crosse instead of to the "St. Croix River or Lake" as required by its grant. It applied to receive grmit land for the 60 mile section between Portage mid Tomah, but because it had not constructed the line from Madison to Portage, its application was denied by the governor. Some construction was undertaken by the St. Croix and Lake Superior on its line from Hudson to Superior, but not completed, so the company did not receive any grmit land. The grant for the northeastern route, "from Fond du Lac . . .northerly to the State line" was awarded by the Legislature to a new company it created, the Wisconsin and Lake Superior (WisLaws 1856, G, C137). While the Legislature was considering the disposition of this grant, representatives ofthe Chicago, St. Paul and Fond du Lac Railroad sought to have it awarded to that company (17). While this company was chartered in both Illinois mid Wisconsin it was controlled by Illinois interests, and it was the clem intent ofthe Legislature by chartering the Wisconsin and Lake Superior that the grmit be controlled by a Wisconsin company. The efforts ofthe Chicago, St. Paul and Fond du Lac did not cease with the Legislature's decision, however. It managed to suborn or have replaced enough ofthe members ofthe board of directors ofthe Wisconsin and Lake Superior so that body approved a union ofthe two companies. Whatever scruples the Legislature might have had about giving control of a Wisconsin land grant to a company dominated by Illinois capitalists seem to have evaporated, for it approved the consolidation ofthe Wisconsin mid Lake Superior with the Chicago, St. Paul and Fond du Lac in Februmy of 1857 under the latter name (18). The railroad failed in the panic of 1857, however, and in June 1859 was purchased mid reorganized as the Chicago mid Northwestern Railroad (Wis Laws 1859, PL, C108). This company immediately resumed construction, completing the line from Fond du Lac to Oshkosh in October 1859, and to Fort Howard in 1862. This line to Fort Howard and that ofthe La Crosse mid Milwaukee to La Crosse, were the farthest points north reached by Wisconsin railroads by the Civil War.

Railroad development in the Territory of Minnesota lagged behind that in Wisconsin, although several roads had been chartered by 1853. (Saby 1915, 1-8; Christianson 1935, 261-274). The Minnesota and Northwestem, which would connect St. Paul with Lake Superior mid its mineral and timber resources, and eventually with a transcontinental railroad on the northern route, was pmt of a larger scheme led by Henry M. Rice to insure the prosperity of St. Paul by m^ing it the hub of Minnesota's railroad system (Christimisen 1935, 262-270). The territorial act of March 1854 incorporating the Minnesota and Northwestem provided that the company would receive title to any lands granted to Minnesota to finmice railroad construction. Shortly thereafter a bill was introduced in Congress providing for a Imid grant to the Territory of Minnesota for a railroad from Dubuque to a terminus located near but north ofthe mouth ofthe St. Louis River. The bill passed the Senate but failed in the

87 House when it became known that Henry M. Rice and others had already invested in a site south ofthe river which was intended to be the actual location ofthe terminal, and that the bill had been written so that the Minnesota and Northwestern would receive the land grmit. A new Minnesota land grant bill was then introduced in the House in May. It specified that the route was to run from Dubuque to St. Paul mid then "to the eastern line of [the] Territory in the direction of Lake Superior" and was written so as to exclude the Minnesota and Northwestem from eligibility to receive the grant. The bill passed the House, was sponsored in the Senate by Senator Douglas and passed there, mid was approved by the President in June. It was then discovered that during passage the language had been chmiged so as to make the Minnesota and Northwestem Company eligible to receive the grant, mid the law was subsequently repealed (19).

The investors in Superior were interested not only in the construction of a railroad to their townsite, but also in a transcontinental railroad from there westward to the Pacific Coast. Proposals for such a railroad were made as early as 1832, mid during the 1840s numerous plans for such a project were advanced (Cotterill 1919; Albright 1921, c. 1). A proposal in 1844 by Asa Whitney for a railroad from Milwaukee through Prairie du Chien to St. Paul and then to the mouth ofthe Columbia River in Oregon was perhaps the best known, exciting considerable public interest and receiving serious consideration by Congress (Loomis 1912-13; Albright 1921, 13-19). Whitney and other early proponents of transcontinental railroads expected that they would be used principally to carry the trade between China and Japan mid the United States and Europe at great savings in cost mid time over the traditional sea routes between those nations. But after the great migration westward precipitated by the acquisition of Oregon in 1846 mid the Mexican Territories in 1848 mid the discovery of gold in California in 1849, it becmiie generally accepted by Congress and the public that a transcontinental railroad was necessary to protect the western territories and incorporate them into the Union, and to secure the contributions ofthe settlers in these new territories to the prosperity ofthe Union.

An important—if not the most important—focus of the debates over the transcontinental railroad was the route it would follow, whether northern, central, or southern. Each route had its geographic, economic, and political advantages mid disadvantages, and each its vociferous supporters and opponents. A strong advocate in Wisconsin for the northern transcontinental route was Congressman James D. Doty. In the summer of 1852 he wrote to the American Railroad Journal, the leading organ ofthe railroad industry, to express his support for and views on a railroad from the head of Lake Superior to Puget Sound. Such a road. Doty maintained, would be the shortest route to the Pacific, would connect the west to the Great Lakes-St. Lawrence waterway and through "the road now being constructed from Chicago, through Wisconsin, to the head of Lake Superior," would connect at Chicago to the great rail network to the east. (Doty 1852, 492). Doty's ideas for a northern transcontinental railroad were similar to those of Edwin F. Johnson, a civil engineer and the chief engineer in 1852 ofthe Rock River Valley Union Railroad, with whom Doty probably had contact. In 1853, Johnson published a series of mticles in the American Railroad Journal strongly advocating a northern route for a transcontinental railroad, which were compiled and published as a book (Johnson 1853, 1854). In a sober and fact-based analysis of all ofthe routes then under consideration, Johnson recommended a northern route from Chicago through Madison, La Crosse, and St. Paul to the Strait of Juan De Fuca, with a brmich to St. Louis Bay to connect with Great Lakes shipping routes. He noted that if ice on that bay should impede navigation, then the line could be extended 70 miles to "a noble mid spacious bay, the entrance to which is protected by Madeline Island, forming what is probably the best harbor on the l^e, mid from its many attractions must become a place of some importance" (Johnson 1854, 98). Meanwhile, Congress had been engaged in a long and acrimonious debate over the issue of atrmiscontinental railroad, but finally agreed inthe spring of 1853 to authorize surveys ofthe different proposed routes. From 1853 to 1855 four routes were surveyed, including a northern route which followed approximately the line of Whitney's earlier proposal. These Pacific railroad surveys, as they me known, produced voluminous reports containing an incredible wealth of information about the regions through which they passed, but did not lead to an agreement by Congress to authorize the construction of a transcontinental railroad then or in the immediate future (20). In 1853 the two conditions which were necessary to convince speculators to invest in townsites at the western end of Lake Superior appeared to be on the way to fulfillment: the canal at the St. Mary's River rapids was under construction, and the prospects for railroads from the south to the head ofthe lake and from there to the Pacific were encouraging, with powerful men in positions in Washington, Madison, mid St. Paul to make sure that these prospects were realized. The first group of speculators to act on these promising developments invested their money in townsites on the shore of Superior Bay. Second Era Endnotes

1. Decker 1968, 364-368; Sokolski 1932, 172-178; Robins 1976, 62-64. Several cities in Wisconsin were founded by "town-jobbing," including Milwaukee and Madison.

2. Chase 1945; Krause 1992; Murdock 1964.

3. Whittlesey was the "Head of Sub-Corps" in David Dale Owen's 1849 expedition—Owen 1852.

4. Iron ore was discovered on the Penokee Range as a result ofthe influence ofthe magnetic ores or magnetite on the compasses of geologists mid surveyors. The ores ofthe Gogebic Range (a topographical extension eastward ofthe Penokee Range) are much less magnetic mid it was not until geologists had developed a better understmiding ofthe geologic structure and processes of that region that iron ore mining developed there.

5. Whittlesey 1852, 447. Whittlesey was responsible for nmiiing the rmige in which he had discovered iron ore, but not for the name by which it is known. He apparently named it "Pewabic," the Chippewa word for iron. But a typesetter interpreted that word in Whittlesey's hmidwritten report notes to be "Penokie," which is how it appeared in the published report, thereby becoming the accepted name ofthe range (later chmiged to "Penokee")—Whittlesey 1863, 2. Whittlesey's survey also included the Apostle Islands, and his evaluation of their fishing and agricultural prospects was quite positive. He was enthusiastic about the health benefits ofthe area, stating the "no portion of this continent surpassed the Apostle Islmids" in this respect—Whittlesey 1852, 438.

6. Florida and Texas in 1845, Iowa in 1846, Wisconsin in 1848, California in 1850, and Minnesota in 1858.

7. No one envisioned that the steep, rocky slope rising from the north shore ofthe l^e, fm removed from the chminel through the offshore bar, would become the site of a major city.

8. The Washburn harbor site was deep, sheltered, and with ample level land adjacent to the water for track, warehouses, and so on, but the site was not developed, mid Washburn not founded until 1883.

9. The line reached Prairie du Chien in 1857. The first president ofthe railroad was Byron Kilbourn; he was removed from office in 1852 for issuing stock illegally—see Kilboum 1853; Annual Report ofithe Milwaukee and Mississippi Railroad Company 1853, 9.

10. Congressional Globe, 31"^ Congress, 1'^ Session, 129, 281, 601, 665, 673, 686, 1562-1563, 1883-1884; Smith 1954, 330.

11. Rock River Valley Union Railroad Co., September 1853. Iron Bay was an early name for Marquette, Michigan.

12. Other railroads receiving charters included the Green Bay and Lake Superior, Berlin and L^e Superior, Oshkosh and Lake Superior, Portage City and Lake Superior, Fond du Lac and Lake Superior, and Milwaukee and Superior. 13. The southern states that received grants at the same time as Wisconsin or subsequently were Alabama, Louisiana, Florida, and Mississippi. Among the Representatives from those states, nine voted for the bill, none voted against it, and eight did not vote. The House vote by region on the bill was as follows:

region vea nav no vote New England 15 2 12

Mid-Atlantic 29 15 20

Mid-West 22 13 22

South 14 36 32

West 2 _0_ 0

Total 82 66 86

14. WisLaws 1856, G, C118. For details ofthe Legislature's actions, see Canuteson 1930, 8-39.

15. WisLaws 1856, G, C122. The La Crosse mid Milwaukee was chartered in April 1852 to construct a railroad from Milwaukee to La Crosse—Wis Laws 1852, G, C198. Byron Kilboum was among the founders and was elected the first president.

16. Winn 1928; Report ofithe Select Committee, 1858. Kilboum published a long rebuttal to the findings and conclusions ofthe investigation—Kilbourn 1858; also Noonan 1857; Duckett, WMH 1953.

17. The Chicago, St. Paul and Fond du Lac was chartered in both Wisconsin and Illinois as a consolidation of the Illinois and Wisconsin Railroad in Illinois, and the Rock River Valley Railroad in Wisconsin—Wis Laws 1855, PL, C137

18. WisLaws 1857, PL, C17. The land grmits did not expire until June 1866, however, and there ensued mi extended period of bitter controversy about their renewal and disposition.

19. The Minnesota and Northwestem had accepted the grant under the original enactment, mid challenged in court the authority of Congress to withdraw it. The company was unable to obtain capital and did not undertake any construction, finally succumbing to the 1857 panic. Litigation over the Imid grant continued until 1862, however, when the U. S. Supreme Court ruled that Congress had the authority to withdraw the grant—Christianson 1935, 260-261; Cloutier 1959, 13-14; Saby 1915, 5-6.

20. The surveys had been organized and directed by Secretary of War Jefferson Davis, future president ofthe Confederacy. His recommendation to Congress ofthe southern or 32nd pmallel route as the best ofthe four routes surveyed for the construction of a transcontinental railroad was widely viewed as an act of blatant sectionalism—Davis 1855, 29. It was the conclusion of at least one scholar ofthe surveys, however, that "there can be no doubt that he was absolutely unpartismi" in his judgment—Albright 1921, 158.

91 Chapter 4

Superior 1853-1860

By 1850 the region around the western end of Lake Superior was well known, having been traversed for 150 yems by voyageurs, fur traders, explorers, miners, missionaries, mid ordinary travelers (Flower 1890, 37-47) (1). In September 1793 the North West Company had constructed a depot and fort, called Fort St. Louis, on the site of Superior that was maintained until about 1815. Among those who were well acquainted with the region in later years was the fur trader and prospector Henry M. Rice of St. Paul (Graber 1949). In August 1847 while at Fond du Lac as a United States commissioner engaged in treaty negotiations with the Chippewa Indians, Rice purchased a small claim on the future site of Superior, but the claim was never secured to him (2). Rice had recognized emly the possibilities for investments in the mineral and timber resources ofthe region, and agitated for the opening ofthe remaining Chippewa Indian lands in the Upper Peninsula and northern Wisconsin to settlement and exploitation. This was accomplished by the treaty with the Chippewa concluded at La Pointe in October 1842, an event which may be taken as the beginning ofthe settlement and development ofthe Wisconsin's north country. When in 1852 Congress made a land grant to Michigan for the construction ofthe St. Mary's Falls ship canal. Rice realized the potential of Superior Bay as a port site connecting Great Lakes shipping to railroads to St. Paul and elsewhere in the Minnesota Territory, and eventually to a northern transcontinental railroad.

In Washington, Senator Stephen A. Douglas of Illinois and Senator Robert J. Walker of Mississippi, both involved in western development personally and through their work in Congress, had long entertained the same idea. With the approval ofthe canal land grant they immediately began to make arrangements to file claims for a townsite on Superior Bay. Senator Jesse D. Bright of Indimia, Representative Willimii A. Richardson of Illinios, Senator Robert M. T. Hunter of Virginia, and Representative John C. Breckenridge of Kentucky were brought into the group, along with Willimii W. Corcormi, a Washington banker, who provided finmicing and coordination. These men constituted the "Douglas Crowd" (Armour 1976, 9-10). Since no claims could be filed until the land had been surveyed, this was quickly arranged and carried out by George R. Stuntz in the early summer of 1853 (3). To t^e care ofthe affairs in the west, two lawyers, Rensselear R. Nelson and Daniel A. Robertson, joined the group mid moved to St. Paul, Nelson establishing a law practice and Robertson starting a newspaper called the Minnesota Democrat. They brought Daniel A. J. B^er, another St. Paul lawyer, into the group. In July 1853 Nelson, Robertson, and B^er went to Superior Bay and staked claims to land along Allouez Bay (4).

Henry M. Rice soon heard ofthe claims ofthe Douglas Crowd, and sent Jmiies Stinson, Benjamin Thompson, and William H. Newton to stake claims to land along the bay. Rice, Thompson, and Newton, along with Edmund Rice (Henry's brother), George L. Becker, mid George Nettleton constituted the "HoUingshead Crowd" from St. Paul. They claimed land west ofthe Douglas Crowd along the bay (5). A third party consisting of Charles D. Kimball and other copper prospectors from Ontonagon plus Benjmiiin W. Brunson and Robert F. Slaughter of St. Paul, known as the "Ontonagon Crowd," staked claims farther west and platted "Superior City" in August 1854 (6). These men were primmily interested in making claims to the supposedly rich copper deposits on the South Range, which the American Fur Company had attempted to mine in the 1840s (Stuntz 1941, 107-108). Rivalry between these groups was intense, mid at one point open warfare almost broke out between the Ontonagon and HoUingshead Crowds. Finally, in February 1854 the Douglas and HoUingshead Crowds agreed to combine their interests for three yems as the unincorporated "Proprietors of Superior" (Flower 1890, 59-62). There were eighteen original proprietors, including seven members of Congress, several lawyers, the Chief Clerk ofthe House of Representatives, and a prominent Washington, D.C. banker (Corcoran). Among them the proprietors held twenty-seven shares, the original investment per share reported in the sources variously as $750, $1,200 or $2,500 (7). Their townsite speculation was an immediate success and shares were divided into small fractions that sold for several times the amount ofthe original investment.

92 Senator Douglas was reported to have later sold his shme for $135,000, while the total actual sale value ofthe subdivided shares was over $4,000,000 at one point ("Infusion of New Life" 1889; Flower 1890, 62).

From October 1853 to September 1854, the proprietors purchased 5,327 acres from the original entrymen at a cost of from $1.90 to $6.50 an acre, compmed to the govemment price of $1.25 an acre. The land was subdivided into four divisions and an area of open acreage (Armour 1976, 18). The western division (west of the Nemadji or Left Hand River) was platted in September 1854 and the eastern division (east ofthe river) in July 1856. The southwestern and southern divisions were surveyed mid platted in 1857 (Roberts 1969, 5-6; Armour 1976, 16-18). The newly platted "City of Superior" contained twenty-four avenues and thirty-three streets, and lots were twenty-five by one hundred feet. Numerous lots were designated by the proprietors for "town improvement:" for schools, churches, public buildings, pmks, and so on (8). Lot prices immediately escalated to as much as $600 to $1,500 each. As was typical of townsite speculations, the main business of many people was speculative real estate transactions, which greatly inflated the prices ofthe lots over their true value. An unfortunate consequence of this speculative activity was that much ofthe growth and prosperity of the settlement was illusionary, not based on a foundation of solid economic development. Others were interested in developing the community, however, and the construction of houses, businesses, public buildings, and waterfront facilities continued apace. The settlement was designated the county seat when Douglass County was created in Februmy 1854 (9). The following July a post office was opened, and in August 1855 a Federal land office was opened and the first term of Douglass County Circuit Court was held. From fewer than fifty in the winter of 1853-54, the population increased to 385 by June 1855, including 24 "foreign bom" and one black (10). There were 292 males and 93 females, a gender proportion perhaps typical of many western settlements in their formative stages.

The first newspaper, the Superior Chronicle, was established in the early summer of 1855, sponsored by the proprietors. The paper's printing machinery had mrived on the first boat, the Sam Ward, in May (Infiormation For Emigrants 1858, 24). The usual function of such newspapers in a new town was town "booming," a job the Chronicle did well, extolling the advantages ofthe new settlement and predicting a bountiful future. In the first issue on June 12 the editors declared that "the site ofthe town of Superior is one ofthe most beautiful in the country," and said that they were "inclined to believe" that because of its "peculiar situation—being the head of lake navigation . . . Superior is destined to be the most important point on the Lake." The proprietors advertisement in the same issue was even more emphatic, announcing in bold type that Superior "possesses a better site, a better harbor, and greater advantages for a commercial city than any other point in the North-West; and is equaled in prospective importmice by Chicago only." (SC 6/12/55). The "Business Directory" published in this first issue of Chronicle listed five stores selling groceries and provisions, joiners, carpenters, house builders, a brickmaker, blacksmith, boat builder, lumberman, a tailor, and a physician mid surgeon, and two restaurants and two hotels (SC 6/26/55). The new settlement apparently had available all ofthe goods and services necessary to survive mid grow, while its character as a booming settlement in which land speculation was an important business was reflected by the listing offiive attorneys for fewer than 400 people. A private census t^en in January 1856 provided a good overview ofthe state ofthe settlement at the beginning ofthe third year. The total population was 585, including 329 males, 119 females and 137 children under 15 years. There were 105 dwellings, 46 stores, offices, mid shops, seven boarding houses and hotels, a sawmill and a brickyard, a schoolhouse, and two churches under construction (Flower 1890, 85).

Isolated as it was in the dense wilderness at the far end of Lake Superior, it was essential for the settlement to make connections with the outside world, and lake transportation was quickly established. At first freight and passengers were trans-shipped via La Pointe, but soon ships began to arrive directly from the lower lake ports. In the summer of 1855 regular steamboat service with Chicago mid other ports began, and in that year twenty- three steamboats mid ten sailing vessels arrived, bringing substantial quantities of freight to the settlement (SC 6/24/56). But shipping on the Great Lakes was hazmdous at all times, and ceased completely for five or six months of winter. Since it was miticipated that a railroad would not arrive in Superior for at least two years, the

93 settlers turned to the construction of roads (11). In Janumy 1854 the settlement parties put aside their differences mid combined forces to cut a foot trail in 20 days through the dense forest to a lumber camp located about where the western boundary of Wisconsin extends directly north on the meridian from the St. Croix River. In the fall of that year a winter road was cut from Superior to miother camp farther south on the St. Croix (below the mouth ofthe Yellow River), probably an improvement ofthe foot trail (History ofiStuntz 1941, 107; Shaw 1939, 38-39). Apparently this road was improved and extended southward, for in January 1855 a stage service was advertised in operation from Superior to Taylor's Falls, where connections could be made to St. Paul.

In January 1853 Congress appropriated money for the construction of a road in Minnesota from the junction of the St. Croix and Mississippi Rivers at Point Douglas to the falls ofthe St. Louis River, near Fond du Lac. Apparently through the intervention ofthe proprietors, the northern terminus was later changed to the mouth of the St. Louis in July 1854. In its final route this "militmy road" ran from Superior to Twin L^es and southward to Point Douglas, first from Nettleton Avenue and later from Robertson Avenue (SC 8/28/55). At the crossing ofthe St. Croix River it intersected with a territorial road from St. Paul, providing Superior with a direct route to that city. In December 1856 the Chronicle reported that "Quite a busy intercourse is now being carried on between St. Paul and Superior" over the road, but it continued to complain that the road had not been completed (SC 12/23/56) (12). There was also considerable interest in the construction of roads from Superior to Mille Lac L^e, Little Falls, Norwood, and other points to the west mid the southwest. The idea was to open the developing agricultural and lumbering region ofthe upper Mississippi Valley to trade with Superior (13). Apparently some sort of road was constructed over this route, for the Chronicle reported in November 1857 the arrival by steamer of supplies "for the lumbermen at Norwood" to be sent "over the new road just opened." Norwood is located a few miles west of St. Paul, but the Chronicle claimed that freight could be transported from Superior there and to other points in that part ofthe country cheaper than through St. Paul. According to the Chronicle the arrival of this shipment for Norwood marked the beginning of "a new era in the history of Superior" (SC 11/17/57). Indeed, in the fall of 1857 the Chronicle appealed for the construction of "good wagon roads," and proposed that such roads "are at present, and will for years to come, be of much more benefit to this section ofthe country than railroads" (SC 9/8/57). But these confident expectations about the contribution of roads to the future development of Superior proved to be groundless, and the roads served principally to bring in supplies and provisions rather than as arteries of trade.

While the principal attraction to investors was the prospect of Superior as a major port at the western end ofthe Great Lakes, there was also considerable interest in the possibilities of mining copper in the range south ofthe settlement. Indeed, in their statement of editorial policy in their first issue, the editors ofthe Chronicle stated that "The mineral interests shall share liberally of our time and space. Recent discovery have established beyond question that the mineral lands in this vicinity are as rich and extensive as those of miy other . . .." And an accompmiying article describing the new settlement noted that "During the months of July, August, mid September [1854], large numbers of enterprising miners from Ontonagon mid other points on the lake, commenced exploring the Mineral Range, mid subsequently made many locations and homes" (SC 6/12/55). A Chronicle article in October discussed the great difficulties mid expense of copper mining, concluding that it "must therefore always be in the hmids of companies who can command large capital and who are not afraid to expend it liberally" (SC 10/30/55). In 1855 the Fond du Lac Mining Company was organized and began work at a location nine miles from Superior on the south range (14). In November the Chronicle noted that company officers had visited the site and found promising "surface indications" of copper deposits (SC 11/20/55). In June ofthe following year the paper reported that "the Fond du Lac is the only mining company in the vicinity at present." The company's expenditures from the previous November amounted to $3,400, while six men were employed in preparatory work at the mine site. It had not been possible to "form a definite idea" ofthe importance ofthe mineral deposits in the vicinity, but "surface indications" and other evidence suggested that "they promise most flatteringly" (5'C 6/24/56) (15). During 1856 and 1857 two shafts were sunk toward what it "supposed to be a 'well defined vein,' " at a cost of "about $12,000," in the search for a lode of virgin copper (Sweet 1880, 359-360). The county supervisors were appmently impressed by the prospects ofthe company's venture and accommodated it by authorizing the construction of a county road from Wisconsin Point to the mine site (^C 11/20/55; Wolner 1939, 27).

Not only the proprietors, but also the real estate speculators, businessmen and even ordinmy settlers shared the vision of Superior as the great entrepot of the north. They justified this vision by a comparison of Superior's geographic position to that of Chicago. When settlement moved into Illinois and southern Wisconsin and then farther west across the Mississippi, Chicago quickly became the trans-shipment point for this vast hinterland, growing from an isolated wilderness trading post in 1830 to a major port and rail center twenty-five years later. "Superior," so the idea ran, "occupies a position geographically similm and important with respect to the country it commmids, and the means of communication it possesses, to that occupied by Chicago. While the latter has become the point of trans-shipment and center of trade, of an extensive rmige of country, mid suddenly became a Imge and important city, it is not unreasonable to expect that the rapid settlement and development of the resources ofthe country of which the latter is the center, a country, (perhaps even greater than Chicago commands) rich, varied, mid immense in its resources—will build up and sustain, at Superior, a city that will rival in size and importance, if not in trade, the city of Chicago" (Patten 1856, 18-19) (16).

But Superior was not similar to Chicago in its "means of communication," for there were no railroads to the site. Among the railroads that had been chmtered by 1854 for routes to Lake Superior, two were importmit to the Superior townsite: in Wisconsin, the St. Croix mid L^e Superior from Hudson to "some point on the St. Louis River;" and in Minnesota, the Minnesota and Northwestem from Dubuque "in the direction of Lake Superior" by way of St. Paul. Either of these roads would make a port at the western end of Lake Superior a major trmisit point for freight, travelers, and immigrants. Both routes would provide access to the developing agricultural and lumbering regions between their northern and southern terminals, and both would connect to Milwaukee and Chicago through Wisconsin and Illinois railroads. The expectations ofthe proprietors with regmd to a railroad to their townsite were probably focused at first on the Minnesota and Northwestem that had received a land grant in 1854. But that company became embroiled in controversy mid when Congress withdrew the grant the compmiy brought suit challenging its right to do so. While the settlers at Superior anticipated that the courts would rule in favor ofthe Minnesota and Northwestem and the road would eventually be constructed, the St. Croix mid Lake Superior became the focus of their immediate hopes and expectations (5'C 7/15/56) (17). The preliminmy route survey for the road was completed inthe summer of 1854, and the locating survey was carried out by Chief Engineer Robert Patten in the fall ofthe following year (SC 7/3/55, 5/6/56; Patten 1856). Patten's report included a long statement of justification for the road. The climate mid beautiful scenery were extolled, the products of agriculture, mines, and forests described at length, while at the practical level the cost advmitages of trmisporting freight by rail were calculated. Freight was customarily moved by water from New York to Chicago and then by rail to Galena and St. Paul at a cost of $26.00 a ton, while the cost by water to Superior and by rail to St. Paul, so it was alleged, would be only $13.00 aton, with a saving of four or five days of time. "The construction of this road," the report concluded, "will produce an importmit change in the direction ofthe trade and commerce of all that large section of country lying north and west of La Crosse, on the Mississippi. . . .this road will connect the navigation ofthe great L^es and the river St. Lawrence with the Mississippi; and through the Mississippi with several lines of railroad running from it south and east; forming the last connecting link in a vast chain of communication, that comprehends and intersects the entire portion ofthe Union, east ofthe Mississippi" (Patten 1956, 18).

In November 1856, after the St. Croix and Lake Superior had come into possession of its land grmit, a contract between the company and a Pennsylvania construction company was negotiated with a completion date of July 4, 1859 (SC 8/19/56, 11/25/56, 12/16/56). Thus, all indications were that the proposed railroad from the St. Croix to Superior was well on the way to becoming a reality: a charter had been granted, capital invested, surveys made, a grant of Imid received, and a construction contract signed. The favorable prospects of a railroad naturally encouraged the proprietors and other speculators as well as businessmen and ordinary settlers,

95 so Superior continued to grow at a "boom town" pace. In December the Chronicle noted that "Lots have advanced fifty per cent. Shares in the town that two months ago were offered at $9,000 and $10,000, now as readily bring $15,000. Unimproved lands within five and six miles of town are selling from five to ten dollars per acre. We have seen lots, purchased one year ago, sold for double their original costs; mid lands entered by pre-emption the present summer, at one dollar and twenty-five cents, bring five to thirty dollars per acre." The editors were ofthe opinion that this speculative activity (they did not call it that) in real estate "is an evidence of the great prosperity of Superior" (SC 12/9/56). Things were going so well for the new town and the settlers had such great confidence in its future, that they met in September 1856 to draw up a charter for the "City of Superior." The charter was sent to the State Legislature for approval, but that body adjourned without acting on it (^C 9/2/56, 3/10/57).

In a long "semi-annual review" in January 1857, the Chronicle reviewed the growth and development of Superior for the previous two yems (SC 1/20/57) (18). It was estimated that the population had increased from the state census figure of 385 in June 1855 to "not less thmi fifteen hundred" by the end of 1856. Again in June 1855 there were only 35 houses but by Janumy 1856 there were 120, and 340 by the date ofthe report. Several sawmills had been established but lumber still had to be imported to meet demand. "About sixty men" were engaged in constructing a wagon read to St. Croix, while others were preparing piles mid timbers for the docks and wmehouses, and "thousands of dollars of supplies and provisions had been brought in by ship or purchased locally." With respect to commercial activity the article reported estimated imports of about $206,800 in 1855 and about $420,00 in 1856, from cities and towns as far away as New York and as close as La Pointe. Vessels (steam and sail) mriving at Superior had also increased from 33 in 1856 to 56 in 1857. Since lot sales begmi in 1854, 1,898 had been sold for atotal of $141,786, a substantial part of which the proprietors had expended on various public improvements, including a pier mid a hotel. Other proposed or pending improvements included a Masonic Hall, a light house made possible by a Congressional appropriation, and a dock mid warehouse to be built by the St. Croix and Lake Superior Railroad.

Thus, at the end of 1856 Superior was a well-established and enterprising community with the prospects of a railroad never better. And the "good times" continued into 1857. An mlicle in the Chronicle at the end of March, ostensibly in response to "numerous communications" to the editor, lauded the townsite as "one ofthe most favorable for a commercial emporium in the Union." It repeated much of what had been reported in its January review with the added information that quarter shmes in the townsite were probably worth twenty to twenty-five thousand dollars, although none were available. Each qumler shme represented two-hundred twenty four lots, which on the "businesses streets" were selling for twelve-hundred dollars and on the "back streets" for from two to six hundred dollars (SC 3/31/57). The next report in early July on the state ofthe town reported the population to have increased by "at least three hundred" to eighteen hundred since the beginning of the yem, and sixty-two new buildings had also been constructed, bringing the total to four hundred one (SC 7/14/57). Finally, in August, perhaps to separate clearly the City of Superior from the litigious Superior City, the county was divided into three towns: Pokegama, including the disputed settlement of Superior City; Nemadji; mid Superior which included the City of Superior mid the remainder ofthe county ("Whole County Was Town In 1854," SET 7/16/54; Armour 1994, 17; SC 4/12/59) (19).

The hopes and aspirations ofthe people of Superior were probably at their peak in mid-1857, at the very time that the seeds of catastrophe that had long been sown were about to bear fruit. The panic that began in August 1857 involved a near collapse of a bmiking system deeply involved in speculative investments in land, factories, commerce, mid railroads. Mmiy banks failed, particulmly small, financially weak banks in the west (20). Contributing to the situation was a softening of business conditions generally. Emlier there had been a decline in the demand for consumer products, and mmiy factories had reduced operations, closed, or gone out of business, creating widespread unemployment among the emerging class of urbmi factory operatives. At the same time, the end ofthe Crimean War in 1856 and bumper crops of wheat in Europe greatly reduced the demand for agricultural products from the west. Farmers failed and the railroads lost a large part ofthe business of trmisporting agricultural products that made them profitable. Much ofthe speculation during the boom period from the end ofthe 1840s to 1857 had been in railroads and in lands linked to actual or proposed railroad construction. Mmiy railroads were over extended, marginally or not at all profitable, and poorly managed. When banks and creditors began to press them for payment in 1857, many could not meet their obligations and went bankrupt. Even large and established eastern roads found themselves in precmious financial circumstances. Wisconsin's railroads were not exempted from this debacle for as Current has noted, "No Wisconsin enterprises suffered more from the depression [of 1857] than did the railroads" (Current 1976, 243-244).

Although the finmicial crisis and the brief but hard depression that followed ultimately wrought the doom of Superior townsites mid the other nascent settlements at the western end of Lake Superior, its effects were felt only gradually. In their review ofthe last six months of 1857, the editors ofthe Chronicle noted that "Superior has not escaped entirely the recent crisis in monetary affairs" (SC 1/19/58). No details were provided about the effects ofthe crisis on the town, but items in the Chronicle provide some suggestive evidence. In the fall the paper begmi to run notices that it would require cash for all work because ofthe "tightness ofthe times, mid the great difficulty experienced in making collections" (SC 11/17/57). Of more significance was the problem of supplies. In October the Chronicle reported that the purchases of supplies "this fall are far below those ofthe same season last year" (SC 10/13/57). The problem apparently was that merchants in Clevelmid and Detroit, where supplies were purchased, would only accept "currency bankable in those cities." The situation was further exacerbated when two steamers cmrying supplies for Superior, the Superior and the Manhattan, were wrecked (SC 6/2/57, 12/15/57). The supply situation was somewhat ameliorated when the Lady Elgin brought a small cargo of supplies and the provisions ofthe St. Croix and Lake Superior Railroad were sold. There was also a significant decline in real estate sales after the late August crisis. From June through August the average monthly sale of real estate was $172,539, while for September through December the monthly average declined by over three-quarters, to $37,056, with no sales at all during two weeks in November (SC 1/19/58). Lot prices remained high, however, despite the decline in the volume of transactions.

But the editors ofthe Chronicle, while admitting that "our hitherto rapid progress has been materially checked for a time," were able to report continued growth and development ofthe town during the last six months of 1857. Indeed, they estimated that the population had increased to 'Trom 2000 to 3000" inhabitants mid the number of buildings to 350. They were optimistic about the future mid shared the confidence "of our ablest statesmen" that business would improve as rapidly in the spring as it had declined in the fall (SC 1/19/58). Allegations in a big city newspaper that Superior had "collapsed" were indignantly denied, and the "outrageous conduct" ofthe officers on some ofthe lake steamers who tried "to deter travelers from visiting Superior" was vehemently condemned (SC 11/10/57, 12/22/57, 7/28/60). The optimism ofthe Chronicle's editors was apparently shared by speculators, who continued to invest in Imid and buildings, and by ordinary citizens. Despite the shortage of provisions, people continued to live well (assumedly with the exception ofthe "laboring classes"). The 1857-58 winter social season was a busy one, with horse and dog races, a "cotillion party" and a ball, minstrel entertainment, mid other activities (Wohner 1939, 71-72). But the signs of decline became more numerous as 1858 wore on. Prices and wages declined, businesses closed, and people began to leave. Unemployment among the laborers, who were hit particulmly hard by the supply shortage, increased; in February "about three hundred dollms" was collected for the "relief of the poor" (SC 2/23/58). Lots that had sold for as much as $1,500 in July of 1857 suddenly became worthless mid a financial burden to owners who still had to pay taxes on them (SC 7/4/57) (21). Well-to-do settlers with heavy investments in the townsite or in businesses were suddenly made destitute. Despite the encouraging results of explorations, surveys mid assays, and the publication of "glowing prospectuses," the Fond du Lac Mining Company's copper mining venture on the south range also becmiie a victim ofthe panic. For many settlers, farming, hunting, or fishing became the main sources of sustenance, and survival their chief concern, particulmly during the winter months.

97 To add insult to injury, a second city charter, drawn up in December of 1857 and approved by the Legislature the following April, was invalidated on a technicality (22). Then in May of 1860 the U.S. Indian agency was moved from Superior to Bayfield, with warehouse and other facilities constructed at the reservation at Red Cliff (SC 5/19/60, 6/30/60). The Chronicle was enraged by this loss to Superior, accusing Henry M. Rice of engineering the establishment ofthe Red Cliff reservation to prevent the founding of a settlement there that would compete with Bayfield, then arranging for the transfer ofthe Indimi agency to Bayfield (SC 6/2/60, 7/14/60). Finally, there was a decline in the number of vessels calling at the settlements. In the summer of 1860 the Chronicle noted that there had been few arrivals and departures at the port mid that imports mid exports "have been rather light" as a result (SC 7/14/60, 8/4/60). But the citizens of Superior seemed undeterred by the changes in their fortunes brought about by the depressed economic conditions. In fact, they—or at least the leading citizens ofthe community—anticipated that the "the economic revulsions ofthe past yem" would result in an "unprecedented exodus from the older States." To attract these uprooted people, and those arriving from Europe, to Superior, the Chronicle published in early 1858 a twenty-six page pmiiphlet entitled Infiormation fior Emigrants, containing the usual mixture of fact and fancy typical of such publications. Readers were assured that the pamphlet was "not put forth for speculative purposes by large-landed proprietors, but by the actual residents," a disclaimer that undoubtedly reflected the fact that the proprietors had sold their shares at substmitial profits mid abandoned the town (Infiormation For Emigrants 1858, 3) (23).

By 1860 the signs of decline could no longer be ignored. As one old settler reminisced in later years, "It was evident that our town had received a mortal blow. Those to whom we had been accustomed to look for aid and influence were crippled and some were penniless. It was plain to even the most obtuse that many years must elapse before the ruins could be clemed away and our town placed once more upon its feet. Everything that had been done up to this time was more or less in miticipation of events that now had received an unlimited set­ back" (Flowers 1890, 98). Chief, by any measure, among the anticipated events that had received a "set-back" was the railroad to Superior. While the mrival ofthe railroad may or may not have saved the townsite from the consequences ofthe pmiic, its failure to arrive surely doomed it. As 1857 opened the Chronicle continued to be optimistic about the progress in the construction ofthe St. Croix and Lake Superior. It reported in January that work on the line nem Black River Falls (about 12 miles south of Superior) "has been commenced in good earnest" mid is expected to be "prosecuted with great vigor;" in February that "the work is progressing as rapidly as could be expected;" and in early Mmch, after a visit to the construction site, that "We anticipate great progress during the present year" (SC 1/13/57, 2/17/57, 3/3/57). But shortly thereafter matters took a different turn. The construction contract was cancelled, the contractors having been bought out, and such work as had been undert^en was stopped ("Infusion of New Life" 3/23/89). The southern terminus ofthe road was also moved from Hudson to Prescott, which was located about eighteen miles south of Hudson at the confluence of the St. Croix and Mississippi Rivers, mid a resurvey ofthe route to Superior undertaken. The Chronicle reported on these events with its usual sanguinity, apparently unaware (as assumedly were the ordinary citizens of Superior) ofthe intrigue that lay behind them (24).

At the center ofthe plot were Byron Kilboum and his associates who now controlled the St. Croix and Lake Superior (25). They were connected to a powerful group of men in Milwaukee who viewed Superior as a potential threat to their city's crusade to become the pre-eminent port on the western Great Lakes. They realized that if the St. Croix and Lake Superior were built it would drain traffic from the La Crosse mid Milwaukee's line eastward to Milwaukee, strengthening Superior's position as a lake port ("Infusion of New Life" 3/23/89). While they had no intention of allowing the line to Superior to be built, it was important to keep the project alive not only to maintain eligibility for the land grant, but also because of railroad developments in Minnesota. In February 1857 the enabling act for Minnesota statehood was approved, then early in the next month Congress made a large grmit of land to the Territory of Minnesota to finance the constructions of four railroads. Although a road from St. Paul to the head of Lake Superior was considered, it was not included in the grant because it was realized that investors would probably not help finance two parallel mid competing roads (that is, one in Wisconsin and one in Minnesota). But there was still the possibility that capitalists from St. Paul would build a line to the head of Lake Superior without a land grant. Since such a road would divert much of the Minnesota traffic from the La Crosse and Milwaukee, it was important for Kilboum and his associates to discourage them by m^ing it appear that the St. Croix and Lake Superior was going to be built. The chmige in the location ofthe junction ofthe St. Croix and Lake Superior with the La Crosse and Milwaukee from Hudson to Prescott was probably part of this strategy. From that location the company would be able to capture traffic on both the Mississippi and St. Croix Rivers, reducing the volume of river traffic to St. Paul, thereby lessening the incentive to capitalist there to build the line to Lake Superior. As an added benefit the volume of business on the company's road to Milwaukee would be increased.

When the La Crosse and Milwaukee received its land grant in October of 1856 it had already constructed a line from Milwaukee almost to Portage. By July of 1857 the railroad passed Portage, by the end of 1857 had reached Tomah, and in September 1858 terminated on the Mississippi at La Crosse (5'C 9/31/58). This construction work was costly; due to poor management and questionable financial practices the company's financial situation steadily deteriorated (Canuteson 1930, 40-61). By mid-1857 the company was on the verge of bankruptcy, had several legal suites against it, and had lost the confidence of its investors and the eastern financial markets. In the fall a new board of directors with a majority of members from the east mid the remainder from Milwaukee (including Kilboum) took over. The reconstituted bomd quickly concluded that the only way the company could be saved was to obtain land under its land grant. It applied for allocations of land for the sixty mile section of its line from Portage to Tomah, which was part ofthe route from Portage to the St. Croix it was obligated to construct under its grant. Because the company had not fulfilled the conditions of its grant, namely the construction of lines from Madison to Columbus and Portage, Governor Alexmider W. Randall withdrew the certification issued by his predecessor. Coles Bashford, and refused to issue any himself (Canuteson 1930, 54-60; SC 8/17/58).

Memiwhile, the Chronicle noted the chmige in the bomd of directors at the La Crosse and Milwaukee, along with the comment that the board had readopted the original survey ofthe route from Hudson to Superior mid had given "every assurance that the work will immediately be resumed" (SC 10/20/57, 12/1/57) (26). But in late November the company abandoned its provisions at Black River Falls "to be disposed of for the benefit of laborers," and in December and Jmiuary its property at Superior was auctioned to satisfy debts (SC 11/24/57, 12/29/57, 1/12/58). Even the Chronicle began to lose patience, editorializing "that our munificent [Imid] grant and its dependent road have been made the foot-ball for speculators who have attempted to fritter it away with the expectation of lining their own pockets at public expense" (SC 12/29/57). But hope was revived again when in January word was received at Hudson, that a "portion ofthe road at that end" had been put under contract "to be commenced early in the spring" (SC 1/19/58). Then early in May it was reported that a company officer had promised that "the entire road will be under contract" by mid-July, while a somewhat later communication extended the time to November (SC 5/4/58). Rather circumspectively, the Chronicle noted that this information, combined with the news that "a decision is about to be rendered in favor ofthe Minnesota and Northwestem" (that is, that it could retain its land grmit) "lead to the belief that the coming summer will be the most prosperous Superior has yet experienced" (SC 5/4/58). But a couple of weeks later the Chronicle editor complained that he had "published so mmiy articles minouncing the speedy commencement ofthe road, that we regmd all intelligence to that effect with great distrust" (SC 5/18/58). The prospect that the road would actually be constructed seemed to brighten again, however, when in September the Secretary ofthe Interior approved the route and in emly November an elaborate ground brewing ceremony was held in Hudson to mark the beginning of construction from that end (SC 10/12/58, 11/30/58). The company was reorganized under the control of eastern capitalists in the spring of 1860, but despite their repeated assurances that the road would be completed construction ceased in late 1860 (SC 1/21/60, 4/28/60, 5/26/60, 10/20/60).

As the prospects ofthe St. Croix and Lake Superior reaching Superior rose and fell almost weekly during 1858, the citizens of Superior turned their attention to another railroad project, a Pacific or transcontinental railroad with its major terminus at Superior. Renewed interest in this project was apparently kindled by the recommendation of Governor Alexmider W. Randall to the Legislature in Janumy of 1858 that it memorialize Congress to approve the construction of a Pacific railroad along the northern route (SC 2/2/58). What was described by the Chronicle as a "large and enthusiastic meeting" was held in early Mmch, where a long memorial to Congress was prepared, urging approval of a Imid grant and loans for the construction of a railroad along the northern route. (SC 3/2/58) (27). In December a Pacific railroad bill was introduced in the Senate by Henry M. Rice, now a Senator from the new State of Minnesota, providing for land grmits for a road from Lake Superior to Puget Sound, in addition to roads along the central and southern routes (SC 1/4/59, 1/18/59). But the bill was amended so that in the form that finally passed, it only authorized advertising for proposals for the three routes to be submitted to Congress (SC 2/8/59). The Chronicle, always optimistic, was ofthe opinion that "the Northwest has cause for congratulation that the Bill for a Pacific Railroad has failed" since the "more the subject is investigated the better are the chances for the Northern route" (SC 2/22/59). While desultory congressional debate over a Pacific railroad continued and was duly reported by the Chronicle, there were no further "enthusiastic meetings" in Superior about the matter (28). A more promising and immediate project was the Superior and State Line Railroad. This road was chartered in February of 1859 to construct a line westward from Superior in the direction of Crow Wing, Minnesota, a distance of about twelve miles (Wis Laws 1859, PL, C32; SC 3/22/59, 7/2/59, 8/11/60). At the boundary the road would connect with a proposed Minnesota line to Crow Wing, thereby diverting to Superior the trade ofthe upper Mississippi valley then going to St. Paul (SC 3/22/59, 11/23/60). An engineering survey ofthe route was made in December of 1859, but the road was never constructed (SC 12/31/59) (29).

With its perennial optimism at long last exhausted, the Chronicle advised its readers that "Instead of bemoaning our want of internal improvements—railroads— let us rely upon and make the most of our present advantages," that it listed as "A l^e and uninterrupted communication with tide-water" and "two good wagon roads" (SC 8/11/60, 8/25/60). But these "advantages" could not support the speculation-based growth and prosperity of former yems. By the time ofthe Federal census of mid-1860, the population ofthe City of Superior was only 531, with 198 (56%) of dwellings unoccupied, compared to the estimated population of'Trom 2000 to 3000" in January 1858. In neighboring Superior City the population in mid-1860 was 270. While no earlier population estimates for this settlement were published to which a comparison could be made, that 74 (50%) ofthe dwellings were unoccupied indicated a substmitial decline in population there, too. While the Superior settlements had declined in population mid prosperity from their 1856-1858 pe^, the information from the 1860 census suggests that together they constituted a viable, if considerably smaller, community. But the people who remained in 1860 (most likely those who had no choice but to do so plus a few who could have left but decided to "tough it out" in the expectation of better times) had a long time to wait as it turned out. For the next twenty- yems, until 1882, despite occasional promises that resurrection was imminent, the two settlements that eventually becmiie the "new Superior" remained in a state of perilous survival (30).

100 Superior 1853-1860 Endnotes

1. This review ofthe early history of Superior is based on the sources listed inthe bibliography. See particularly the theses by Wolner 1939, Shaw 1938, and Lynch 1920. On Rice, see the biographies for Bayfield. Superior was importmit to the settlements on Chequamegon Bay in two ways: it was the first of the three settlements to be founded, and its early success and sponsorship by men prominent in national affairs attracted widespread interest to western Lake Superior and inevitably to Chequamegon Bay, the other great natural harbor in the region. For example, an article in De Bow's Review predicted that Superior City would become one ofthe "principle cites [sic] on the lakes"—"The Western Country" 7/56, 80; also see other articles in De Bow's Review and Hunts's Merchant's Magazine listed in the bibliography. Second, under the 1856 land grant act, Superior was to be the main l^e terminal of a line from the St. Croix River to the head of Lake Superior. A branch line to Bayfield was also authorized, mid it was anticipated that a branch would also be constructed to Ashland. So the prospect of railroads for both Bayfield mid Ashland depended at this early time directly on the completion ofthe line to Superior. Also, the emly history of Superior, in contrast to that of Ashlmid and Bayfield, is well documented in contemporary and retrospective newspaper reports, in numerous memoirs mid reminiscences, and in other documents. While the emly histories of each ofthe three settlements were different, what happened at Superior provides a general understanding of what went on in the other settlements during this formative period.

2. Flower 1890, 47. Rice no doubt met Stephen Bungo at the Superior site. He was born near the location of Fort St. Louis in June 1799 (possibly 1800) of a black father, a former slave from Mackinac, and a Chippewa Indian mother. His father took him back east where he was educated for the ministry at Albany, New York, but he was never ordained. He went back to the place of his birth and there he mmried a Chippewa woman. He worked in the fur trade both for the fur trade companies and as an independent trader, mid served as mi interpreter mid as a trusted emissmy from Federal authorities and missionaries to the Chippewa mid Sioux Indians. After the Civil War, he lived in Superior, working as a fisherman, and was instrumental in the founding ofthe Methodist church there. He died on January 21 1884. He was known for his sense of humor and although he was very Negroid in appemance, he delighted in calling himself the "first white settler" at Superior. Gaboriault, "Who Was Stephen Bongo?" SET 8/2/82; 'Tirst 'White'Child," SET 3/30-3/31/29; "Made Home On Bank Of River," SET 7/14/39; Bumham, "A Famous ^egro," ADP 3/17/33; Bumham, "The Bongos,"y47:)P 7/11/36, 10/12/37; Bumham, "Superior's First 'White' Man," SET 3/20/28; "Remembering Superior's Early Settlers," The Chronicle, 10/29-11/4/85; "Rest at Last," Superior Times, 1/26/84; Porter 1932, 360-363.

3. Flower 1890, 50; History ofiStuntz 1941, 105-106; Armour 1976, 4-5, 11. George R. Stuntz, his nephew George E. Stuntz, mid his brother Albert C. Stuntz did survey work and were otherwise involved in exploration and settlement at the head of L^e Superior—see the biographies for Ashlmid.

4. In T49NR13W. For another version of this expedition, see History ofiStuntz 1941, 110-112.

5. Also in T49NR13W.

6. In T49NR14W. After a long legal battle this townsite claim was apparently disallowed by the Commissioner ofthe General Lmid Office in June 1858—SC 8/3/58; Flower 1890, 59-60. On these three "crowds." see Flower 1890. 58-59; Armour 1976. 9-16.

101 7. The eighteen original "Proprietors of Superior" mid shmes which they originally held were as follows- Flower 1890. 60-61; Armour 1976. 21-22:

Name Shares Occupation

Nettleton, George E. 1 fur trader

Walbridge, Horace S 1 grain commission broker

Cass, George W. 1 civil engineer

Rice, Edmund 1 lawyer

Newton, William H. 1 agent for the group at Superior

Walker, Robert J. 2 U.S. Senator-Mississippi

Stinson, James 2 finmicier

Robertson, Daniel A. 2 newspaper editor

B^er, Daniel A. J. 2 lawyer

Nelson, Rensselaer R. 2 lawyer

Corcoran, William W. 2 banker

Richardson, Willimii A. 1 U.S. Representative - Illinois

Hunter, Robert. M. T. 1 U.S. Senator-Virginia

Grmiger, Julius N. 1 U.S. Representative - Michigan

Forney, John W. 1 Chief Clerk of U.S. House of Representatives

Bright, Jesse D. 2 U.S. Senator-Indiana

Douglas, Stephen A. 2 U.S. Senator-Illinois

Breckinridge, John C. 2 U.S. Representative - Kentucky

The Rice brothers, Henry M. and Edmund, were members ofthe St. Paul "HoUingshead Crowd," but apparently only Edmund was brought into the original proprietor group. Most accounts included Henry M. Rice as one ofthe important figures in the founding ofthe City of Superior, however, and some listed him as one ofthe proprietors. A third brother, Orrin Rice, established a trading post on what is known as "Rice's Point" -Armour 1976, 11. For Superior as for Ashlmid and Bayfield, the initiative, finmicing, and influence for its founding came from prominent men outside of Wisconsin.

102 8. For a detailed description of buildings, houses, streets, harbor, and layout ofthe early settlement, see Shaw 1938,45-74.

9. Named after Senator Stephen A. Douglas; the original spelling of "Douglass" was corrected in 1864—Wis Laws 1854, G, CIO; WisLaws, 1864, G, C411.

10. State Census, June 1, 1855. The figures are for the Town of Superior that would have included the City of Superior and a few people at the Superior City site. For information on early growth, see Infiormation fior Emigrants 1858, 22-23; Barden, "The First Building" mid "Pioneer Days in Superior;" History ofiStuntz 1941, 141-142.

11. This discussion of Superior's roads is based on Primmer 1935; Flowers 1890, 54; and Shaw 1939, 38-42, 90-96, mid sources cited therein; and articles from the Chronicle as noted.

12. On the military road see the following items in the Chronicle: 6/24/56, 12/23/56, 7/14/57, 7/28/57, 11/10/57, 1/19/58, 10/5/58, 8/3/59, 8/20/59, and many articles published subsequently. Also see: Barden, "Superior's Military Road" and "The Military Road From Point Douglass to the Mouth ofthe St. Louis."

13. See following items inthe Chronicle: 7/28/57, 11/3/57, 11/10/57, 11/17/57, 12/15/57, 9/7/58, 9/28/58, 2/8/59, 2/15/59, 7/2/59, 7/23/59, 10/1/59, and many other articles published subsequently.

14. Northeast quarter of sec. 8, T47NR13W, on the north face ofthe trap range between the headwaters ofthe Nemadji and Amnicon Rivers. The compmiy president in 1855 was William H. Newton mid in 1856 Benjamin Thompson, both among the original proprietors—SC 11/20/55, 12/2/56.

15. This article also reported that "copper, iron, tin, lead, and silver" had been discovered on the north shore mid that "Mineralogists are now exploring in that region;" McLean nd.

16. Also see SC 6/24/56, 1/20/57, 1/19/58. For an elaborate version ofthe "Chicago model" from the perspective of Duluth, see Phelps 1896, 7-10.

17. Two other roads that the settlers confidently believed would be built were the La Crosse and Milwaukee from the southeast; and the Lake Superior and Central Minnesota, chartered by the Minnesota Territorial legislature in 1856 to build "from the head of Lake Superior . . . west to the western limits of Minnesota, on the most practicable route to Puget's Sound"—^C 4/1/56, 4/22/56.

18. See the Chronicle for 2/26/56, 6/24/56, and 3/3/57 for other reports of Superior's "progress." Ritchie 1857 provides a contemporary description of Superior at the peak of its emly prosperity.

19. The Town of Pokegama was township T49NR14W, and the Town of Nemadji was township T48NR14W.

20. On the 1857 panic, see Current 1976; Huston 1987; Robbins 1950; Van Vleck 1976.

21. By August of 1859 the list of delinquent taxes was so long that it was published by the Chronicle as a two- page supplement—^C 8/13/59, 9/3/59.

22. The certified copy from the Secretmy of State mrived in Superior after the date specified in the charter for the first municipal election. To trace the history ofthe second city charter effort, see SC 7/14/57, 12/8/57, 1/12/58, 2/9/58, 4/6/58, 4/13/58, 5/18/58, 6/22/58, and 6/22/58 through 7/27/58; WisLaws 1858, PL, C155;

103 and Wager, SET 1/26/89. Superior's current charter dates from 1891.

23. Excerpts from the pamphlet were published in the Chronicle on 3/30/58. Earlier in the month one ofthe two editors ofthe Chronicle sold his interest in the newspaper to the other and left Superior—SC 3/16/58. Another such emigrant information publication entitled City ofiSuperior, Lake Superior, was published a yem later by James S. Ritchie "At the request of many residents ofthe City of Superior"—Ritchie 1858. Ritchie apparently lived in Superior at the time, and was already known for his 1857 booklet, Wisconsin and Its Resources, which included a chapter about Superior.

24. See the following articles inthe Chronicle: 3/17/57, 3/24/57, 3/31/57, 4/14/57, 6/2/57, 6/9/57, 9/29/57, 0/6/57.

25. See Byron Kilboum's biography in Ashland biographies.

26. There is no further mention in the sources of a separate board of directors for the St. Croix and Lake Superior.

27. Perhaps reflecting the new enthusiasm in Superior for a Pacific railroad, the Infiormation fior Emigrants, published by the Chronicle in Mmch, included a long section on a proposed "Northern Pacific Railroad," but only a brief reference to the St. Croix mid L^e Superior—Ritchie 1858, 6-9.

28. In fact, a Pacific railroad bill was not approved until July 1862, after the southern states had seceded.

29. As fm as the St. Croix and Lake Superior was concerned, it did nothing to earn its lmid grant in succeeding yems, and the expiration ofthe grant in June 1866 triggered a long legal and political battle to renew mid reassign it. Work was not resumed for almost twenty years and a railroad from the south, the Chicago, St. Paul, Minneapolis and Om^a, did not reach Superior until November of 1882—Superior Times 11/4/82; y47:)P 11/18/82.

30. Memiwhile, on March 8 1861, the Minnesota Legislature chartered the Lake Superior mid Mississippi and in assigning a Federal land grmit to the company, specified that the railroad was to lie entirely within Minnesota and that Duluth was to be the terminus on the l^e. The road was completed from St. Paul to Duluth on August 10 1870, mid a branch line was subsequently constructed from Duluth to Superior— Christiansen 1935, 424-425; Trowbridge,M77 1960.

104 Town of Superior and Town of Pokegama Statistics—1860 (1)

Table 1

Population Characteristics

City of Superior Superior City

Total 534 272 White 526 270 Indian 4 2 Black 4 0 Adults 309 152 Children 225 120 Males 277 153 Females 257 119

Table 2 Ages

City of Superior 124 101 156 135 17 1 534

Superior City 65 55 62 76 14 0 272

1. The census data are for "Superior Township" or the Town of Superior, in which the City of Superior was located; and "Pokegama Township" or the Town of Pokegama, in which Superior City was located. These "cities" were, of course, only villages. The population ofthe Town of Nemadji in 1860 was six.

105 Table 3

Places of Birth (1)

U.S. and Foreign Births

City of Superior - 534 Superior Citv - 272

Country Adults Children Total Adults Children Total

U.S. 172 206 378 73 103 176 Foreign 137 19 156 79 17 96 Total 309 225 534 152 120 272

U.S. Births

Citv of Superior - 3 Superior Citv -176

State Adults Children Adults Children

Indiana 6 2 0 0 Maine 2 5 8 0 Massachusetts 11 2 4 0 Michigan 6 18 2 17 Minnesota 21 35 7 7 New York 50 13 18 2 Ohio 13 12 3 4 Pennsylvania 19 12 4 0 Vermont 10 2 2 0 Wisconsin 9 88 17 67 Other 25 17 8 6 Total 172 206 73 103

Foreign Births

Citv of Superior- 156 Superior Citv --96

Country Adults Children Adults Children

Canada 23 7 28 14 England 10 2 3 1 Germany 38 1 11 2 Ireland 31 6 14 0 Sweden 25 0 15 0 Other 10 3 8 0 Total 137 19 79 17

106 1. The places of birth shown in Table 3 ofthe statistical appendices do not necessarily indicate where people were located prior to coming to the settlements. This would have been particularly true for those born in foreign countries (except possibly those from Canada). That mmiy of those from foreign countries had lived elsewhere in the U.S. is indicated by the birth places of their children in states other than Wisconsin. Children six years and older with Wisconsin birthplaces would have been bom before the founding ofthe settlements (except La Pointe) and therefore somewhere else in the state. The different places of birth of adults and children suggest that most parents left their birth homes before or just after marriage. In some cases the recorded places of birth of pments mid children trace long migration paths across the country from the east to the Superior and Chequamegon Bay settlements. For example, the father of one family in the City of Superior was bom in Maryland, his wife was bom in Indimia, their first child in Ohio, the second in Illinois, and the last two in Wisconsin.

107 Table 4

Occupations

Inthe City of Superior, 189 people listed 53 different occupations, while in Superior City 83 people listed 17 occupations (plus two that were illegible). There were many trade, business, and professional occupations in the City of Superior not found in Superior City. Also, the county officials lived in the City of Superior since it was the county seat. Superior City appears to have been primarily a working class community with 60% ofthe work force engaged in common labor and another 20% working as fmmers or tradesmen. The settlers there must have depended to a considerable extent on the services and facilities available in the City of Superior.

City of Superior-189 Superior City - 85

Laborer 59 Laborer 51 Servant 18 Carpenter 5 Merchant 14 Fmmer 5 Farmer 8 Shoemaker 4 Carpenter 6 Shingle maker 3 Grocer 5 Other 15 Washer woman 5 Total 83 Attorney/Lawyer 4 Fishermmi 4 Sailor 4 Clergyman/Minister 3 Gentleman 3 Sawyer 3 School Teacher/Mistress 3 Other _50 Total 189

108 Table 5

Agricultural Resources

The output ofthe 15 farms in the three towns would have been insufficient to meet the food needs ofthe settlements, and substantial quantities of food were imported. For example, the Chronicle reported on November 23, 1860, that the Schooner Neptune had arrived with about 850 barrels of freight, "mostly of groceries," including 52 kegs of butter, 292 barrels of flour, four bmrels of salt, nine bmrels of molasses, 48 barrels of pork and 12 of beef, 15 bmrels of bemis, 10 barrels of dried apples, 10 barrels of whiskey, and so on. Some food was exported, however, and the Neptune depmled with 10 bmrels and 15 half barrels offish, 19 barrels of potatoes, and 10 qumters of beef (1). In addition to importing food supplies, the settlers must have cultivated gmdens and kept cows, swine, and chickens on their lots.

Citv of Superior (2) Superior Citv (3) Nemadji

No. of farms 10 2 3 Total acres (4) 2,386 546 480 Improved acres 181 16 90 Horses 24 1 0 Cows 11 2 4 Oxen 22 2 2 Other cattle 6 20 6 Sheep 0 4 0 Swine 7 4 0 Wheat (bushels) 70 0 100 Com 35 0 30 Oats 175 0 140 Potatoes 2,825 202 700 Hay (tons) 100 8 25

1. The Neptune was probably the last vessel ofthe season delivering the winter supply of foodstuffs for the settlement. The import-export reports in the Chronicle during the shipping season always included some foodstuffs—see SC 6/30/60, 7/14/60, 8/4/60.

2. Seventeen ofthe horses, 18 ofthe oxen, and all six ofthe "other cattle" belonged to one farmer, who listed his occupation as "mail contractor."

3. All ofthe animals except one cow and one horse belonged to one farmer.

4. The farms in the City of Superior ranged in size from 140 to 730 acres and in Superior City from 146 to 400 acres, while those in the town of Nemadji were 160 acres each.

109 Table 6

Propertv and Taxes

Citv of Superior Superior Citv

Property values Real estate $537,981 $138,895 Personal 10.000 1.000 Total $547,981 $139,895

Annual taxes State $702 $179 School 156 400 County 26,150 6,676 Highway 6,000 0 Town 1,000 2,100 Poll 88 60 Total $34,096 $9,415

Table 7

Institutions

Citv of Superior Superior Citv

Schools Number 2 - district 1 - district Students 50 57 Teachers 2 4

Librmies (1) private 300 V. none Episcopal S. S. 150 V. Union S. S 150 V.

Churches (2) Presbyterian 200 none Presbyterian 150 Episcopal 300 Methodist 350 Baptist 75 Catholic 400

Newspaper Chronicle none

1. "S. S." probably meant Sunday School.

2. Numbers apparently referred to the capacity ofthe church building, not to the size ofthe congregation.

110 Table 8

Wages (1)

Citv of Superior Superior Citv

Farm hmid with board — month $16.00 $18.50

Day laborer with board — day 1.00 1.00

Day laborer without board day 1.25 1.25

Carpenter with board - day 2.00 2.00

Female domestic with board - week 2.00 2.00

Board for laborer - week 3.50 4.00

1. Average wages

Industrial Resources

The industrial resources listed for the City of Superior included two shoem^ers, a cabinetmaker, a sheet metal manufacturer, mid a sawmill. The sawmill, owned by the Lake Superior Land Company mid operated by a 20 horsepower waterwheel, had an output of 1,00,000 board feet of rough lumber annually (a "board foot" of lumber is a piece one foot square and one inch thick). If this sawmill were actually located on the flat land of the settlement, then it was probably on the Nemadji River and dependent on impounded water to operate the water wheel. There was also a sawmill in the Town of Nemadji (whose owner lived in the City of Superior) which was operated by a 15 horsepower steam engine and produced 500,000 board feet of rough lumber annually. (There was no Products of Industry schedule for Superior City.) The import-export reports ofthe Chronicle provide another perspective on the industrial resources ofthe settlements. For example, on June 30, 1860, the paper reported that 212,721 feet of lumber, including 3,468 feet of "dressed" or finished lumber, and 46,6000 bricks had been exported during the preceding week; and on August 4 that 2,450 feet of flooring, 18,500 shingles, 20,400 lath, and other finished wood products had been shipped. These export figures suggest that there were thriving, small-scale wood processing mid brick making operations in the settlements not included in the census report.

Ill Chapter 5

Ashland 1854-1860

Present day Ashland developed from the union of two early settlements in the spring of 1872: Whittlesey, established in 1854 just east of Fish Creek (renamed Ashland in 1860), and Bay City, established fmlher east in 1855 (1). Three men played important roles in the founding of these settlements: Asaph Whittlesey mid Martin Beaser for the former, and Edwin Ellis for the latter. The first to arrive on the scene was Asaph Whittlesey. He was the brother of Charles Whittlesey the geologist who (as noted earlier) had explored the Penokee Range in 1849. There he had found evidence of substantial deposits of iron ore, mid had noted their proximity to the "natural harbor" of Chequamegon Bay. With the prospects of mineral wealth in the Penokee Range and the promise (vague at this point) of railroads, the future of Chequamegon Bay appemed bright indeed. Charles advised his brother, whose uninsured candle and soap business in Peoria, Illinois, had burnt, to go there to recoup his fortune ("Asaph Whittlesey," ^7:*^ 2/9/29).

Following his brother's advice, Asaph Whittlesey mid his wife and their eighteen-month old daughter traveled to La Pointe from Ohio in June 1854 "with a view to remain permanently in the country," residing with the Leonmd Wheeler family (2). He was impressed with La Pointe which "at this time was the second in importance of towns upon the Lakes, Ontonagon taking the lead." He remembered it as a "beautiful town. . . the general appemmice was that of neatness and comfort." July 4 was celebrated with due ceremony; Whittlesey noted that because of a "want ofthe knowledge of languages" among the "curious mixture of Americans, Jews, Germmis, French and Austrimis" who assembled for the festivities, "our toasts were mainly received in silence" (Whittlesey, AWP 2/16/78). On July 5 Whittlesey and George Kilbom (whom he had met in Ohio before leaving for La Pointe) rowed across to the south shore ofthe Bay. They took depth soundings for two miles along the shore, finally landing about 5:00pm east of Fish Creek "where the highlmid leaves the bay," approximately at the foot of Sanbourn Avenue, a location that Leonard Wheeler had shown to Whittlesey earlier (3). There they constructed a small cabin (4). Whittlesey's wife and little daughter arrived from La Pointe on August 16^ , and on September 7 the steamboat Sam Ward cmiie over from La Pointe with a party of curious sightseers and a cargo of freight, including the Whittlesey's household goods (5).

Sometime in August there also arrived one Mmtin Beaser, who was in business in Ontonagon providing supplies to the copper miners. Responding to the news about the opening ofthe western Lake Superior country with the settlement at Superior, he journeyed there with two companions via La Pointe. They explored the area around Superior and then returned to La Pointe and surveyed Chequamegon Bay. It was pointed out to him that the site of what is now Ashland would be the logical terminus for a Great Lakes-to-Mississippi ship canal, mid that it was also close to the reported iron ore deposits in the Penokee Range (6). Beaser sold his business in Ontonagon mid returned to Chequamegon Bay in the summer of 1854, with the intention of establishing a townsite at that location. When he found that Whittlesey and Kilbom were already there, the three of them made mi agreement by which in return for providing supplies for the winter and arranging for a survey ofthe site Beaser would receive three-quarters ofthe land in the townsite, the remaining one quarter to be divided equally between the other two (7). Beaser went to Ontonagon for supplies and returned with a surveyor who platted the site as the "Town of Ashland" in October 1854. The site extended from block 95 to block 106 along what is now Lake Shore Drive, and encompassed 280.5 acres (8).

In September the construction of two more cabins was begun, the second of which (in other words, the third cabin on the site) became the Whittlesey's home in early November (9). The Whittlesey cabin, which Asaph described as "neatly finished . . .of massive proportions, . . .the most mistocratic house in the place," becmiie the social and administrative center ofthe settlement. Here in November the first religious services were held, conducted by Reverend Wheeler from the Odmiah Mission; also the first dance, the first July 4 celebration, and the first general election of La Pointe County officers on November 4 1856. Here also the first post office 112 was located in March 1855, with Asaph Whittlesey as postmaster. With the establishment of a post office, the settlement was officially named "Whittlesey" (10). Meanwhile, steamers began to deliver freight, amounting to $981 in 1854 and $4,256 in 1855, including "225 bmrels of freight and 70,000 feet of lumber" (Andreas 1881, 68). The first saloon was opened in June 1856, and Beaser established the first store about the same time. Other settlers also began to mrive, including Mrs. Whittlesey's parents in early November 1854, and Conrad and Adam Goeltz the following March. The Goeltz brothers were employed by Whittlesey to chop mid deliver cordwood, and Conrad Goeltz built the fourth house on the site (Whittlesey ^fTP 3/23/78; Ellis, AWP 7/14/77). The first white children bom on the townsite were those ofthe Conrad Goeltz family on November 7 1855, mid the Asaph Whittlesey fmiiily on May 311856, and the first marriage was that of Martin Roehm and Mrs. Madska (or Moushky), which took place in the fall of 1859 (11). And the first killing occurred on January 10 1858 when Joseph H. M. Cross shot Robert D. Boyd, when Boyd threatened him with a knife while he was in a drunken rage (12).

While all of this was taking place at Whittlesey, miother settlement was taking shape nearby. Shortly after Whittlesey, Kilbom, and Beaser had established themselves east of Fish Creek slough, four men—Frederick Prentice of Toledo, David S. Lusk of New York, Capt. John Daniel Angus of Ontonagon, and George R. Stuntz from Superior, constituting "a kind of land company"—settled on a site about one and a quarter miles to the east ofthe first Whittlesey cabin (13). They constructed a log cabin to serve as living qumters and a trading post, cleared land, and built a pier on which they stacked cordwood for the steamers that were expected to arrive (14). They nmiied their site "Bay City." They were joined in February 1855 by Edwin Ellis who had been sent by a syndicate of St. Paul capitalists to investigate the possibilities for townsite investment on Chequamegon Bay (15). In his "recollections" a quarter of a century later, Ellis recounted the reasons that had led him and other men to found the townsites on the south shore of Chequamegon Bay, which eventually j oined to become Ashland. Regarding the influence of Superior, Ellis noted that "The site [Superior] had attracted the attention and capital of some of our ablest men. It was backed by stronger political influences than ever combined to lay the foundations of any town in the west. Among its proprietors were many leading members of Congress and the Cabinet, especially from the South. The most sanguine expectations of its future greatness were entertained, for it commmided a scope of country as great as that paying tribute to Chicago . . . It was, in 1855 mid 1856—probably the most talked about town inthe Union. The temporary success of Superior, kindled a blaze of speculation, which spread far and wide in Wisconsin, Minnesota and Michigmi" (Ellis, AWP 6/16/77).

The specific advantages that drew Ellis and others to the south shore of Chequamegon Bay were the same as those that had attracted speculators to the site of Superior—prospective mineral resources and a potential port site. Ellis recalled that "We had learned through the United States geological surveys ofthe vast deposits of iron ore, in what is now known as the Penoka Range. Although we had ourselves no actual knowledge ofthe extent or richness ofthe ore, still we had entire confidence in both—a confidence which, through all the doubts and uncertainties of late years—we still entertain. We thought this iron must be used in the coming years, and we had no doubt they would reach the great water highway at Ashland. This trade alone would create a city. The iron trade itself would create a market for the products ofthe soil in the vicinity, and soon all the country from the bay to the iron mountains would be opened" (16). "We thought even in those emly days, before we had seen the waters ofthe Father of Lakes, from an examination ofthe map, that the head of Chequamegon Bay was destined to be the seat of one of Lake Superior's future cities, if not indeed the foremost one. We noticed that it seemed to be a land locked hmbor, extending mmiy miles into the State of Wisconsin, further indeed than any other portion ofthe Lake, and from this position we judged that if there was a sufficient depth of water the products ofthe country, whatever they might be, in the future, would seek their outlet at or nem the head ofthe bay. The country thus commanded must extend from twenty miles east from Montreal River to forty miles west from Ashland—a distance of a hundred miles from east to west, mid from beyond Chippewa River north to the Lake, a distance of ever seventy-five miles, including all the Apostle Islands and the fisheries from the vicinity of Ontonagon, west, approaching within forty miles of Duluth; or placing one point ofthe dividers at Ashland

113 as the pivot, mid the inscribed circle, whose trade is tributary to Ashland, has a circumference of more than three hundred miles. It is a country, though now a wilderness, yet possessing great agricultural capacity,— capable of producing timothy and clover in great abundance as well as all the cereal grains,..." (Ellis, AWP 10/27/77). And as at Superior, the railroad was the factor on which the exploitation of mineral resources and the development ofthe port site depended. Ellis noted that the attention ofthe early settlers was "toward the south-west rather than to the south-east - to the Valleys ofthe St. Croix and Mississippi, rather than towards Wisconsin's metropolitan city on Lake Michigan." It was therefore the progress ofthe St. Croix mid L^e Superior Railroad in which they were particularly interested. Ellis claimed that the words "and to Bayfield" rather than to the "head of Ashland Bay" were inserted in the 1856 land grmit bill "for the reason that it was stated in the committee room in Washington, that the waters ofthe Bay were not navigable - there being, as was declmed, hardly enough to float a birch canoe. ... To those of us who knew how utterly devoid of truth was this statement, who knew that ocemi steamers could find abundant depths of water in our bay, this decimation was amazing, . . .." (17).

Ellis quickly recognized that since only the township lines had been surveyed, the settlers at Whittlesey mid Bay City were squatters without pre-emption rights (18). Only after the townships had been subdivided into sections and quarter sections, and the survey returns registered with the General Land Office in Washington and sent to the local lmid office at Superior, could the settlers file claims and receive titles to their lands. In June 1855 Ellis traveled to the govemment survey office at Dubuque, Iowa, via Superior and St. Paul, ajoumey of great hardship in those days. There he arranged for the subdivision surveys, which were carried out in the fall. In the following December and January the settlers at Whittlesey and Bay City filed pre-emption claims and received clear titles to their land. Ellis also took steps to organize the govemment ofthe new settlements. At this time La Pointe County included present day Bayfield and Ashland counties, mid parts of Sawyer and Iron counties, and the Town of La Pointe was coincident with the county. On March 11 1856, the La Pointe County Board of Supervisors approved a "petition ofthe citizens ofthe Bay" presented by Ellis, requesting the creation ofthe "Town of Bayport" to include all of La Pointe County south ofthe southern coast ofthe lake (Ellis AWP 9/29/77; Whittlesey, y4frP 3/16/78; Bumham, y47:)P 11/27/28). Finally, in June 1857 the "Town of Bay City" was platted and registered by Frederick Prentice and Edwin Ellis as proprietors in Ontonagon County in September (19). The site extended from block 51 in the east to block 67 to the west along Lake Shore Drive, and included about 705 acres. Then in 1859, when Bayfield succeeded in having the county seat moved there from La Pointe, the citizens of La Pointe, Whittlesey, and Bay Port petitioned the Legislature for the formation of a new county (20). Their petition was favorably received due no doubt to the efforts of Asaph Whittlesey, who was elected to the Assembly in 1859. Ashland County was formed from La Pointe County in Mmch 1860, with the county seat in the village of Ashland; this was the first official use ofthe name "Ashland" for the Whittlesey settlement (21). The northern boundary ran through the center ofthe bay and between the mainlmid and the Apostle Islands (thereby placing most of them firmly in Ashland County to the wonder of future generations) while the other boundaries remained those of former La Pointe County. There is little information available on events at Bay City; one source stated only that "A store, hotel and several buildings were erected," another that "Under [Ellis'] direction a large clearing was made, a store, hotel mid several substantial buildings erected. A saw mill was also commenced . ." (Andreas 1881, 68; "Ashlmid!" AWP 1/4/73). The exception was the construction of docks for which Ellis provided a good description (Ellis, AWP 6/30/77, 8/11/77, also Bumham ADP 5/7/28, 5/17/28). The settlers at Whittlesey and Bay City were entirely dependent on steamboats for communication with the outside world, and docks were therefore mi absolute necessity (22). When Ellis arrived at Bay City the settlers there were constructing a dock, but it was carried away by ice the following April. In December 1855 docks were built in both Whittlesey mid Bay City; these also were destroyed by ice in the spring. The Bay City dock was repaired during the following summer, but it was once again carried away by ice in the spring of 1857. No further attempts at dock construction were made, after that.

As noted earlier, the reports of Charles Whittlesey and of Foster and Whitney of large, exploitable iron ore deposits on the Penokee Range was one ofthe factors that prompted Ellis and others to invest in and settle along 114 the south shore ofthe bay. Ellis noted that based on these reports they believed that there soon would be a flourishing "iron trade" that "alone would create a city." They were supported in this belief "by the acts of capitalists from the outside world, who in the years 1856 and 1857, procured the survey ofthe rmige and bought several thousand acres of land" on the range (Ellis, AWP 10/6/77). Ellis was referring to the Wisconsin and Lake Superior Mining and Smelting Company incorporated in Milwaukee in February 1856 (23). The company headquarters was located at Ironton, about three-fourths of a mile west ofthe Montreal River, laid out in the spring of 1856 with the expectation that it would become the shipping port for iron ore mining on the Penokee range and copper mining on the Montreal River (24). An advertisement in the Bayfiield Mercury in the fall of 1857 noted that the company was building a "splendid pier," had erected a two story hotel, and that other frmiie buildings mid a steam sawmill were to be constructed (BM 8/15/57, 9/5/57). The town was also to be the lake terminus of projected railroads from the south. The subdivision surveys ofthe townships within which the Penokee rmige was located were undertaken in the fall of 1856 mid continued until November 1857. In the meantime, representatives ofthe company squatted on numerous promising locations on the ridge ofthe range in townships 44 mid 45. The company established three stations—actually platted them as townsites—one at the gap where the Bad River cuts through the Penokee range, another on the Gorge of Tyler's Forks, mid a third about midway between these two. The station at Penokee gap was the most important, and a small settlement called "Penoka" grew up there but did not thrive (25).

The first few months of 1857 were devoted to surveys, establishing the base stations, and constructing buildings, cribs for a pier at Ironton, and other prepmatory work, but then in May Ironton was abandoned mid the company office moved to Ashland. Upon the completion ofthe surveys in November, the various squatters became legal pre-emptors, proved their claims and obtained titles at the land office in Superior, then promptly turned the titles over to the company (26). But in the aftermath ofthe panic in the fall of 1857, the company was unable to finance further operations. Supplies mid equipment were put in storage and the range stations abmidoned. These measures were intended to be temporary, but proved to be permanent (27). The company persisted in its efforts to reinvigorate the Penokee project, however, and sponsored mi exploration ofthe Penokee rmige in 1858 by Increase A. Laphmii. Lapham's evaluation ofthe iron ore deposits was mixed, but he reported the agricultural resources, climate, and transportation possibilities ofthe region to be most favorable (28). In March 1859 the company received a charter for the "Ashland and Iron Mountain Railroad;" the many stockholders included Ellis, Beaser, and Laphmii. The road was to be built from "any point" on Lake Superior or Chequamegon Bay to the "Iron Range" in township 44 which included the company's "Penoka" station at the Bad River gap (Wis Laws, 1859, PL, C160). The charter also provided that the company could extend the road southward from the "Iron Range" to connect with the Milwaukee and Horicon Road. Despite Lapham's favorable report, the proposal for a railroad (which was never built), and strenuous efforts to refinance the company, the Penokee undert^ing could not be revived (29).

In August of 1856 one ofthe editors ofthe Superior Chronicle visited "Ashland" and Bay City and noted that "Like Bayfield, they are young and cmi scarcely be called hamlets, yet in the event ofthe development ofthe rich mineral and agricultural lands in that vicinity, they will enjoy important positions. Each has its dock, store, and half-dozen or more of houses. They possess a commodious harbor, being situated at the head ofthe Sagwamigan [sic] or Long Islmid Bay. . . ." (SC 8/19/56). A year later the two settlements published a joint advertisement in the Bayfiield Mercury. "These thriving towns," the advertisement began, "are situated at the head of Chequmiiegon Bay," mid "Being almost adjoining, their interests are identical, and they can be referred to as one town." It noted that "two stores and thirty dwellings" had been built, and that Beaser was constructing "a large two story store and warehouse" and Ellis "a Hotel mid Steam Saw Mill." "Situated upon one ofthe best natural harbors that cmi be found on any ofthe great Lakes, in the [midst] of an excellent agricultural country, and being the nemest point on the navigable waters of L^e Superior to the rich Iron and Copper regions of Northern Wisconsin, it appears inevitable that a large and prosperous town must spring up at that place" (BM 8/15/57). Despite the growth and development that had t^en place since the Chronicle editor's visit, the settlers realized, as he did, that the ultimate success of their efforts was still contingent on future events. But

115 events then unfolding—^the panic of 1857—and those that followed did not favor the settlers, and their "inevitable town" did not "spring up" for another 15 yems. There is no specific information about events in Whittlesey and Bay City after the pmiic of 1857, but it is known that within a few years they had ceased to exist.

116 Ashland 1854-1860 Endnotes

1. This review ofthe early history of Ashland is based on sources listed in the bibliography. No newspaper was published in Ashlmid until 1872, and neither the Superior Chronicle nor the short-lived _B(3y77e/(i Mercury provided coverage of events there. All ofthe information about the emly period of Ashland's history is in the form of recollections and reminiscences, and retrospective newspaper reports (particularly those by Guy M. Bumham), supplemented by documents in the archives ofthe Ashland County Register of Deeds and other contemporary govemment sources. The distinction of establishing the first white settlement on the mainland of Chequamegon Bay belongs to Reverend Leonard Wheeler and his family at Odanah in 1845. Odanah was a tiny settlement, with only ten whites and an unknown number of Indians in 1850. Radisson and Groseilliers and other white or mixed blood trappers mid traders lived on the mainland for short periods of time, as did the Jesuits Allouez, Menard, and Marquette, but they did not intend to establish permanent settlements. The Whittlesey and Bay City plats were separated by about five blocks or about eight-tenths of a mile. A part of this intermediate strip of land was purchased in October 1856 by Smiiuel S. Vaughn—Tract Books, v. 86, p. 176. Vaughn did not settle or develop his small strip of land until later, however, so for the time being Whittlesey and Bay City remained sepmate settlements.

2. It is not clear why the Wheelers were living at La Pointe rather than in Odanah at this time. Perhaps they had moved there temporarily for the treaty negotiationsnego ; the treaty was signed on September 30 . Whittlesey was present during the negotiations.

3. Rev. Wheeler realized that the south shore ofthe bay would become an importmit supply base for the settlement ofthe north country. When the Indians were selecting land for what becmiie the Bad River reservation by the 1854 treaty, he advised them not to draw the western boundary at the end ofthe bay but to leave a stretch of coast where the "white mmi" could build a city and a port. The large population of this city would then provide a market for the produce raised by the Indians at Bad River. The Indians agreed with his recommendation, leaving the relatively level area west ofthe reservation boundary to Fish Creek available for white settlement—Bumham 1974, 30-31; "Leonmd Hemenway Wheeler," WPA Writer's Program, Wisconsin Biographies, Box 37 (SHSW-A); Bumham, ADP 7/24/29. The area was not uninhabited for there was a large Chippewa village on Fish Creek and another near Whittlesey Creek— Verwyst 1895, 430-431. Bumham stated that an "Indian settlement was strung along the bay front from Fish Creek extending into the present limits of Ashland on the east." It was called "Equadon," a Chippewa work meaning "the settlement at the head ofthe bay," a name which Whittlesey appmently intended to use forthe settlement that he was founding—Bumham 1974, 432; Burnham, "Equaydon,"ADP 12/8/37. According to Burnham, "the original settler of Ashland was old [Chief] Tagwagano, whose habitation was somewhere near the mouth of [Bay City Creek]"—Bumham, ADP 8/14/28. There were also probably squatters living in some ofthe "crude cabins" which had been erected on the supposedly ore-rich qumter sections along the Penokee Range, as reported by Charles Whittlesey—Whittlesey 1863, 2.

4. Whittlesey, y4frP 2/23/78. This first cabin was built on lot 2, block 105—Whittlesey, AWP 2/23/78; "The Three Whittlesey Houses," ADP 7/2/29; Burnham, ADP 7/2/32, 7/5/32, 7/6/32. In August 1872 the Ashland Weekly Press noted that "the enclosed lots belonging to Major Whittlesey, where his old log house used to stand, and where his family lived for several years in early days, presents a beautiful appemmice, the grass having grown up, making his yard look very handsome. We expect the Major will erect a fine residence upon this location ere miother year passes by"—AWP 8/3/72.

5. Mrs. Whittlesey and small daughter definitely did not accompany her husbmid and Kilboum across the Bay on July 5*. On the Sam Ward see ADP 7/2/29; Bumham, ADP 7/7/32.

117 6. At the time a canal connecting Lake Superior and the Mississippi River no doubt was considered to be an obvious, sensible, mid entirely feasible project. If the fm north country were to develop a connection to the markets, resources, products, mid populations to the south would be needed, and a railroad linking the north and south was then a dim mid future prospect. Further, the network of lakes mid rivers that had provided the historic waterways connecting the l^e and the river during the fur trade era appeared to offer (with suitable improvements) several possible routes for a canal. This was the canal building era in the United States, mid canals had already been constructed over even more difficult terrain.

While the rapid expansion ofthe railroads put an end to the enthusiasm for canals, the idea of a Lake Superior to Mississippi River canal lingered on, and was resurrected when the north country revived in the early 1870s, even though the railroads had reached the region by that time. Local business and community interests in Ashland and elsewhere along the different possible routes pressured Congress to authorize what still seemed to be such an obvious and eminently sensible project. There were several possible routes with prospective northern terminals located at sites from Superior to Ashland. One route from Ashlmid would have followed the White River to Lake Namekagon, then the Namekaon River to the St. Croix River, and then to the Mississippi River. From 1896 to 1916 the Army Corps of Engineers, under instructions from Congress, surveyed mid evaluated the different routes on four occasions. The conclusions of these professional engineers in their several reports to Congress were essentially the same: a canal was feasible from the engineering viewpoint, but would be extremely costly to construct, maintain, and operate; the carrying capacity of such a cmial would be low and it would be unusable for four or more months ofthe yem; and it could not possibly compete with the existing railroad system in convenience, reliability, efficiency or cost.

But the idea was revived once again in the early 1930s when it appeared that the St. Lawrence Seaway (then called a "waterway") might be constructed. The argument (or fmitasy) then was that with the seaway, a Lake Superior-Mississippi River cmial would provide an all-water route from the Atlantic Ocean to the Gulf of Mexico. In Ashland, local historian Guy M. Bumham was moved to predict that "some day" the cmial would be "dug." But while the St. Lawrence Seaway was eventually built, the "some day" never arrived for the Lake Superior-Mississippi canal. See "An Old Settlers Notes on Douglas County,"AWP 2/7/74; Stuntz, Superior Times 1/25/79; "St. Croix And Lake Superior Canal," AWP 11/9/72; "Proposed Ship Canal From The St. Croix River To Lake Superior," Stillwater Messenger 10/25/72; "A New Transportation Project," Winona Weekly Republican lO/30/72;AWP 12/25/75; Bumham, y47:)P 12/10/31; "Lake Superior And Mississippi Cmial," U.S. Congress, March 30 1896; "Lake Superior—Mississippi River Cmial," U.S. Congress, December 7 1899; "Cmial Connecting Lake Superior And The Mississippi River By Way Of The St. Croix River, Minnesota and Wisconsin," U.S. Congress, December 14 1909; "Waterway From L^e Superior To The Mississippi River," U.S. Congress, April 8 1916; and Bumham's series of articles on the canal in ADP 5/25/34-6/1/34.

7. "Mmlin Beaser,"y4Z)P 2/9/29; Bumhmii 1974, 247 passim. A copy ofthe agreement is in the archives of the Ashland County Register of Deeds, 7:'ee(75, V. 2, p. 13,2/22/55. Also7:'ee(75, v. 4, p. 12,2/6/60. In 1858 Beaser sold part (perhaps one half) of his interest in the townsite to a "syndicate of capitalists" from Milwaukee—Thomas 1899, 94; Ashlmid County Register of Deeds, Deeii^, v. 2, p. 313 passim. It is probably the case that without the supplies and organizing energy of Beaser, the new settlement might well have failed.

8. A copy ofthe plat is on file in the archives ofthe Ashland County Register of Deeds, "Plan ofthe Town of Ashland," Plat Envelope 82. In December 1856 the tract was entered as a townsite under the 1844 Townsite Act at the land office at Superior. This act extended collective pre-emption rights to settlers who intended to or had established a town—;7.^.^tofwte5 1836-1845, V. 5, C17; WisLaws 1858, G, C151. The entry was made by Schyler Goff, La Pointe County judge, acting as the trustee for the settlers as provided by the act;

118 he was apparently accompanied by Martin Beaser as the representative ofthe settlers. Ashland County Register of Deeds, Deeii^, V. 2, p. 133, 12/11/56; Deeii^, v.3, pp. 324-325. The patent was issued on June 23 1862—Ashland County Register of Deeds, Deeds, v. 3, pp. 334-335.

9. These cabins were located on lot 5, block 6, and lot 6, block 6, respectively - Whittlesey, AWP 3/2/78; "The Three Whittlesey Houses," y47:)P 7/2/29; Burnham, y47:)P 7/2/32, 7/5/32, 7/6/32.

10. Whittlesey, y4frP 3/2/78, 3/9/78; Andreas 1871, 67; Bumham, y47:)P 2/16/28. Beaser petitioned the Post Office Department to name the settlement "Ashlmid" after the Kentucky home of Henry Clay, of whom he was an admirer. The petition was denied because that name had already been requested by miother settlement in Wisconsin—Bumham, "Genesis of Ashland," ^7:*^ 2/9/29; Bumham 1974, 246-247; Bumham, y47:)P 2/75/57. 8/6/28.

11. Whittlesey, y4frP 3/9/78; Bumham 1974, 248;''Ashland\" AWP 1/4/73. The names ofthe emly settlers were recorded by Ellis, AWP 7/14/77; and by Whittlesey, ^fTP 4/20/78; Whittlesey also noted the names of the settlers who buih houses five through ten—Whittlesey, ^fTP 3/23/78; also see "Ashland!"^fTP 1/4/73.

12. A Corner's Jury found that Cross had acted in self-defense. SC 1/26/58; Ellis, AWP 8/25/77; Fisher, y47:)P 7/2/29; Bumham, y47:)P 10/1/31, 6/8/33, 8/18/36; Bumham 1974, 439-446.

13. Ellis, AWP 6/30/77. According to Ellis, they styled themselves as "Lusk, Prentice, mid Co.," but there is no record ofthe incorporation of this compmiy. Also, there was one Adolphus Bart, who served as the clerk of the company. None of these men were listed as living in the Towns of Bay Port or La Pointe in the 1860 U.S. Census, and only Angus was shown as living in the Town of Bayfield. Frederick Prentice was by far the largest financial "operator" miiong the speculators who founded the settlements on Chequamegon Bay. George R. Stuntz, his nephew George E. Stuntz, and his brother Albert C. Stuntz, did survey work and were otherwise involved in exploration mid settlement at the head of Lake Superior. George R. Stuntz may not have moved from Superior to the townsite. One Alexander Welcome claimed to have built the first white man's house on the Bay City site, apparently before the arrival of "Lusk, Prentice, and Co."—ADP 5/16/30.

14. Ellis stated that the cabin or "shanty" was located "near where the railroad dock reaches the shore," possibly in block 31 or 32, at the foot of Ellis Avenue—Ellis A WP 6/30/77; "Edwin Ellis," ADP 2/9/29.

15. Ellis, AWP 6/16/77, 6/30/77; "Edwin Ellis," ADP 2/9/29. Members ofthe syndicate included D.A.S. Baker, R.R. Nelson, Wescott Wilkin, Chas. D. Willes, "and other leading democratic Minnesotans of ante-bellum days"—"Dr. Edwin Ellis," ADP 2/9/29. Ellis noted that at that time. La Pointe was "the most important town on the Lake west of Ontonagon." It was the gathering place for thousands of Indians for the minual payment from the government, "the center offish trade for all this part ofthe Lake," and had "quite mi extensive fur trade." - Ellis, AWP 6/16/77. Ellis brought his family to La Pointe and then to Bay City in November 1855—Bumham, y47:)P 5/14/28, 5/15/28.

16. Ellis, AWP 10/6/77. His comment about "geological surveys" ofthe "Penoka Range" was a reference to Whittlesey's 1852 report. Elsewhere in his "recollections" he noted that the "report of Foster and Whitney also told of mountains of iron ore," and no doubt this was a reference to the 1851 report of their mineral explorations east ofthe Montreal River—Ellis, AWP 6/16/77; Foster and Whitney 1951, 51.

17. Ellis, AWP 10/27/77. This assertion was no doubt made by Henry M. Rice, the major proprietor of Bayfield and the Minnesota Territorial Delegate to Congress, who was responsible for the addition ofthe "and to Bayfield" clause to the 1856 land grant bill—Griffin 1899, 218; Harvey 1907, 174; Ellis AWP 9/29/77, 10/27/77. There was some truth to the assertion that the bay was shallow, for this is indeed the case along 119 the southeastern coast where Ashland is located. In later yems, the Ashland harbor had to be extensively improved—deepened mid a breakwater constructed—before deep-draft vessels could use it.

18. The township lines for T47N through T50N, all in R4W, which include the tracts of Ashland, Bayfield, and Washburn, were surveyed in the summer of 1852.

19. Parts of sec. 33, T48NR4W, and sec. 4, T47NR4W. A copy ofthe plat is on file in the archives ofthe Ashland County Register of Deeds, Plat Book, v. 2, p. 8. The registration was noted on the plat, but could not be located in the archives ofthe Ontonagon County Register of Deeds. See Bumhmii, ADP 2/4/28. Some ofthe early records of La Pointe County, including the order establishing the Town of Bay Port, were apparently destroyed by a fire in Bayfield on June 4 1874—"Fire At Bayfield," ^ffp* 6/6/74; Whittlesey, AWP 3/16/7^.

20. WisLaws 1959, GL, C126; Bumham,^7:*^ 2/26/35, 2/28/35. The Legislature had approved a referendum to move the county seat from La Pointe to Bayfield in 1857, but no record ofthe results could be located—Wis Laws 1^57,?UC267.

21. WisLaws 1860, G, C211; Ashland County BoardPrat?ee(7/;7g5, v. 1,3/27/60, 6/2/60. Some sources state that Ashland became a city in 1860, but this is incorrect. It remained a village until incorporated in March of 1887 - Wis Laws 1887, City Charters, C127. Evidently the men at La Pointe, resenting the loss of status of this capital ofthe old Chequamegon region, were primarily responsible for pressing the case for a separate county—Bumhmii, ADP 7/16/38. They no doubt were disappointed when Ashlmid rather than La Pointe was designated as the county seat ofthe new county. They had their revenge in 1863 when the county seat was moved from a deserted Ashland to La Pointe, where it remained until it was returned to a resurrected Ashland in l%73—WisLaws 1863, G, C241; "The Election In Ashland And Bayfield Counties,"AWP 11/8/73.

22. Ellis apparently intended to cut a wagon road from Bay City to Superior in the summer of 1856, but there is no evidence that the road was constructed—SC 6/3/56.

23. WisLaws 1856, PL, C70. Forthe charter mid alist of officers mid directors, see "The Penokee Iron Range of L^e Superior" 1860. Articles by J. S. Buck, one ofthe original stockholders, published inthe Ashland Weekly Press provided detailed history ofthe company—see the bibliography. The undertaking apparently was "assisted by" a group of merchants from Ashland—Wackman and Oerichbauer, April 1979, 59. According to Ellis, the compmiy also invested in town lots in Ashland—Ellis, AWP 10/6/77.

24. Now the Saxon Harbor Park, mid referred to on maps of Iron County as a "ghost town"—Wackmmi and Oerichbauer, April 1979, 58-61.

25. A plat of this settlement is on file in the Bayfield County Register of Deeds, Deeds, v. 2, p. 89.

26. See the "List of Lands" in "The Penokee Iron Range of Lake Superior 1860," 4; also LA. Lapham. "Map of the Penokee Iron Rmige Near L^e Superior Wisconsin" 1855, on which the company's lands are outlined. The survey work was done by Albert C. Stuntz and George E. Stuntz—Buck, ^ fTP 11/10/77, 11/24/77.

27. ^uck, AWP 1/5/78.

28. Printed in "The Penokee Iron Range of Lake Superior" 1860, 23-37.

120 29. The company was finally dissolved in January of 1907. Its history illustrates the ignorance, greed, and self- delusion that characterized get-rich-quick schemes to exploit the resources ofthe north country. For exmiiple, the stockholders confidentially anticipated profitable operations to begin within three months, mid the company agent at Ironton actually expected to have mined and transported to that town 500,000 tons of iron ore over sixteen miles of primitive wagon road during the first season of work (1857)—Bucky4ff^P 11/10/77. 12/1/77

121 Ashland Statistics

Tables 1-8 are based on reports in the 1860 U.S. Census ofthe Town of Bay Port in Ashland County in which Ashland, Bay City and Odan^ were located. Tables 1-5 cover Ashland and Bay City collectively, while Tables 6-8 also include Odan^. Table 1

Population Characteristics

Total 67

Adult 41 Children 26

Male 36 Female 31

Table 2

Ages

122 Table 3

Places of Birth

U.S. and Foreign Births --67

Countrv Adults Children Total

U.S. 31 23 54 Foreign 10 _3_ 11 Total 41 26 67

U.S. Births- 54

State Adults Children

Wisconsin 5 15 New York 10 1 Ohio 3 2 Connecticut 2 0 Indiana 2 0 Maine 2 2 Pennsylvania 2 0 Other _A _3_ Total 31 23

Foreign Births -13

Countrv Adults Children

Germany 7 2 Canada 1 0 England 1 0 Switzerland 1 0 Ireland _g 1 Total 10 3

123 Table 4

Occupations

Laborer Farmer Surveyor Stuntz, Barber Physician Ellis Teacher Fanny Kilboum Explorer Whittlesey Clerk Prince Grocer Cobum Merchant Beaser Printer Smith Miller Carpenter Servant Total 27

Table 5

Agricultural Resources

The total acres ofthe ten farms included the large land holdings of Beaser (4,372 acres), Ellis (1,106 acres), Albert Stuntz (514 acres), and Whittlesey (320 acres), while that ofthe other six farms ranged from 80 to 160 acres. The "improved acres" ofthe nine fmms other thmi Beaser's rmiged from five to 20.

No. of farms 9 1(1) Total acres 2,820 4,372 Improved acres 92 100 Horses 1 2 Cows 7 0 Oxen 8 0 Other cattle 10 0 Wheat (bushels) 0 60 Com 0 100 Oats 50 100 Peas/beans 0 0 Potatoes 627 300 Hay (tons) 50 14 Butter (pounds) 600 0 Maple sugar 200 600

1. The Martin Beaser fmm is listed separately as it was much larger and more productive than the other farms.

124 Table 6

Property and Taxes

Property values Real estate $70,257.00 Personal 8.750.00 Total $78,777.00

Annual taxes State $157.43 School 157.43 County 942.69 Highway 151.11 Town 117.62 Poll 50.08 Total $1,576.36

Table 7

Institutions

Schools Number 1 - District 1 - Mission - Odmiah

Students 8(1) 97 - Odanah

Teachers 1 2 - Odanah

Libraries 3 - Private - 700 v. 1 - Sunday school - 100 v.

Churches 1 - Congregational - 400 - Odanah (2)

1. Possibly not correct—entry was not clearly legible.

2. Number refers to the capacity ofthe church building, not to the size ofthe congregation

125 Table 8

Wages

Farm hmid with board - month $20.00

Day laborer with board - day $1.00

Day laborer without board - day $1.50

Carpenter without bomd - day $2.25

Female domestic with board - week $2.00

Board for laborer - week $3.50

Industrial Resources

The industrial resources listed for the Town of Bay Port included only two sawmills employing six men and producing between them 300,000 board feet of pine "rough lumber" annually. Both mills were water powered, one 100 horsepower and the other 20 horsepower; the location ofthe mills was not given.

126 Ashland 1854-1860 Biographies

Martin Beaser was bom on October 27 1822 in Buffalo, New York. He attended common school there, and when 14 years old went to sea on whaling vessels. He made several long voyages, taught himself navigation, and soon rose to positions of command. In deference to his mother he abandoned ocean sailing, and engaged in l^e shipping between Buffalo and Detroit. In 1848 he married Laura Antionette Bebee (the sister of Eugene F. Prince's wife) in Perrysburg, New York. In the spring of 1849 the couple went to Ontonagon, Michigan, where he engaged in the commission mid forwarding business, selling supplies to copper miners. He also appmently accompanied Charles Whittlesey on his geological explorations ofthe south shore of Lake Superior and the Penokee Range in 1846. After seven years he sold his business in Ontonagon and with two companions mid an Indimi guide explored the Brule mid St. Louis Rivers. Stopping at La Pointe, he explored Chequamegon Bay where the site of Ashland, then unoccupied, was pointed out to him as a possible terminus of a Lake Superior-Mississippi River canal; he also noted its proximity to the Penokee Range iron deposits. He went back to Ontonagon to close out his business interests then returned to Chequamegon Bay where, finding Whittlesey mid Kilbom already on the site, he becmiie their investment partner in the townsite. In November 1866 the family went to La Pointe, where his wife and children along with the household goods were placed aboard a steamer for Ontonagon. On November 4 as he was returning to Ashland from La Pointe in his sailboat, he fell overboard and was drowned. He was buried at Ashlmid. Whittlesey, AWP 3/30/78; Ellis, AWP 7/7/77; "Martin Beaser,"y47:)P 2/9/29; Durfee, "The Beasers,"y47:)P 2/25/29; Bumham, "The Beaser Tragedies," y47:)P 4/9/30, 4/10/30, 4/11/30, 4/12/30, Bumham, ADP 6/19/28; Bumham, ADP 2/17/39; Bumham. "The Beaser Graves." y47:)P 7/16/35.

Edwin Ellis was bom in Peru, Maine on May 24 1824. He graduated from Bowdoin College in 1844, and from the University ofthe City of New York in 1846 as a medical doctor. He returned to Farmington, Maine where he practiced medicine for several years mid then moved with his family to St. Paul in April 1854. There he lived on a large farm and became associated with a group of capitalists who were establishing townsites in Minnesota and Wisconsin. In February 1855, as a representative of this group he journeyed to Superior and then to La Pointe, mid finally across the bay to the Bay City site. He settled there and played a prominent role in the founding and organizing ofthe settlement. In 1861 with the decline of Bay City and Ashland after the panic of 1857, he moved to the Wheeler's mission at Odan^, where he taught in the mission school for four yems. He then moved to Ontonagon, where he practiced medicine at the copper mines, mid continued to attend to his property interests in Bay City. In the summer of 1872 he returned to Bay City, where he built a large house, mid he resumed his medical practice. He was instrumental in securing the Wisconsin Central Railroad for Ashlmid in 1873, contributing land for dock frontage, depot, and right-of-way from his extensive real estate holdings. He eventually retired from medical practice and devoted himself to his extensive business interests while serving in several public service capacities in the city and county. He was a founder of North Wisconsin Academy (now Northlmid College), mid was in large measure responsible for the establishment of an excellent public school system in Ashland. He married Sophia S. Davis in 1847, but she died after the birth of their first child, and he married Martha Baker in 1850. He was one of Ashland's most respected and revered citizens. He died in Ashland on May 3 1903. "Death of Dr. Ellis," ADP 5/4/03; "Edwin Ellis, ADP 2/9/29; Whittlesey, y4frP 4/6/78; CBR, 16-17; "Dr. Edwin Ellis—The Father of Ashland," ADP 2/9/29; AWP 7/6/72, 7/27/72; Bumham, y47:)P 5/14/28, 5/15/28; Dexter 1968; Hmris 1976, passim. "Obituary," "Death of Mrs. Dr. Ellis," "Funeral At The Residence," y4frP 8/29/96 (wife).

127 Conrad Goeltz arrived in Whittlesey from Wittenberg, Germmiy, with his brother Adam in March 1855. His daughter Katherine was the first white child bom in the settlement, on November 7 1855. He and his brother moved to Michigan when the settlement collapsed after 1857, but returned in 1871 when Ashland revived. He died in Ashland on March 14 1890. ADP 3/15/90 (obituary); BP 1/20/72; Ellis, AWP 7/14/77; Bumham. ADP 1/15/29, 1/16/29.

George Kilborn, Jr. was bom in Connecticut about 1800. The family moved to Hudson, Ohio, and there he married, and purchased mid cleared a farm. He happened to meet Asaph Whittlesey, who told him of his plans to settle at Chequmiiegon Bay (he was not mi "old friend" of Whittlesey, as some sources state). About two weeks later, as Whittlesey was traveling by train to Cleveland to embmk on a boat for La Pointe, Kilbom joined him for the joumey. Some sources say that he was escaping an unhappy marriage, although the 1860 U.S. Census shows that his wife mid daughter had joined him at Whittlesey, the daughter being listed as a teacher. He was noted as a dedicated mid hard-working settler, who especially enjoyed felling timber and clearing land. He died in July 1870 while visiting his daughter in East Hartford, Michigmi. Ellis, AWP 7/7/77; Whittlesey, A WP 3/30/78. (His last name was spelled in various sources as Kilboum, Kilburn, and Kilboume, but most frequently as Kilbom.)

Byron Kilbourn was bom on September 8 1801, in Granby, Connecticut. Shortly thereafter the fmiiily moved to Worthington, Ohio where his father was the head of a group of colonists. At age 13 he left school to clerk in his father's store, but disliking business he lemned surveying. In 1823 he was employed by the state of Ohio as an engineer in its extensive program of internal improvements. In May 1834 he went to Green Bay, Wisconsin to work as a surveyor of public lands. After exploring the region between Green Bay and Chicago, he settled on the Milwaukee River as the likely place for a commercial port, and in 1835 purchased land across the river from Solomon Juneau's property. In 1839 the Juneau and Kilboum settlements were consolidated as Milwaukee village. He was active in political affairs in the state and in Milwaukee, as a member for one term in the Territorial Legislature, as a delegate to the second constitutional convention, mid as mayor of Milwaukee for two terms. He was mi active promoter of internal improvement projects, organizing and serving as president ofthe Milwaukee and Rock River Canal Company, the Milwaukee mid Waukesha Railroad, the Milwaukee and Mississippi Railroad, and engaged in other railroad undertakings. His political career was ruined by his forced resignation from the Milwaukee and Mississippi Railroad in 1852 because of alleged fraud and mismanagement, and his implication in the scandal over the bribery of state officials to obtain the land grant for the La Crosse mid Milwaukee Railroad in 1856. He retired to Florida, where he died on December 16 l%7(). DWB, 250; Milwaukee Weekly Sentinel 12/19/70.

Frederick Prentice was bom on December 22 1822, in Port Lawrence, Ohio, the first white child bom in what was to become Toledo, Ohio. There were no schools nearby, so he acquired only a meager formal education. When he was about 13 his father was disabled and he assumed the responsibility for earning the fmiiily's livelihood. He became an interpreter for the Indian traders, and hunted wolves for bounties. When he was 18 he arranged to monopolize the supply of wood to steamboats on the Maume River. He invested his profits from this venture in land from which he sold the timber, then subdivided the cleared land and sold it to settlers at a considerable profit. In 1849 he went to California with the gold rush, where he built a mill mid general store in a gulch. A sudden rainsquall swept away the building, and he narrowly escaped with his life, the first of several times that he faced utter ruin. In 1854 he invested in the townsite at Bay City, possibly having become acquainted with the Chequamegon Bay region when at age 15 he undertook an arduous three month joumey from Ohio to the head ofthe St. Croix to deliver $20,000 for the Americmi Fur Compmiy. In 1857 he purchased land on what was then known as Prospect Point and laid out a town that he named Houghton (perhaps after the Michigan geologist, Douglass Houghton). When the panic of 1857 depressed the

128 Chequamegon Bay region, he returned to Toledo, Ohio. He lost heavily in the panic, selling his land holdings at a loss to pay his creditors, but he recouped his fortune in the following yems through lucrative investments in petroleum, lmid, coal and silver mines, mid timber. In 1868 he came back to Chequamegon Bay and invested in a brownstone quarry on Bass Island. Subsequently, he opened quarries on Hermit and Stockton Islands, and on Houghton (Prospect) Point, where he also had a sawmill. He also invested in extensive tracts of timberlmid in the region. He purchased part ofthe tract in the Duluth townsite, which had been given to Chief Buffalo bythe 1854 Treaty of La Pointe, but eventually lost this investment. Financial disaster struck again in 1879, when a business associate suddenly died leaving notes that he had endorsed and therefore had to pay, and he was also defrauded by an employee. At some point he moved his business affairs to New York City, where he is shown in the 1893 to 1901 city directories as president ofthe Prentice Brownstone Company with offices on Broadway. In the 1902 to 1913 directories he appears as the treasurer ofthe Excelsior Brownstone Company at the same location. On May 8 1842, he married Mary Hicks at Toledo, Ohio. He is reputed to have been married four times, but the records of his other marriages were not located. It was reported that he was married in 1895 at the age of 77, mid built a lodge on Hermit Island for his bride, but that she refused to live there. He died on March 16 1913, at Comwall-on-Hudson, New York, and was buried in Toledo, Ohio. His legacy to Ashland is Prentice Pmk. Clark Waggoner (ed.). History ofithe City ofiToledo and Lucas County, Ohio. New York: Munsell & Company, Publishers, 1888; "Rags to Riches; The First White Child in Toledo, Frederick Prentice," Bend ofithe River, November 1980; "Harsh Life Typified First Christmas In Toledo," Toledo Blade, December 23 1946; "Daughter of Firstborn Toledoan Still Active," Toledo Blade, October 24 1936; "Frederick Prentice, The First White Child Bom In Toledo, Gives Early History Of City" (Source unknown—from Toledo-Lucas County Public Librmy, Toledo, Ohio, Genealogy Biography file.); "Death of Nonagenarian," Loca/Pre^^, March 20 1913 (Cornwall, NY); "Died—Prentice, Mr. Fred," ToledoBlade, March 17 1913; Woodbridge & Pardee 1910, v. 1, c. 8; Roberts 1954; Ross 1960, 127passim; Burnham, "The Prentice Brownstone Quarries,"ADP 5/7/31; Bumham, "The Excelsior Brownstone Co.," ADP 5/5/31; "Towns Around The Apostle Islands," SC 6/17/58; "F. Prentice, Esq. of New York," AWP 8/10/72; Burnham, "Prentice," y47:)P 2/19/36; for pictures of his Cedar Bark Cottage on Hermit Island, see Thomas 1899.

Eugene F. Prince was bom in Bangor, Maine on October 17 1832. In 1834 the family moved to Buffalo, New York, where he attended public schools. He was employed at an early age as an office boy in a shipbuilding firm, and rose to be the bookkeeper and secretary. When the firm became financially embarrassed in the panic of 1857, he moved to Whittlesey for the purpose of entering lands on the Penokee Range for the La Pointe Iron Compmiy. He also brought with him a stock of trade goods and engaged in the fur trade with Martin Beaser. He built the first frame house in the settlement with sashes, windows and doors, which he had brought with him, and from lumber whipsawn on the site. In 1860 he moved his fmiiily to Ontonagon, and for the next ten yems he was engaged in the mercantile business, mid spent several navigation seasons on trading and passenger vessels on the Great Lakes. In 1870 he moved to Duluth, where he was the agent ofthe American Express Compmiy. In 1872 he moved back to Ashland, living in his old home. There he orgmiized the Lake Superior Express Company, mid after the railroad to the south was opened in June of 1877, he served for eight yems as the agent for the American Express Company. Subsequent to that he established the first brick yard in Ashland, and also sold furniture for several years. He was a long-time member ofthe school board, serving as its secretary for several years. He was also elected clerk ofthe circuit court for two years, and held other city and county offices. He mmried Matilda O. Beebe (the sister of Martin Beaser's wife) on February 11 1852 in Buffalo, New York. He died in Ashland on May 30 1912. CBR 52-53; "Obituary,"y47:)P 6/1/12; "Eugene F. Prince,"y47:)P 2/9/29; AWP 2/17/77 (silver wedding); "A Golden Wedding"y47:)P 2/12/02; Burnham,y47:)P 2/4/28;

129 Martin Roehm came to the United States from Wittenberg, Germany in 1842 at the age of 46, settling first in Buffalo, New York. Sometime later he moved to La Pointe and then in the summer of 1854, to Whittlesey, where he pre-empted a quarter section and built a log house. In the fall of 1856 he mmried Christina Coelo Madska (or Mouschky—spelling uncertain), a widow with two sons, who had emigrated from Mecklenburg, Germany. Their wedding was the first in Whittlesey. From about 1863 to 1868 they were the sole occupants ofthe Ashland site, forming a living link between old mid new Ashland. During this time the family occupied Martin Beaser's house in Ashland, but spent the winters on their farm on the Marengo River where they raised cattle. These they drove onto Chequamegon Point and then across the water to La Pointe to market them at the assembly for the annual govemment payment to the Indians. He operated a hotel when Ashland begmi to revive in 1870. He died in Ashland on April 14 1898. "Death of Martin Roehm," ADP 4/14/98. Ellis, AWP 7/25/77; Bumham, "The Roehms,"y47:)P 11/26/37, 11/27/37, 11/29/37; 2/15/39, 2/16/39; "Martin Roehm," ADP 2/9/29; "John Roehm," ADP 2/22/45; "Roehm, Oldest Settler," y47:)P 2/23/29 (son). (The land that Martin Roehm homesteaded in 1854 was located a few blocks east of Northland College. In the boom ofthe mid-1880s, Roehm sold the land to real estate speculators, who laid out lots and built houses; it was known as Roehm's Farm Settlement. Bumham,y47:)P 11/22/37, 11/23/37, 11/24/37.)

Albert C Stuntz was bom in Erie County, Pennsylvmiia on August 14 1825. In 1847 he came to Grmit County, Wisconsin, and then spent a year in the northern pineries. He learned surveying working with his brother (George R. Stuntz) until 1854 (location unknown). In November 1856 he moved to Bay City, where he engaged in survey work on the Penokee Range and adjacent areas. In 1864 he was elected to the State Assembly from the northwestern district, and served the 1865 term. In 1866 he moved to Monroe, Wisconsin, and in 1874 was elected Green County surveyor, a position he held for over forty years. In 1849 he mmried Nancy C. Brandt, who died in March 1862 at Bay City, and in July 1864 he married Lydia A. Sturdevant. He died in Monroe on April 17 1914. Bumham 1974, 181; Bumham,y47:)P 11/14/27, 1/23/29; Ellis, AWP 7/14/77; Monroe Journal 4/18/14; Monroe Times 4/18/14; History ofiGreen County, Wisconsin. Springfield, IL: Union Publishing Co., 1884, p.55.

George E. Stuntz was bom in 1836 in Pennsylvania, and was orphaned by age seven. In 1853 he accompanied his uncle, George R. Stuntz, to Minnesota Point. He was involved with him in his various enterprises at the head of Lake Superior, and with his other uncle, Albert C. Stuntz, in the surveying ofthe Penokee Range. In the fall of 1861 he enlisted in a regiment of Wisconsin infantry mid was severely wounded at the battle of Corinth. He was discharged as unfit for duty but he recovered sufficiently to re-enlist in a Minnesota cavalry regiment, where he served until it was mustered out of service. He took up his surveying work once again but due to ill health and his war wounds died at Superior on April 23 1872. Bumhmii, ADP 11/14/27; "Death of Geo. E. Stuntz." PCP 5/4/72; Ellis AWP 7/14/77.

George R. Stuntz was bom on December 11 1820 in Albion, Pennsylvania. As a youth he attended school when he could, and at age 18 he went to the Grand River Institute in Ohio, where he took engineering, geometry, and geology. In 1842 he moved to St. Louis, where he taught school briefly, then in 1843 was employed as an axeman on a survey party in Iowa. Later that year he moved to Grant County, Wisconsin, where he served as deputy county treasurer and sheriff, and did surveying work. In 1852 he did surveying work under a govemment contract around the head of L^e Superior. In the spring of 1853, his govemment contract having been renewed, he did further survey work in that mea, including the Superior townsite. He built a trading post on Minnesota Point under a trading license from the Indians (said to have been the first house in Duluth, although this claim has been contested.) In the fall of 1853 he cut a road through the forest to Iron River, used to transport cattle and provisions. In 1854 he built a sawmill at Iron River with machinery he had transported from Sault Ste. Marie, mid some ofthe first lumber produced at the head of Lake Superior was

130 sawn there. He was a member ofthe group that established the Bay City townsite in 1854, but lived in Duluth the remainder of his life, surveying and exploring, and working to advmice the development ofthe city and surrounding region. While he did not discover the Vermillion iron ore deposits, he was the first to recognize their extent and commercial value. He brought the ore deposits to the attention of investors, but did not share in the great fortunes that were made from their exploitation. He also played an importmit role in bringing the Northern Pacific and other railroads into Duluth. In September 1872 he married Mary J. Pugsley in Duluth. He died in poverty in Duluth on October 23 1902. Bumham, ADP 11/14/27; Ellis, AWP 6/30/77; History ofi Stuntz 1941; Theodore C. Blegen. Building Minnesota. New York: D.C. Health and Company, 1928; Superior Evening Telegram 10/24/02; Harris 1976 passim; Walter Van Brunt: Duluth and St. Louis County, Their Story and People. Chicago: The American Historical Society, 1921. v. 1 & 2, passim.

Samuel Stewart Vaughn was born in Berea, Ohio, on September 2 1830. Because his family was poor, he received only a few months of education as a youth. In 1849 he moved to Copper Harbor (or Eagle River), Michigan to work as a clerk in his brother's store. On August 4 1852, he (and perhaps his brother) mrived at La Pointe, where he opened a store and became an Indian trader. He learned to speak French and Chippewa, and earned the full confidence ofthe Indians, serving on occasion as mi intermediary between them and the whites. Later he closed his business and returned to Ohio where he devoted a year to remedying his deficient commercial education. He returned to La Pointe mid in 1856 moved to Bayfield, where he opened a general merchandise store, erected the first stone building, a sawmill and a pier, and engaged in other business enterprises. On December 22 (or October 22) of 1864 he married Emeline Eliza Patrick in Ohio, and she returned with him to Bayfield. He held several public offices, including postmaster at Bayfield and chairman ofthe County Board of Supervisors, and he served in the State Legislature for one year in 1871. He was active in supporting and promoting the St. Croix and Lake Superior and the Wisconsin Central Railroads. In 1871, in anticipation ofthe completion ofthe Wisconsin Central to Ashland, he moved his family there and platted his property as the Vaughn subdivision of Ashland. He formed a partnership with Charles Fisher, mid they constructed a Imge commercial dock, a warehouse, and a store. They engaged in the mercantile business, providing supplies and ties to the Wisconsin Central Railroad. Well-to-do from his business activities and investments, Vaughn was an important figure in the civic mid philanthropic affairs of Ashland for many yems. He died in Ashland on Jmiumy 29 1886. Following plans he had made before his death, his wife carried forward to completion the construction and furnishing ofthe Vaughn Librmy; it was dedicated on November 11 1888. Whittlesey, y4frP 4/6/78; "Samuel Stewart Vaughn,"AWP 2/6/86; "Samuel S. Vaughn,"y47:)P 2/9/29; CBR, 80-81; Bumham, y47:)P 5/18/28; "A Business Change,"AWP 10/22/81; "Vaughn Library,"AWP 7/16/87; "The Vaughn Library,"AWP 11/17/88.

Asaph Whittlesey was bom on May 18 1826 in a religious community at Tallmadge, Ohio, where he attended common school. After the death of his pments, when he was sixteen years old, he went with a neighbor to northwestern Iowa, where they jointly invested in a tract of land. He soon tired ofthe isolated location and sold his interest to his partner, returning to Tallmadge. In 1850 he moved to Peoria, Illinois, where he married Lucy Mmia Haskell, mid established a factory to manufacture cmidles and soap. The factory burned in 1852, and two years later he returned to Ohio. In June of 1854, acting on the advice of his brother Charles, he traveled with his family to La Pointe, and with George Kilbom mid Martin Beaser founded the townsite of Whittlesey near the head of Chequamegon Bay. There he served as postmaster, justice ofthe peace, and was elected judge of La Pointe County. In 1859 he was elected to the State Assembly for the 1860 term, where he arranged for approval ofthe law that created Ashland County in March of that year. He was renowned for his joumey to Madison to attend the 1860 legislative session, made on snowshoes through unbroken winter wilderness from Whittlesey to Spmta, where he boarded a train for the state capitol. In 1861 he moved to Bayfield, where he served as the receiver ofthe U.S. Land Office, recently moved there from Superior. At the beginning ofthe Civil Wm he journeyed to Washington to resign his position and volunteer for militmy

131 service, but neither his resignation nor his volunteer enlistment was accepted. In 1868 he resigned as the Land Office receiver to accept the position of Indian Agent, but resigned in 1869 because of failing health. In 1870 he moved back to Ashlmid but returned to Bayfield in 1876 where he lived until his death there on December 15 1879. He was buried in Talmage, Ohio. Ellis, AWP 7/7/77; "Asaph Whittlesey,"y47:)P 2/9/29; Burnham, ADP 1/12/29, 1/14/29; "Death of Hon. Asaph Whittlesey,"y4frP 12/20/79, 12/27/79; "Asaph Whittlesey," WPA Writer's Program, Wisconsin Biographies, Box 37 (SHSW-A); Bumham 1974, between pp. 96-97; Charles Bmney Whittlesey, Genealogy ofithe Whittelesey-Whittlesey Family. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1941 (SHSW-GC). On Whittlesey's wife, see Bumham, y47:)P 3/23/29, 3/25/29; "An Early Settler Dies,"PCP 5/77/6'7; Andreas 1888, 85; ''Obituary,"AWP 8/15/74 (daughter Eugenia).

Charles Whittlesey was bom in Southington, Connecticut, on October 4 1808; he was an older brother of Asaph. He attended school there and in Tallmadge, Ohio, where the family moved in 1813. In 1827 he received an appointment to West Point. He graduated in 1831, mid served inthe Black Hawk Campaign of 1832. He then resigned from the army to pursue a scientific career. In 1837 he was appointed to the geological survey of Ohio for two years, and from 1847 to 1851, he was employed by the Federal govemment to survey the mines and minerals ofthe Lake Superior basin mid upper Mississippi Valley. From 1858 to 1860 he served on the geological survey of Wisconsin, which was terminated on the outbreak ofthe Civil Wm. He resumed his army commission in 1861, serving with great distinction both as a militmy engineer and as a commander of troops in battle. With his health declining from the rigors of his military service, he resigned from the mmy in 1863 and resumed his geological explorations in the Lake Superior and Mississippi Valley region. He married Mmy E. Morgmi, a widow, on October 4 1858. He died on October 17 1886. "Colonel Charles Whittlesey," Representative Men ofiCleveland, (nd, np) (SHSW-PC); Chmles Barney Whittlesey, Genealogy ofithe Whittelesey-Whittlesey Family. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1941 (SHSW-GC); Whittlesey 1875; Whittlesey 1855.

132 Chapter 6

Bayfield 1856-1860

Memiwhile settlement activity was getting underway at the second site for the great port that was expected to grow up rapidly on the bay (1). As noted above, by the early 1850s the Chequamegon Bay area had become well known for its healthy climate and beautiful scenery, and many people came by lake stemiier from the east and midwest, staying at the Madeline House at La Pointe (Ross 1960, 119-120; Harris 1976, 141). Among them was Elisha Pike, of Toledo, Ohio, who came there in June 1855 to regain his health, on the advice of Frederick Prentice. Entranced by the region, he bought a water-powered sawmill and a log house, and the 80 acres of land on which these were located, about one and one half miles up what is now Pike's Creek. He returned to Toledo, sold his farm, and in early October 1855 returned to La Pointe with his family. Shortly thereafter they moved to the cabin at the mill site on Pike's Creek, thereby becoming the first settlers on the Bayfield peninsula and a pioneer fmiiily in Bayfield (2).

Important men of affairs also came to La Pointe, who while enjoying the natural amenities ofthe mea, assessed the possibilities for lucrative investments in land, timber, and minerals. Included was Henry M. Rice, one ofthe proprietors of Superior, who as a fur trader must have become acquainted with the Chequamegon Bay region and its rich natural resources. In the spring of 1855 he was granted a patent on 349 acres on the site of mi old Indian village on the mainlmid across the channel from La Pointe (3). He named the townsite "Bayfield" in honor of Henry W. Bayfield, an officer ofthe British Navy, who made the first systematic surveys of Lake Superior (4). Rice left no record of his reasons for investing in the Bayfield townsite, but some reasonable suppositions regarding his motivation can be made. As a land mid townsite speculator, the site must have certainly have appeared to him to be a promising investment; perhaps he even viewed it as a hedge on his investments in the Superior townsite. His vision ofthe future of Bayfield was probably the smiie as that held by the proprietors of Superior: that it would become a great entrepot for the upper and far west, mid eventually for Asia. While the idea appears fanciful now, it would have made a great deal of sense at the time. Historically, La Pointe and Chequamegon Bay had been the communication mid transportation hub ofthe western Great Lakes region, and there was no appment reason why it could not continue to be so. As a candidate for the leading port at the western end of Lake Superior, it was considered to be on a par with Superior. Indeed, the deep and protected roadstead on which the site fronted was at that time much better than Superior's hmbor. The Bayfield site was also adjacent to the settlements on the Keweenaw Peninsula, and closer thmi Superior to the lower l^e ports. The difference was only about eighty miles, but this could be significant given the shipping technology ofthe time, that is small vessels, many of them powered by sails, with limited cargo capacities. Finally, Rice may also have been led to believe that the pieces of drift copper occasionally found in the vicinity of Bayfield and on Madeline Island, carried there by the glacier, were evidence of rich deposits such as those on the Keweenaw Peninsula, promising to make Bayfield a mining center. Such finds certainly led others at later times to entertain this illusion (BM 7/A/57).

Whatever his reasons might have been, they were apparently shared by the other men who went together with him to form the Bayfield Land Company (5). Included were Hugh B. Sweeney, Benjmiiin F. Rittenhouse, and Charles E. Rittenhouse, all from Washington, D.C; and Hamilton G. Fant from Georgetown. One source lists Emit as a bmiker, while another describes the four men as "bankers from Washington, D.C." Andreas described the founding ofthe settlement as follows: "The first settlement was made by a pmly of nine men, under chmge of John C. Henley, March 24, 1856, who landed on a point now occupied by the residence of Col. John H. Knight. The first tree was felled, and the party erected a log cabin on the spot now occupied by the United States land-office. The cabin was finished March 26 (6). On the twenty-seventh, John M. Free arrived, bringing Maj. McAboy, a civil engineer, and others, to lay out the town (7). They came overlmid from Superior. A dock was built. . . The first fmiiily to arrive was John C. Henley's, on the schooner 'Algonquin,' May 8, 1856, this being the first vessel. Others who came about this time were Andrew Tate, Peter H. Ley, 133 John Hamlin and S.S. Vaughn. Others soon followed. The first stemiier to arrive was the 'Lady Elgin,' on June 16, 1856, and the propeller 'Mmihattan,' July 7. The propeller 'Mineral Rock' arrived July 27 with an engine and mill machinery with Mr. Kahoe (8). The first frmiie house was built by John C. Henley, July 16, 1856. The first hardware store was started by John and R. W. McCloud, of St. Paul, under chmge of Joseph McCloud, in September ofthe same yem. S.S. Vaughn opened the first provision store in October. The building of a hotel by the Bayfield Land Company was commenced December 25, 1856, and was finished in June, 1857. It was opened by J.H. Nourse. This hotel was burned in 1860, [early 1861], then kept by George D. Livingston." (Andreas 1881, 80; endnotes added.) In August one ofthe editors ofthe Superior Chronicle visited "the new city of Bayfield" mid reported that "three or four houses and a moderate clearing denotes the spot," while "fourteen more are in course of construction," and a "very good wagon road to the St. Croix, connecting with our road by ferry at Sunrise, has been opened" (9). A second pier mid an adjacent warehouse were constructed, and during the fall and winter many stores mid houses were built with lumber from the sawmill. Despite the destruction ofthe mill by fire in Jmiumy ofthe next year, the development ofthe little community continued apace.

On April 18 1857, the Bayfiield Mercury, sponsored by the proprietors ofthe town and edited by two men they had recruited from southern Minnesota, published its first issue (Andreas 1881, 82). As with all such newspapers in newly founded settlements, one of its principal purposes was to "boom" Bayfield, and the editors immediately set about this assignment. Bayfield, they declmed, "with a population of nearly six hundred persons with many good substantially constructed buildings ... is not by any memis a matter of speculation, but a matter of fact, of utility, the wants ofthe country demand it, and nature has performed its every duty towards it in providing every requisite necessary to supply those wants." It has "the Imgest, safest and best harbor on the L^e," it is "rich in mines, abounding with timber," "possesses an agricultural country back of it that cannot be surpassed," and "the climate is such as to confer on its inhabitants the choicest and most valuable blessing that any people can enjoy, viz: good health." And it is served by "Imge and commodious stemiiers" from Detroit, Buffalo, and Chicago, and will soon be connected to St. Paul by a "daily line of coaches" and "by the 10^ of July, 1859, it will be connected with Madison, Wis., by memis of a Railroad now under course of construction" (10).

The Mercury also published mlicles from other newspapers or letters from individuals, some no doubt planted by the editors, which praised the new settlement or posed questions that provided opportunities to expound on its advantages and future prospects. One letter, supposedly received by William McAboy, the agent for the town proprietors, questioned whether Bayfield held any advantages "over a thousmid other new towns laid out in the West and North-West solely as a matter of speculation." In response, McAboy noted the promise of wealth from the timber and mineral resources ofthe area, but stated that "commercially the town has still greater prospects" as the shipping point for the agricultural products ofthe northwest and west. It was "shorter and cheaper" for these regions to ship through Bayfield to the eastern markets thmi through Chicago. While this was also true of Superior and other prospective ports at the western end of Lake Superior, Bayfield "has as pleasmit situation, as beautiful scenery, as good water" as these other locations, but also "the best harbor for heavy shipping on the whole chain of Lakes." Indeed, McAboy claimed that when the rivers connecting the Great Lakes were improved, freight would be shipped directly from Bayfield, with "one ofthe finest harbors in the world," to European ports (BM 7/4/57). A provocative article about Bayfield in the Detroit Free Press attracted the ire ofthe Mercury's editors (reprinted in BM 5/30/57). The article mocked the paean to Bayfield that had appeared in the Mercury's first issue stating, "New towns are no marvel these latter days,. . . since they spring up in a day, as it were,. . . hence Bayfield is no marvel." The Mercury's editors responded with a long editorial, detailing the advantages mid auspicious prospects of Bayfield. As at Superior, it was common for the settlers in Bayfield to compare their geographic situation to that of Chicago, and to conclude that since Chicago had rapidly developed as a major entrepot for its hinterland, the same thing would surely happen in due course for Bayfield. This was certainly the expressed opinion ofthe Mercury's editors, who concluded their response

134 to the Free Press article with the comment that they could "see no reason why our prospects are not equally brilliant with those of Chicago, seven years ago" (BM 5/30/57).

A business directory published in the July 11 issue ofthe Mercury listed one hardware store and three provision stores (one in La Pointe), the largest of which appears to have been Vaughn's store, stocking groceries, dry goods, housewares, drugs and medicines, and so on. Also listed were six carpenters, two contractors, a painter, a blacksmith, mi insurance agent, a land office, an attorney, a commission and forwmding agent, and an engineer in Bayfield and a civil engineer at La Pointe. There was also an "mcade" and an "exchange," the latter apparently a hotel, and the Madeline House and an "exchange" at La Pointe. It was even possible to charter the Etta, a "good, staunch sail boat," for "pleasure excursions." A large hotel constructed for the proprietors was opened in the summer, and the sawmill was rebuilt in the fall (11). A highlight of July was the arrival ofthe first wagon from St. Paul, while the "Marine List" published by the Mercury listed steamers from Superior, Cleveland, Chicago, and Detroit. (BM 7/4/57, 7/11/57).

The religious and educational needs ofthe community were not neglected either. On Mmch 10 1857, a Methodist church was organized with Rev. James Peet as pastor, and on August 16 of that year a Presbyterian church was established with Rev. Thomas B. Elder as pastor (Elder soon died and was replaced on May 21 1858 by Rev. William McKee). A Catholic church was established in 1858, although there had been Catholic clergy at La Pointe for many years prior to that (Knight, BCP 7/16/53). On December 4 1857, a "lyceum" was orgmiized which met at Vaughn's store for debate and essay reading, but it failed because some who attended insisted on introducing questions designed to embarrass the two ministers in the town (12). A subscription school that had been started in December 1856 was closed the following March, but another was begun in October. In the spring of 1858 a public school district was organized and the first school opened in July with a teacher from Cleveland. Bayfield also received official recognition of its existence. A post office was opened in October 1856, while in December 1858 it was designated a port of entry and a revenue cutter was stationed there the following May. In May 1860, the Indian agency and, in October, the govemment land office were moved to Bayfield, from Superior. On March 24 1858, the people of Bayfield, proud of their new town and confident of its future prosperity and prominence, celebrated the second anniversary of its founding "with a substmitial picnic dinner" and a dmice in the evening (Knight, BCP 6/28/56). To enhmice further the town's importance, they were successful in 1859 in having the La Pointe County seat transferred there from La Pointe. The move backfired, however, for in response the citizens at Whittlesey and Bay City succeeded in having Ashland County established, encompassing not only the Apostle Islands but also about two-thirds ofthe area of La Pointe County (13).

The concept of Bayfield as a major Great Lakes port could only have been based on the assumption that it would also be mi important rail terminus. When Rice purchased the Bayfield site, charters had already been granted for several railroads to Lake Superior, including one for the St. Croix and Lake Superior in 1854 that provided for a road to St. Louis Bay with a "branch . . . running to some point at or near La Pointe." (14). Rice must have had some degree of confidence that this or some other railroad to the Bayfield site would be constructed. To trmisform his gamble to a near certainty, he arranged to have added to the clause, in the 1856 land grmit bill authorizing the construction ofthe northwest line to the "western end of Lake Superior," the words "and to Bayfield" (15). The clause was cmried over in the Wisconsin law allocating a land grant to the La Crosse and Milwaukee, and subsequently in the amended charter ofthe St. Croix mid Lake Superior. The U.S. General Land Office interpreted the ambiguous language ofthe clause to mean "a continuous road from the St. Croix to Bayfield [via the west end of L^e Superior], and not two roads, one to the west end of Lake Superior, and the other from the same starting point [the St. Croix] to Bayfield" ("Message from the Governor," 9/9/56, 965; SC 9/30/56). This "continuous road" route was necessary if Bayfield was to become a major port, for at the "western end of Lake Superior," that is at Superior, the line to Bayfield would connect with the railroad from St. Paul and other Minnesota railroads, and with the transcontinental railroad. The great disadvantage of this route was that it made Bayfield totally dependent for its railroad on the prior completion ofthe line from the

135 St. Croix to Superior. As noted emlier, construction of that line began in November 1856. The following month the Chronicle reported that "the portion ofthe road between Superior and Bayfield will be surveyed and located as soon as practicable, and immediately put under contract." But the leading citizens of Superior did not share Rice's vision of Bayfield as a great port competing with or surpassing their city. The line from Superior to Bayfield was referred to as a "branch line," "a valuable auxiliary to the main trunk." It would "vie ... in importance" to the "main trunk" when it became "a portion ofthe great national thoroughfare that will, at no very distant day, cross our country, from the Atlantic to the Pacific shores" (SC 12/16/56, 12/23/56).

This concept ofthe auxiliary role ofthe line to Bayfield, mid by implication the subordinate position of Bayfield to Superior, aroused the wrath of Bayfield partisans, and an acrimonious dispute between the two towns ensued. In late February 1857, a long letter from one "Hatterstax" of Bayfield throwing down the gauntlet to Superior was published in a St. Paul paper (16). The key question, according to "Hatterstax," was whether "the road be built to Superior, and thence to Bayfield, or will it branch at some intermediate point, and separate roads run to each." The preferred route was the former, for Bayfield would then "become the terminus, mid Superior but a way station; all the travel would stop here, and only pass through Superior." But if the road is "forked at some point on the St. Croix," Bayfield would still have an advantage in that passengers and freight could be transported directly to St. Paul in less than the time required for a steamer to go from Bayfield to Superior. Since this latter route, "being easily built and the land of much greater value than the other," would probably be selected by the company, Bayfield would itself build the line to Superior to connect with the one from Hudson. The reason trade from west of Superior would be trmisported by rail to Bayfield for lake shipment, "Hatterstax" continued, was that Superior's harbor was not accessible at night or during storms, and was shallow—indeed, "is not considered as a harbor by masters of vessels." While Superior is "shut in by sand bars" and people are mired "to the knees in clay" on the streets, Bayfield was growing rapidly and preparing for its destiny as a "future city." Soon "every newspaper in the country, shall sing out that 'Bayfield possesses a better site! a better harbor! and greater advantages for a commercial city than any other point in the Northwest!'"

In its response to "Hatterstax," the Chronicle referred to the General Land Office decision that "and to Bayfield" meant a line from Superior to Bayfield, mid noted that the St. Croix and Lake Superior was already surveying that route. While another survey was "being made from a point eighteen miles north of Hudson to Bayfield," this was "the responsibility ofthe proprietors ofthe latter town, and not ofthe railroad company." The company intended that the "branch road" to Bayfield would be pml of "a continuous lake shore road from Superior to [Sault] Ste. Mmie,... or a connection with some road terminating in the vicinity of Bayfield from the southeast; and not to avail themselves of miy peculim local advantage possessed by that point [Bayfield] . . . As the prospects for realizing [these] connections are increased, the prospects of a road from this place [Bayfield] to Superior will be enhanced. Bayfield, as a commercial point, has no intrinsic worth that is not equally shared by half a dozen other towns in the same vicinity." Indeed, if the "money and influence" responsible for Bayfield's prosperity were to be concentrated in Ashlmid or Bay City, and Bayfield were "to depend wholly upon its natural advantages," its present situation would be quite different. Refuting "Hallerstax's" chmacterization of Superior's streets and hmbor, the Chronicle made the case on geographic grounds for Superior as the inevitable pre-eminent port at the western end ofthe Great Lakes, and concluded by suggesting that" 'Hallerstax' . . . cast his glances in miother direction" toward "rivals nearer to home," namely Ashland mid Bay City.

Finally, in May 1860 the new Bayfiield Press published an article suggesting that when the board of directors of the St. Croix and Lake Superior Railroad learned ofthe superior advantages of Bayfield as a terminus" of their railroad, they would "without further ado m^e Bayfield the only terminus on Lake Superior" (17). The Chronicle responded with a particularly venomous attack on its editors ("the trio of legal gentlemen") and Henry M. Rice, the original proprietor of Bayfield. "The efforts made to write Bayfield up and Superior down," it angrily asserted, "is the last expiring grasp ofthe residents of that/7(3/7er town; they plainly foresee that great exertions must be made this season, because with the fourth of Mmch next, ends the influence ofthe 'trickster'

136 from Minnesota." The "trickster" referred to was, of course. Rice, whose influence, the Chronicle vowed, would come to mi end with the inauguration of a new President, whether it be Stephen Douglas (the Democratic candidate), Abr^am Lincoln (the Republican candidate) or John Bell (the candidate ofthe Constitutional Union party). The chances of "govemment aid" to "the unlucky owners of property in Bayfield" would thereafter "be very slim" (18).

In their response to the Free Press article noted earlier, the editors ofthe Mercury had ridiculed the "wise ones ofthe nation" who predicted that "a like financial crisis to the one of 1837, will come upon us at an early day, resulting in a general bust up of all our western institutions." They did not contest that an economic crisis might occur, but only that if "any portion ofthe Union suffer more than another, that portion will be the east and not the west' (BM 5/30/57). They could not know that such a crisis was imminent, which would spare neither east nor west, mid certainly not the new settlements on Chequamegon Bay. Since the Mercury ceased publication on September 1857, there is little information available about the impact ofthe 1857 crisis on Bayfield, or about the subsequent years of stagnation (19). The proprietors apparently did not immediately abandon the town, and seemed to have continued to invest money there. The editor ofthe Superior Chronicle, having spent two days there in August 1859, reported that "they [the proprietors] make it a point to give steady work to all who live in the town, mid while engaged in this praiseworthy effort, are making many necessary improvements ..." (SC 8/3/59). The U.S. Census of 1860 showed a population of 353, but with 38 (31.4%) dwellings unoccupied, a substmitial decline from the "nearly 600 persons" reported by the Mercury in April 1857, but certainly not a calamity (BM 4/18/57) (20).

137 Bayfield 1856-1860 Endnotes

1. The principal sources of information about people and events in Bayfield during its early history include the Bayfiield Mercury, published from April to September 1857; recollections and reminiscences of early settlers; retrospective newspaper reports (particulmly those of Eleanor Knight); and documents in the archives ofthe Bayfield County Register of Deeds.

2. The sawmill was built by J.T. Welton from Oberlin, Ohio, for the American Fur Company sometime during the yems 1845 to 1847. It was located on what is now Pike's Creek on the Wl/2 ofthe SWl/4 of section 21, T50NR4W. It was acquired by Julius Austrian when the company went out of business, acting as the attorney-in-fact for his brother, Joseph Austrian. Austrian bought the land from militmy bounty landholders. Pike paid $1,500 forthe land, mill, a cabin, and sawed logs—Bayfield County Register of Deeds, Deeds, v.2, p. 386, June 23 1855. A note on the deed states, "First saw mill in Bayfield County." Pike immediately mortgaged the mill from Austrimi—Bayfield County Register of Deeds, Deeds, v. 1, pp. 462-463, June 23 1855. Pike was originally hired by Austrian to repair the mill. "Capt. R.D. Pike," PCP 3/30/06; Bumham 1974, 146-148; Knight, PCP 10/21/54, 10/28/54; Bumham, y47:)P 1/22/29, 5/1/31; Ross 1960, 119.

3. Bayfield County Register of Deeds, Deeds, v. 4, p. 488, March 21 1855. A corrected patent for govemment lots 1, 2, and 3 was issued—Deeds, v.4, p. 487, April 4 1855. The site totaled 348.75 acres in sees. 13 and 14, T50NR4W. On the Indian village, see Verwyst 1895, 432. As noted in an earlier chapter, the white fur traders Alexander Henry and John Johnston also probably resided on the site for a time.

4. Rice and Bayfield were said to be friends—"Capt. R.D. Pike Dead,"PCP 3/30/06; Ross 1960, 121n. Bayfield had cmiiped on the site during his survey expedition on Lake Superior, mid may have vacationed there in later years. Upon learning that the new settlement had been named after him, Bayfield wrote the following letterto Rice—Bumham, "The Naming of Bayfield," y47:)P 8/9/33, 2/16/37:

Charlottetown, Prince Edward Island, May 11, 1857. Dear Sir: I have received with much pleasure your letter ofthe 9 of April, and the accompanying map ofthe town on Lake Superior to which you have done me the honor to give the name of "Bayfield". I little thought while camping there among the Indians thirty-three years ago, (1824) that my tent was pitched nem the site of a future town that was to bear my name. I trust that you will believe me to be very much gratified by this mmk of your kind consideration and appreciation of my labors in those emly times and that you will accept my sincere thanks. With every good wish for the prosperity of your town, as well as yourself, believe me to remain, dear sir Yours very faithfully, Henry W. Bayfield. Rear Admiral Royal Navy, Henry M. Rice, Esq., etc.

138 5. Corporate records for the Bayfield Land Company could not be located.

6. Located on lot 2, block 89—Knight, "The Actual Building of Bayfield," BCP 3/22/56.

7. Bayfield County Register of Deeds, Deeds, v. 1, p. 230, May 3 1856. For an eyewitness description ofthe actual staking and mapping ofthe new town, see Knight, "Captain Pike Tells," BCP 10/21/54; also see "80^ Anniversary," BCP 3/19/36. On the nmiiing ofthe streets, see BCP 1/19/84. Ofthe original eight avenue names. Emit was changed to Monypenny and Payne to Old Military Road; the others remain as they were first named.

8. Located at the water's edge between 3*^ and 4 streets (block 121), and built by John T. Cahoe (Caho) "an old lumberman from Virginia." The mill burnt down on Jmiuary 12 1858, but was rebuilt the following yem. Knight, "The Actual Building of Bayfield," PCP 3/22/56; "The Preacher Wasn't Afraid of Hmd Work." BCP 8/6/53, 6/28/56; "Pike Predicted a Great Future for Bayfield Area," BCP 10/28/54. Knight states in her 3/22/56 item that the mill burnt in 1857, but the date given in Peet's diary of January 12 1858 is considered more reliable—Knight, BCP 8/6/53.

9. SC 8/19/56—Nazaire La Bonte, an emly settler at Bayfield, helped construct this road mid described it as follows: "In the spring of '57,1, with others, stmted to cut out the Bayfield and St. Paul stage road as fm as Yellow Lake, a distance of about 140 miles. The balance ofthe route to St. Paul was by way of Wood River to Sunrise over logging roads. Sunrise, 50 miles from St. Paul, was a junction where the St. Paul stage met both the Bayfield and Superior stages mid took their freight and passengers"—Knight, BCP 3/25/54. Sunrise is located in Minnesota just at the tip ofthe "nose" ofthe "Indianhead."

10. BM 4/18/57—the estimate of "nearly six hundred persons" was no doubt one of those exaggerations which were part ofthe ml of townsite "booming."

11. The Mercury for July 4 1857 published a description ofthe piers, hotel, mill, and many ofthe houses. The names ofthe settlers were also listed, including Julius Austrian, Samuel S. Vaughn, and Major Willimii McAboy, agent forthe proprietors.

12. Knight, Eleanor. "The Rev. McKee Lamented Decline in Local Culture" and "The Rev. McKee Was an Energetic and Able Citizen," PCP 6/28/56.

13. In 1866 Bayfield County was created from La Pointe County plus land annexed from Ashland County. The county seat remained in Bayfield until moved to Washburn in 1892—WisLaws 1866, G, C146.

14. This clause strongly suggests that consideration was already being given to the establishment of a townsite for a rail terminus and port at the Bayfield location.

15. See the chapter on Ashland.

16. The letter was published along with the Chronicle's response in SC 2/24/57.

17. Reprinted in the SC 5/26/60.

18. The Chronicle continued to react vigorously to reports that the St. Croix and Lake Superior was considering abmidoning the route to Superior for one to Bayfield, blaming the proprietors of Bayfield—see SC 3/2/61. As the years passed the issue of which route the railroad was to follow became increasingly urgent, for 139 construction had to be completed by June 1866 if all the land authorized for the line by the 1856 lmid grant law was to be earned.

19. The type, press, mid other equipment were sold by S.S. Vaughn to pay the original purchase debt. Part was shipped down the lake mid the remainder was used for the first Bayfiield Press, which began to publish on September 24 1859, but survived only about two and one-half years. Unfortunately, copies of this newspaper did not survive—Knight, "First-Hand Stories of Well Known Bayfield Pioneers" mid "The Rev. McKee Was an Energetic and Able Citizen," PCP 6/28/56, "Complete History of The Daily Vress," ADP 3/10/26.

20. Reverend James Peet, a Methodist minister from New York, served in Bayfield from September of 1857 to June of 1859. He included in his diaries population data for three years, but his figures are suspect because they are inconsistent with the Mercury's April 1857 estimate—even discounting it by half—and the U.S. Census figure for 1860:

10/5/56 3/4/58 3/26/59

men 73 61 42

women 17 37 28

children 2/2 14 45_

112 152 115

The 1856 figures are from his diary entry for March 3 1858; the 1858 figures from March 4 1858; and the 1859 figures from March 26 1859. Peet Diaries 1856-1859.

140 County of Bayfield Statistics—1860

Table 1

Population Characteristics

Total 353 White 331 Indian 22 Adults 214 Children 139 Males 201 Females 152

Table 2

Ages

141 Table 3

Places of Birth

U.S. mid Foreign Births --353

Countrv Adults Children Total U.S. 163 138 301 Foreign 51 1 52 Total 214 139 353

U.S. Births-301

State Adults Children

Wisconsin 57 102 Minnesota 20 5 New York 17 2 Michigmi 16 13 Pennsylvania 14 2 Ohio 11 12 Other 28 2 Total 163 138

Foreign Births - 52

Countrv Adults Children

Canada 17 0 Ireland 13 0 Germany 11 1 England 5 0 Other 5 0 Total 51 1

142 Table 4

Occupations

Laborer 52 Carpenter 17 Farmer 8 Clergyman 3 Indian trader 3 Washer woman 3 Engineer 2 Grocer 2 Hotel keeper 2 Lawyer 2 Lumberman 2 Merchant 2 Sailor 2 Servant 2 Teacher 2 Other U Total 121

143 Table 5

Agricultural Resources

Elisha Pike owned the largest farm with 387 acres, 25 of which were improved, while Samuel S. Vaughn's farm included 232 acres, 12 of which were improved. The other eight farms ranged from six to 320 total acres, and from three to 100 "improved acres."

No. of farms 10 Total acres 1,985 Improved acres 293 Horses 13 Cows 6 Oxen 7 Other cattle 12 Wheat (bushels) 14 Com 170 Oats 195 Peas/beans 32 Potatoes 1,125 Hay (tons) 48 Butter (pounds) 100 Maple sugar 6,800

Table 6

Property and Taxes

Property values Real estate $292,184 Personal 3.210 Total $295,394

Annual taxes State $ 593 School 1,340 County 3,559 Highway 1,000 Town 2,150 Poll 60 Total $ 8,702.

144 Table 7

Institutions

Schools Number 1 - district Students 51 Teachers 1

Libraries 1 - Lyceum -500 v. 1 - Sunday school - 300 v. 1 - Private - 500v.

Churches (1) 1 - Roman Catholic - 400 1 - Presbyterian - 400 1 - Methodist Episcopalian - 200

Newspaper 1 - Bayfield Press-weekly-circ. 500

1. Number appmently referred to the capacity ofthe church building, not to the size ofthe congregation.

Table 8

Wages (1)

Farm hmid with board - month $20.00

Day laborer with board - day $ 1.00

Day laborer -without board - day $ 1.25

Carpenter without bomd - day $ 2.50

Female domestic with bomd - week $ 2.50

Board for laborer - week $ 3.50

1. Average wages

145 Industrial Resources

The industrial resources listed included two shingle makers and two sawmills. One mill was powered by a 60 horsepower engine, employed eight men, mid produced one million board feet of pine and hemlock lumber annually. It was owned by B.G. Davidson and Co., and was located in Bayfield. The second mill was powered by a 20 horsepower water wheel, employed three men, and cut 300,000 board feet of pine lumber annually. It was operated by Robinson Pike and another man whose name is not legible in the census. The nmiie entered in the Products of Industry schedule as the operator ofthe mill was actually "Robert Pike," but this could only have been a misnomer. There was no such person listed in the population schedule, where Robinson Pike was recorded as a "lumbermmi."

146 Bayfield 1856-1860 Biographies

Henry Wolsey Bayfiield was born in Hull, England on January 21 1795. He was educated by private tutors, and at age ten was enlisted as a volunteer supemumermy in the Royal Navy. He almost immediately saw action against Spanish and French ships, was wounded, decorated mid promoted to midshipman. From 1806 to 1814, he served on vmious ships in Canada and inthe waters off of Spain and Portugal; when the War of 1812 ended he was with the British fleet on L^e Champlain. He was promoted to lieutenant in March 1815, and in January ofthe following year was ordered to British naval headquarters in Kingston, Ontmio. There he was assigned to assist in the Great Lakes survey that began in the summer of 1816. In June 1817 at age 22, he was placed in chmge ofthe surveys of Lake Erie and Huron, assisted by only one midshipmmi. In the spring of 1823, he began the survey of Lake Superior that was completed inthe summer of 1825. He then returned to England where he spent two years at the Royal Navy's hydrographic office to complete the charts ofthe Great Lakes mid connecting waters. Promoted to commmider, he returned to Quebec in 1827, and from then to 1840, conducted a detailed survey ofthe St. Lawrence River, adjacent islands and rivers, and part ofthe coast of Labrador, having been promoted to captain in the meantime. He was frequently consulted by the Admiralty and the govemment of Lower Canada regarding navigation ofthe St. Lawrence River, placement of lighthouses, and other navigational matters. He was a member of several scientific societies, mid contributed lemned papers on geology and navigational matters to scientific journals. In 1841 he transferred his headquarters from Quebec to Charlottetown on Prince Edwmd Island; for the next 15 years he surveyed the coast of that islmid. Nova Scotia, and other islands and hmbors. In 1856 he was promoted to rem admiral, and then retired from the surveying service. He continued to live in Chmlottetown and was promoted to vice admiral in 1863 and to admiral in 1867. In 1857 his friend Henry M. Rice named the townsite, which he had just established on the shore of Chequamegon Bay on Lake Superior, in Bayfield's honor. In April 1838 he married Fanny Wright, the daughter of a captain ofthe Royal Engineers. He died in Charlottetown on Februmy 10 1885, having been an invalid for several yems. McKenzie 1976; "Henry Wolsey Bayfield," WPA Writers Program, Box 11— contains errors (SHSW-A); Bumham, ADP 8/9/33 (copy of Bayfield's letter to Rice thanking him for naming "Bayfield" in his honor); (Bumham, .47:'P 1/3/34 notes that Bayfield died in "Charlottetown, N.C.," which is incorrect); "Inquiry About Admiral Bayfield Brings Reply From Norfolk, England." WT 8/28/41.

JohnB. Bono was bom on April 14 1832 in Detroit. When he was five the family moved to Sault Ste. Mmie. Beginning as a cabin boy at age 12, he spent several yems sailing the lakes. In 1853 he mmried Miss Berron (or Mrs. Julia A. Davis) and in 1855 mrived at La Pointe, where he kept a boarding house. Later the family moved to Bayfield, where he established the first hotel in the settlement. In 1867 he sold the hotel and took up his trade of shoe m^ing. In 1876 (or 1870) he leased the Fountain House and apparently also operated a meat market and grocery store. He died on August 10 1885 in Bayfield and was buried there. Andreas 1881, 83; "Death of a Old Settler." AWP 8/22/85.

Nazaire LaBonte was bom on a farm hear Quebec, Canada on April 6 1836. When he was 20, he left home, arriving at La Pointe by steamer on June 9 1856. He wanted to continue on to Superior but lacked the money forthe fare, so the next day he rowed across to the new townsite of Bayfield. He Imided where the Vaughn dock was being constructed, located at the end of Washington Avenue. Fifty years later he described the townsite: "The only building here then was a log house,. . . built and owned by the Bayfield Land Co. for the accommodation ofthe men employed by this concern. . . . There was not a woman here and it makes me lonely to make this statement. That part ofthe town site lying on the flat was covered by a scattering growth of small norway pine; and the only thoroughfare was a trail leading from the dock site to the log house mentioned. The hills now dotted with buildings were covered with mixed woods, mostly hmdwood." He worked at first for the small sawmill on the site, and when that burned down shortly afterwards, he cut cordwood, helped build the

147 first road from Bayfield to Yellow Lake, and made fish barrel staves. On April 4 1861 he married Matilda Davis, a stepdaughter of John Bono. He then worked for the govemment sawmill at Red Cliff for 12 years, then opened and operated a boarding house in Bayfield for many years. He died on October 20 1906 in Bayfield and was buried there. "Bayfield's Early Days—Paper Read at Bayfield's Anniversary By N. LaBonte," BCP 4/6/06; "Pioneer Gone." PCP 10/26/06

Peter H. Ley was born in Prussia on May 19 1823. He emigrated to the United States as a young man, going first to Detroit, Michigan. There he found employment mid was married to Anna (Ann) Sexton, bom in County Clme, Ireland, in 1854. On June 15 1856, the couple arrived in Bayfield, where they opened a store that they operated until his death on June 16 1876. ''Obituary," AWP 6/24/76; Andreas 1881, 84.

William McAboy was bom in Virginia about 1810. He graduated from Ohio University as a civil engineer mid was first employed on canal works and navigation improvement projects. In 1839 he cmiie to the old northwest, employed by the Federal govemment to survey Indian roads and reservations. He arrived at the Bayfield town site from Superior on March 28 1854 to do survey work for the Bayfield Land Company and later was the agent in Bayfield for the company. He was the town's first superintendent of schools. Date and place of death unknown. Ross 1960, 121; "Major Mc Aboy,"PM 8/22/57.

Joseph H. Nourse was bom in Washington, D.C. on July 7 1830. The first 11 years of his life were spent in Milroy, Pennsylvania, where his father was a Methodist minister. The next several years were devoted to study at schools in Washington and in Mt. Holly, New Jersey. In 1853 he was appointed by the Presbyterimi Board of Foreign Missions to teach in the Indian territories. Shortly afterwards on Mmch 15 , he married Isabel Rittenhouse of Washington. With his new wife, he made the difficult joumey to his assignment, but returned to Washington in 1854 because of ill health. In 1856 he was sent to Bayfield by the Bayfield Land Company as its agent, remaining for two months at the bomding house of Julius Austrian at La Pointe. His stay at La Pointe having benefited his health, he returned to Bayfield in June 1857, accompanied by his wife. In the fall of 1858 he took over management ofthe Bayfield House, the hotel ofthe Bayfield Land Company. He also taught school from October 1861 to June 1864 and served terms as county treasurer, town clerk, mid collector ofthe port. In 1864 he moved to Rockland, Michigan for two years and then returned east. In 1868 he moved to La Crosse, Wisconsin to teach in a academy, but poor health compelled him to return to Bayfield in 1869. He was appointed receiver ofthe U.S. Land Office from 1869 to March 1872 and taught school again from September 1869 to March 1871. In May 1872 he went into the merchandising business with A.C. Hayward, but bought out his partner the following fall and continued the business until his death. From April 1872 and for many years after he was minually elected town treasurer. He died on June 22 1891 in Bayfield mid was buried there. Andreas 1881, 85; "The Nourse Family," Knight 1999, 187-197; Edward E. Nourse, "Died,"PCP 6/27/91; "Pioneer Resident Crosses Divide," BCP 8/7/14—his wife's obituary—nmiie given as "Elizabeth;" the next issue ofthe Press apparently included an article on "Mrs. Nourse's life in Bayfield," but the issue is missing on the microfilm copy ofthe paper.

James Peet was bom on November 18 1828 in Palermo, New York. At age 16 he turned to religion and was baptized into the Methodist Episcopal Church in November 1845. He must have received a substmitial education for he taught public school, although where and for how long is not known. After that he taught at the Five Points Mission in Brooklyn, New York, "mi awfully hard school, ten times more thmi any of our country schools," so he confided to his future wife Harriet Evens. They were married in Olemi, New York on June 15 1854. In February 1855 he received a call from the Wisconsin Conference ofthe Methodist Episcopal Church. He and his wife traveled to Stillwater, then to St. Paul, and finally to Superior. The trip from St. Paul

148 over the military road through the unbroken wilderness to Superior, which they made in mid-February 1856, was difficult, especially for Mrs. Peet, who was expecting their first child. In late June, Elisha Pike, who had come to Superior from Bayfield on business, invited Peet to Bayfield to preach. He journeyed to Bayfield on July 6 1857, while his family remained in Superior. He preached his first sermon in the unfinished church on July 12^ . Two days later the Methodist Episcopal Church of Bayfield was formally orgmiized, and at the end of the month, he was placed in charge ofthe affairs ofthe Methodist Conference in La Pointe County. On September 19^ Peet brought his family from Superior to live in Bayfield. For two years, until June 1859, Peet was engaged in the difficult task of ministering to people, not only in Bayfield, but also in La Pointe, Odan^, and Ashlmid. His parishioners were few, mid he endured great hardships to serve them, walking between communities over the ice in the winter, and rowing himself across the bay in warmer weather. He was constantly short of money, living hand to mouth and suffering from chronic ailments. On June 5 1859 the family returned to Superior, apparently remaining there until Peet was appointed to the Methodist Episcopal Church in Anoka, Minnesota in the fall of 1861. The following year he was sent to Eureka, Minnesota and in 1863 to nearby Farmington. There he became acquainted with a Union mmy officer who was organizing a regiment of black soldiers (the 12 Louisiana Infmitry—African Descent) mid who offered Peet the position of regimental chaplain. He enthusiastically accepted, was appointed a chaplain in the army on November 5 1863, and was mustered to active service on January 18 1864. As he had done in his civilimi ministry, Peet carried out his duties to his new charges with great dedication, never sparing himself in his efforts to improve the lot of the black soldiers, so recently released from bondage. His regiment was stationed at various posts throughout the south; unfortunately he soon succumbed to illness brought on by the heat and humidity. He received a medical discharge on May 15 1865 and returned with his family to Anoka, which they considered their home. Soon after Peet became incapacitated due to illness and his family fell on desperate straits, surviving only with the financial and spiritual support ofthe community. He died in Anoka on November 27 1866. His wife survived him by many years, eventually remarrying. Mary Hawker Bakeman. "James Peet, Minnesota Missionmy." Anoka County Historical and Genealogical Society, 1994; Wmren Upham and Rose Barteau (comps.). Minnesota Biographies, 1655-1912. Collections ofithe Minnesota Historical Society, v. 14, 586; Knight, series of eight articles about Peet, BCP 7/16-9/3/53, most reprinted in the BCP 6/28/56; "The Diary of Rev. James Peet." Knight 1999, 7-14; Chauncey Hobart. History ofiMethodism in Minnesota. Brooklyn Park, MN: Park Genealogical Books, 1992. (SHSW-PC); "Acknowledgment," y4;70^a Union, 5/17/66—notice of appreciation of money collected inthe community for relief of Peet family; ''Died," Anoka County Press, 11/29/66—obituary; "Memorial Services," Anoka Union 12/6/66; "Died," Anoka Union, 7/22/14—wife's obitumy; Harris 1976, 151-154. Most of Peet's life is extensively documented by the dimy that he kept, as required by the Methodist Conference; by letters and documents that he and his wife saved; and by his written recollections and those of family, friends, and colleagues. The diary that he kept during his ministry in Bayfield is inthe State Historical Society of Wisconsin mchives.

Elisha Pike was bom on Jmiuary 22 1813 in Mattel, Maine. At an early age he moved with his family to Meadville, Pennsylvania, where he grew to manhood. On December 31 1835 he mmried Elizabeth Kimmey, and in 1847 they moved to Toledo, Ohio. There he contracted malaria mid was advised by Frederick Prentice to go to La Pointe for the summer to regain his health. He arrived there in June 1855 and arranged with Julius Austrian to repair mi old sawmill, which Austrian owned, located at the confluence of Pike's Creek and North Pike's Creek (as later named). He purchased the mill, an adjacent cabin, and land from Austrian, returning to Toledo in September to move his family. They arrived at La Pointe on October 18 . They remained there for several days because of Mrs. Pike's health, mid then moved to the cabin on the mill site where they lived for the remainder of their lives. Elisha Pike was active in public affairs, serving in several local and county offices, and bore the honorific "judge." He died at his old homestead on Pike's Creek on October 20 1887. "Died,"PCP 11/5/87; Bumham,y47:)P 1/22/29; Bumham 1974, 146-148; Knight, PCP 8/5/54, 10/21/54, 10/28/54; Ross 1960, 119; "The Golden Wedding,"PCP 1/6/86; "Died."PCP 4/2/92 (wife).

149 Henry Mower Rice was bom in Waitsfield, Vermont on November 29 1817 (1816). He received mi academy education, then studied law for two years. When he was 19 he went to Detroit, Michigan where he worked as a surveyor for the proposed inter-l^e canal at St. Ste. Marie, followed by two years in business at Kalamazoo, Michigan. In 1839 he made an arduous joumey to St. Louis, where he was engaged to manage a sutler's and fur trade store at Fort Snelling, Minnesota. From 1840 to 1842 he operated a sutler's store at Fort Atkinson in Iowa, and then engaged in the fur trade with various associates out of Prairie du Chien, Wisconsin. In 1847 as a United States commissioner, he negotiated the treaty with the Chippewa, by which they ceded a vast tract of land in Minnesota. In 1852 he secured the final consent ofthe Sioux Indians to the 1851 treaty under which they were dispossessed of their possessions in that state. As a fur trader and negotiator with the Indimis, he became we 11-acquainted with the territory around the western end of Lake Superior. Realizing the great potential for the future development of its ports and resources, he invested heavily in the townsites at Superior and Bayfield. On March 29 1849, he married Matilda Whitall of Richmond, Virginia, after which they made their home in St. Paul, Minnesota. There he became deeply involved in politics, and was elected the congressional delegate from Minnesota Territory in 1853 mid 1855, mid a Senator when Minnesota became a state in 1858. He was instrumental in obtaining land grants for Minnesota railroads and changes in the Federal land laws that greatly benefited the settlers, and he procured the enabling act under which Minnesota becmiie a state. During the Civil Wm he was an ardent Unionist, severing connections with mmiy close southern friends who had gone with the Confederacy, and using his business experience and ability in Congress to gain the adoption of practical measures to mobilize and equip the Union armies. Following the end of his Senate term in March 1863, he was a Democratic candidate for governor of Minnesota, but was defeated. Subsequently he was widely involved in public affairs at the national and state levels until his death in San Antonio, Texas, on January 15 1894. DAB, v. 15, 540-541; NCAB, v. 21, 273-274; Graber 1949; Alfton 1932; "Hon. Henry M. Rice," AWP 5/13/76; William R. Marshall. "Henry Mower Rice" Collections ofithe Minnesota Historical Society, v. 9, 1898-1900, 654-658; "Death of Henry M. Rice." St. Paul Pioneer Press, 1/16/94; "Hon. H.M. Rice," BCP 1/20/94. Rice seems to have had an attachment to Bayfield that went beyond his financial investment, which continued at least until the 1880s. He apparently spent summer vacations there. He donated 10 acres of land for a town cemetery and 10 acres for a Catholic cemetery. He gave a town lot to one family for naming their son, the first white child bom there, Bayfield Kittsteiner, and $10 to another family for naming the second white child Henry Mower Rice Hochdanner—Knight, "First-Hand Stories of Well Known Bayfield Pioneers,"PCP 6/28/56; "Hon. H.M. Rice" (cemetery donation), PCP 10/12/70; "What the Honorable H.M. Rice Thinks of The 'Harbor City,' "BCP 7/28/83; "Hon. H.M. Rice," PCP 8/25/83; "Mrs. H.M. Rice,"PCP 9/15/83; "Some Early History,"PCP 4/27/06

150 Chapter 7

Bayfield 1870-1883

The settlement and development around Chequamegon Bay in the 1850s proved to be a false start ofthe beginning ofthe second period of exploitation on this resource frontier, which really began about 1885, with a take-off phase dating from 1870. As in the earlier period, the impetus to opening up the far north country for exploitation and settlement came principally from developments at the national, rather thmi the state level. At the end ofthe Civil War in the spring of 1865, the United States remained primarily an agricultural nation, with only the beginnings of railroad and communication networks for its vast territory; with rudimentary industries; and with only a minor role in the international mena. Its population, primmily rural, was about 36 million. But a great trmisformation ofthe nation began with the post-Civil War boom—not simply an expansion, but a fundamental re-formation of its social, economic, and political structures. Within 35 years, by 1900, the United States was an industrial giant, with rail and communication systems that tied it together from east to west and north to south and was among the world's greatest economic, political, and naval powers. Its population, due to natural increase mid the arrival of over 12 million immigrants, had grown to about 76 million or by 113%, since 1865(1).

This expanding, far-flung population, settling new lands, establishing farms, and building towns and cities created a huge demand for building materials. At the smiie time, the expansion of steel production to meet the ever-growing requirements of industry and the railroads created a requirement for iron ore. Chequamegon Bay possessed timber and brownstone for building in abundance, while the Penokee Range contained what appemed at the time to be Imge reserves of economically exploitable iron ore. While people were well aware ofthe rich timber and mineral resources ofthe Chequamegon Bay region, little could be done to exploit them until the railroads penetrated the region. So just as in the earlier period, it was the expectation that railroads would soon be constructed to Chequamegon Bay that brought speculators, entrepreneurs, and settlers back to Ashlmid and Bayfield.

It will be recalled from earlier discussion that the construction of railroads to northern Wisconsin had reached no farther by the Civil War thmi La Crosse in the west (The La Crosse and Milwaukee) and Fort Howard-Green Bay in the east (The Chicago mid Northwestem) (2). To encourage construction to the far north country ofthe state. Congress approved a second land grant act in May 1864 (3). This act granted "every alternate section of public land designated by odd numbers, for ten sections in width on each side of said road" for three lines: in the western part ofthe state a line 'Trom a point on the Saint Croix river or lake between townships twenty-five and thirty-one, to the west end of L^e Superior, and from some point on the line of said railroad, ... to Bayfield;" and another line 'Trom the Town of Tomah, in the county of Monroe, ... to the Saint Croix river or lake, between townships twenty-five and thirty three;" mid in the central region ofthe state, a line "from Portage City, Berlin, Doty's Island, or Fond du Lac, ... in a northwestem direction, to Bayfield, and thence to Superior" (4). The completion dates for the roads authorized under the 1856 land grant act were extended to May 1869, and for those specified in the 1864 act, the completion date was May 1874.

In the western region ofthe state, the Legislature in March 1865 conferred on the Tomah and Lake St. Croix Railroad the lmid from the 1856 and 1864 land grmit acts, and in the same month it confirmed the grant under the 1856 act to the old St. Croix mid Lake Superior, mid conferred on it the additional land provided by the 1864 act, with a completion date of May 1869 (5). Inthe central part ofthe state, the Legislature in April 1866 chmlered two companies: the Winnebago and Superior, to build from "Doty's Island [near Menasha on Lake Winnebago] on the most direct mid feasible route to Bayfield, thence to Superior, ... by way of Waupacca,. . . and Stevens Point;" mid the Portage and Superior to build from "Portage, by way of Stevens Point, ... to Bayfield, thence to Superior" (6). Their respective charters provided that from Stevens Point northward the two companies were to construct the road together. With the renewal ofthe lmid grant to the St. Croix and Lake 151 Superior in the west, and the grants to two new railroads to Chequamegon Bay in the center ofthe state, the stage was set for the revival of Bayfield and the resurrection of Ashland, which together would foster and sustain the take-off phase ofthe great boom on Chequmiiegon Bay from about 1885 to the early years ofthe new century.

During the 1860s Bayfield had remained a viable community, supported by small-scale fishing, lumbering, and tourism. The 1865 State Census showed a population of 269 (143 males, 126 females) for La Pointe County. Most of these people undoubtedly lived in Bayfield, but there was no sepmate list for the settlement. Many yems later, Delia Whittlesey Chapmmi reminisced about the town during this period (Bumhmii, ADP 4/17/29, 4/18/29). There was one sawmill, owned by Smiiuel S. Vaughn, who also owned a general merchandise store. There were shingle makers, coopers who made barrels for the fishermen, and blacksmiths who shod the village horses. Many tourists came to stay at Smith's Hotel and "lingered to eat our white fish and went away to praise it." After the Civil War, many famous people stayed at Smith's Hotel, miiong them Union General William T. Sherman, Confederate General Pierre G.T. Beauregard, and Mrs. Abrahmii Lincoln and son Robert. The Federal land office, Indian agent, and post office were located there. There was one physician. Dr. V. Smith, and a retired Presbyterian minister, J. Harvey Nourse, who taught school, preached sermons, and held Sunday school and prayer meetings. Father John Cebul attended to the needs of Catholic parishioners in Bayfield and La Pointe. Contact with the outside world was maintained in the summer by steamers which arrived regularly from Chicago and Buffalo, and in the winter by dog sled and Indimi packer over primitive trails through the wilderness to the Mississippi river. During the Civil War men left in "twos and threes" to volunteer to defend the Union; while others sent substitutes which, she said, "seemed to me a very cowardly thing to do" (7)

Undoubtedly the most exciting—mid in some ways, amusing—event ofthe Civil War period was the Indian uprising seme. The massacres by the Sioux in Minnesota in August 1862 spread pmiic among the settlers at Bayfield, who feared that the Chippewa among whom they lived would follow suit. The Chippewa had no intention of attacking the whites, however, and were as frightened ofthe Sioux, their traditional enemies, as were the whites. Nevertheless, at the insistence of Governor Edward Salomon, a compmiy of paroled Federal soldiers was sent to the settlement. They built a fort and whiled away the time for a year when they depmted, there having been no Indian attack or the slightest danger of one for that matter. They left one of their number behind, a victim of an accidental shooting; one settler was also killed by a nervous guard (8).

Willimii Knight, who was to become a prominent citizen ofthe Bayfield in later years, described the settlement upon his arrival there on December 24 1869 ("William Knighf' Knight 1999, 283-284): "On entering the clearing where the town was built, I can remember but three houses. One was opposite Dr. Merten's house, one on the comer below Stark's store, mid two small houses on Broad Street, down towmd the depot. There was a small house where the bank stands mid a small house across the street where the Phmmacy (Iverson's store) stands and over the door was a wooden sign lettered in black letters, 'S.S Vaughn.' Below it was a sign on a smaller board with smaller letters, 'Post office.' The Vaughn sign was about 8 inches wide and 3 feet long and the post office bomd about 2 feet. Both bomds were nailed to the house over the door. This was the principle store ofthe town and sold groceries, shoes, dry goods, clothing and hmdware. On this street north there were two or three houses mid the same number south and a few scattered buildings along the south lake front with but little attention to street location. Up on the hill near the Roman Catholic Church there were some dwelling houses. In fact, about [almost] the whole town was on about six blocks on the flat and those blocks were long from being full. From memory, I can count but twenty families living in the city of Bayfield, and one fmiiily living on a farm outside, and that was Elisha Pike, father of R.D. Pike, living on the old homestead on Pike's Creek. Nemly all of these fmiiilies were intelligent, well educated people from the East and would be considered the best in any country. It is hardly possible for people who never lived in a community almost entirely cut off from the world to appreciate the friendship and mutual sympathy and kindness that binds them so closely together mid to understand the sacrifices they will make for the community."

152 The renewal of railroad activity (if not progress) to the south soon had an impact on Bayfield, which was nmiied as the terminal on Chequmiiegon Bay in the charters ofthe three roads that were franchised to build to Lake Superior. Aroused from its long slumber, the population began to grow and there was a revival of economic activity. The 1870 U.S. Census ofthe Town of Bayfield (which included all of Bayfield County) showed atotal population of 344, up from 269 inthe 1865 State Census, but not quite back to the 1860 population of 353 (9). Two hundred eighty-eight were bom in the United States, principally in Wisconsin (161), with far smaller numbers bom in Michigan (22), New York (17), Minnesota (11), and eight other states (31). Fifty-six were foreign-bom, principally in Scotland (21), and Cmiada (17). The most numerous occupation was laborer (66), followed by fishermmi (13) and domestic servant (10). The only professional occupation listed was civil engineer; no doctor or lawyer was listed (unless miiong the illegible entries). One public school with one teacher mid 40 students, and one Catholic and two Protestant churches were shown, although teacher and minister were not among the listed occupations. There were two sawmills, one owned by R.D. Pike and the other, the Bayfield Mill Company, by Samuel Vaughn; both employed 25 men, and produced lumber and shingles (10). There was also a brownstone quarry at the south end of Basswood Island that employed 24 men and three women (11).

In March 1870, the Bayfield Hydraulic Compmiy was orgmiized with Samuel Vaughn as president. A reservoir was built in the hills behind the village to collect water, which was piped to the village through hollowed-out logs. There were apparently a number of fountains that discharged water from this system, mid the village was fond of referring to itself as the "Fountain City." In August 1870, the fishermen Nelson and Frank Boutin arrived from Two Hmbors. They brought with them 100 fishermen and their families, and fishing equipment, boats and a schooner named the Alice Craig. The Boutins established the first Imge-scale fishing operation in Bayfield ("The Boutins," Knight 1999, 100-106). A smaller fishing enterprise was operated by Fred Fischer. Barrel manufacturing to meet the demmid ofthe fisheries was established by Fischer, Louis Bachand, mid others.

In October 1870, the Bayfiield Press was founded by two brothers, Henry O. mid Samuel S. Fifield, with the former as editor (12). In its first issue on October 13 , they declared that the paper would be politically independent and "devoted to the interest of Lake Superior," but in practice this memit "booming" the interest of Bayfield ("Salutatory," BP 10/13/70). The business advertisements in the first issue listed two dealers in real estate, mi attorney (Andrew Tate), a life insurmice agent (William Knight), two builders and carpenters, one hotel, a blacksmith, a grocery store and a hardware store, and five provision or general merchandise stores (owned by Smiiuel Vaughn, Robinson Pike, the Boutin brothers, William Herbert, and James Chapman); while Asaph Whittlesey, "Late ofthe U.S. Land Office," advertised himself as "General Lmid Agent, also Agent for Payment of Taxes, Location and Sale of Agricultural, Pine and Mineral Lands And Stone quarries." (BP 10/13/70). The second issue reported that R.D. Pike's mill had "sawed eight miles of shingles this season;" that Vaughn's mill had cut 45,000 shingles "one day last week;" that "Mr. Mc Elroy raised 400 bushels of potatoes off from two acres, this year;" that the "Basswood Island quarry" was loading about "600 tons of stone" aboard a vessel going to Milwaukee; and finally that 700 copies ofthe first issue ofthe newspaper had been disposed of "in less than three days" ("Brevities," PP 10/20/70, 11/12/70, 6/3/71, 11/11/71; "Bayfield Manufactures," PP 11/19/70). There was also considerable shipping activity—for example, as reported in the second issue ofthe Press, forthe period October 13 to 20 , there were five ship arrivals and six depmtures ("Marine Items,"PP 10/20/70). Land communication with the outside world was also opened. In 1869, Bayfield County had constructed a road from Bayfield to the county line nem Brule, suitable for travel by loaded wagon temiis. In October 1870, Douglas County undertook to complete the road from there to Superior, and the following December, businessmen in Bayfield established regular stage service between Bayfield and Superior; the trip took over two days with stops at stations along the way (13).

Smii Fifield provided a somewhat overdrawn description ofthe town for the first issue ofthe Press. Bayfield, Fifield said, "is magnificent in its surroundings, and perfect in all its details." It is "most beautifully located," 153 with neat houses, shaded streets, gmdens, fountains, and "sidewalks in good repair," while a "system of water works supplies almost every house in town with pure spring water." The "public buildings" included two churches and a schoolhouse, and "the best kept hotel on L^e Superior." There were two sawmills, a growing fishing business, and a "Red Sand Stone Quarry ... on Basswood Island." The principal exports were lumber, fish, and brownstone. Apples and other fruits are grown, "mid in a few years will be raised in great plenty." He described the harbor as large, deep, and sheltered, and as not requiring miy engineering work to make it serviceable. The slow revival ofthe settlement continued during 1871. In June the Press published a map of the "Apostle Islands and Harbor of Bayfield mid its Surroundings" (14). The map showed two railroads, the Wisconsin Central and Bayfield and St. Croix, coming into Bayfield (15). The accompanying text noted that construction ofthe Wisconsin Central had begun at Menasha toward Steven's Point, and that "Once finished, the route will afford an almost air line railroad outlet from the best harbor on the lake [Bayfield] to Chicago and the Atlantic seaboard." In December the Press reported on the completion ofthe location survey for the Wisconsin Central, adding that "in all probability, at an early day . . . active operations on this end ofthe road" will commence, and "by next year at this time the whistle ofthe 'iron horse' will greet our ears" (BP 12/4/71). While the Press was correct in its prediction that "active operations" would begin in 1872, they would not take place at Bayfield, for the promoters ofthe Wisconsin Central had already decided that Ashland was to be the company's terminal on Chequamegon Bay (Martin 1941, 22).

In January 1872 the Press published a list of "buildings mid improvements" during 1871, amounting to $40,215 (BP 1/13/72). This willingness of Bayfield's citizens to invest what was for the times substantial miiounts of money in improving and adding to their property, and the thriving lumber, fish, and quarry industries, were certainly evidence of a prosperous and self-sustaining community. But the leaders mid investors of Bayfield had—as in 1856—a more expansive vision ofthe future of their community, described by Sam Fifield in the article referred to earlier (16). Bayfield, he declared, is "the best point on the l^e for a railroad terminus;" already it was the lake terminus of two railroads, "and will, in all probability have a branch ofthe Northern Pacific." Its harbor was open on mi average thirty-five days longer each year than Duluth or Superior, mid it was 60 miles nearer New York by water mid 70 miles nearer Smi Francisco by rail, than Chicago. Fifield concluded that "With these advantages and a fair chance in the race, it is expected of Bayfield, that in the years that are to come, she will become a city of commercial importance, second to none on the chain ofthe Great Lakes." Fifield's boasts about Bayfield's harbor at the expense of Superior and Duluth revived the old rivalry between them. The Superior Times replied immediately, belittling Bayfield's hmbor as a "mere roadstead" exposed to the fury of wind and waves from the lake. The Press responded in turn by suggesting that the Times editor was in danger of being credited "a nem relation to the long eared portion ofthe earth's population" because of his geographic ignorance, while describing the Duluth-Superior harbor as a "frog pond" more suited to "the sailing of birchbark cmioes" thmi as a "haven of safety" (17).

Perhaps even more fanciful that Fifield's airy predictions about the future of Bayfield's harbor was his assertion that Bayfield was "the lake terminus of two railroads." This, of course, was without foundation. The railroads referred to—^the Portage, Winnebago and Superior in the central region ofthe state and the old St. Croix and Lake Superior in the west—were then a long ways away and their progress northward was continually being interrupted by economic, legal, and political factors. Despite the renewal of its lmid grant, the St. Croix and Lake Superior still failed to make any progress except to do some grading (18). When the completion date of May 1869 passed there ensued a long struggle over renewal ofthe land grmit. Strong opposition cmiie from interests mound Duluth, who wanted to maintain the monopoly of wheat traffic on the Lake Superior and Mississippi Railroad, which had reached Duluth in August 1870. Minnesota otherwise supported renewal, the Legislature passing a resolution to that effect in January 1871 with only the representative from Duluth voting against it (BP 1/28/71—editorial; "The St. Croix and Bayfield Road," 1/28/71). Other midwest states—Indiana, Illinois, Ohio—opposed the grmit renewal intending by its defeat to stop the movement for extensive railroad land grmits (19). Finally, in June 1872 the U.S. Circuit Court in St. Paul ruled that although the conditions of the land grant, that is, construction ofthe railroad within the specified time period had not been met, the land

154 would not revert to the Federal government without a specific congressional act revoking the grmit (AWP 7/6/72).

Memiwhile, in 1871, a group of St. Paul financiers purchased the St. Croix and Lake Superior. They built from Hudson to New Richmond, reaching there on January 1 1872, but failed to obtain any grant lmid (BP 1/6/72). In January 1873 they sold the road to the West Wisconsin, which reorgmiized it as the North Wisconsin Railroad. The North Wisconsin then undertook to obtain the St. Croix grant, precipitating further controversy and mmieuvering in the Legislature over assignment ofthe grant. Finally, in March 1874 the grants under the 1856 and 1864 acts were divided between the North Wisconsin, which was to build from the St. Croix river or lake (interpreted to mean Hudson) to Bayfield by March 1881; and the Chicago and Northern Pacific Air Line Compmiy, which was to build from a point on the North Wisconsin's line to Superior by March 1879 (20). The North Wisconsin completed the road from New Richmond to Clayton from April to November 1874, but work was then suspended because of financial difficulties.

Bayfield, certainly disheartened by the halting progress ofthe St. Croix and L^e Superior and then the North Wisconsin, was dealt another blow when it became apparent in early 1872 that the northern terminal ofthe Wisconsin Central on Chequmiiegon Bay was to be Ashland. Rather than resenting the resurrected community at the head ofthe bay, the Press declared that while Ashlmid would develop into a "smart place," "we must remember that we are in miother county and that there is room enough on Chawamegon Bay for two flourishing cities," adding an afterthought that "Time will tell the story" (BP 1/13/72). A series of articles inthePress in March recognized that Bayfield's dream of becoming a great railroad center and commercial city was no longer realistic, and made the case for "The Future Of Bayfield" as a "commercial point," based on lumber, building stone, fisheries, and fruit farming; as a summer resort because of its "peerless and supreme" land mid water and "unrivaled natural beauty;" and as an "educational town" in the anticipated "future State of Superior" because of its healthy mid invigorating climate and established cultural institutions. In conclusion, it was emphasized that nothing said in the articles was intended to be "antagonistic to a friendly feeling as between Bayfield and . . . Ashland." Ashland's "gigantic claims ofthe future" as the "Great Iron and Commercial City of L^e Superior" will doubtless be realized, and Bayfield will be "her adjunct—her 'rural belonging'—her best and most petted friend." If Ashland "shall successfully play the role of 'Big Brother,' cannot Bayfield equally well enact the pml ofthe 'Handsome Sister'?" (21).

A "Letter From Bayfield" to the Milwaukee Sentinel described what probably was the true situation in Bayfield in the fall of 1872. "Bayfield is a small village of some seven hundred inhabitants" with "saw mills, stores and other outfits sufficient for a place of considerable business. . . . The "fixing ofthe lake terminus ofthe Wisconsin Central at Ashland has, however had a chilling influence upon this place. It has grown but little, if any, the past yem, while the tide of emigration, business mid excitement, sets in towards the new and rising city of Ashland. But the people here are not without hopes of railroad communications with Ashland, Duluth, St. Paul and the rest of world in some good time still coming" (MS 9/16/72). In June 1872 the Fifield brothers, no doubt having concluded that at least for the time being the "action" was to be in Ashland rather than Bayfield, moved their paper there. The last issue was published on June 15^ with a curt note that "On account of our removal, this week's local is unavoidably small." There was no local coverage of events in Bayfield from June 1872 to June 1877, when Samuel Fifield re-established the Bayfiield Press.

Eighteen seventy three opened with the dispatch of a posse of men under Sheriff Nelson Boutin and Robinson Pike to Ashland to deal with disorderly railroad workers, an event which must have enlivened what was probably a dreary New Year's Day in both communities. Having had a taste of "military life" mid perhaps to be prepared to deal with future trouble from the unruly elements among the population, a volunteer militia company was organized on February 5 . Named the Bayfield Rifles, the compmiy was the pride of Bayfield, and was an importmit part of community life for many years (22). Bad luck seemed to dog Bayfield, for on top ofthe loss ofthe Wisconsin Central terminal and then of its newspaper, the Bayfield House, a hotel on which

155 the community depended for its summer tourist business, burnt down in March 1873, atotal loss (23). But a May mlicle about on-going improvements in the village was hopeful nevertheless. "Bayfield," it declared, "has emerged from the long winter and comes out like a bright new butterfly this spring. Improvements are going on everywhere, and the bright gem of Lake Superior proposes to even outshine itself that season." A jewelry store and restaurant were to be opened soon, the Bayfield House was being rebuilt, various homes and other buildings were being refurbished or added to, the sawmills were running and the fisheries were busy, mid "the merchants seem to be doing a fair business, while the "Chaqwamigon Light" mid the "Rasberry Light" were in 'Tull blaze nightly" ("Bayfield Items,"AWP 5/17/73).

Fire struck once again in June 1874, destroying two houses mid the buildings occupied by the Indian Agency ("Fire At Bayfield," y4ff^P 6/6/74). Some ofthe county records in the Indimi Agency building were lost (Whittlesey, y4ffP' 3/16/78). That month the Bayfield Hydraulic Company begmi the construction of anew dam above the old one mid the installation of log pipes with a Imger bore, thereby increasing the volume of water available in the village. Fire plugs were to be put in at "the comers ofthe principal streets," and "hose purchased, and other apparatus furnished, which will provide for the future safety ofthe village from conflagrations" (AWP 6/13/74). A year later, a visitor from Ashland remarked that "We never saw the beautiful village look better, and were pleased to see so mmiy substmitial improvements." Included were the planting of shade trees along the streets, "Substantial side-walks," "new fences," "fine gmdens," "dwellings painted" and "docks slicked up." Pike's mill was busy as usual, the Boutin fishing crews "report a fair catch," and "the new water works are being put in order as rapidly as possible" (24).

In June 1877 Samuel S. Fifield re-established the Bayfiield Press (25). The first issue appeared on June 13 , and included advertisements for the Eva Wadsworth, a "steam yacht" which operated for years between Bayfield and Ashlmid; for general merchandise stores by S.S. Vaughn, J.H. Nourse, and A.C. Hayward; and for the "Island House" by William Knight. John H. Knight and Andrew Tate were listed as attorneys, Robert Inglis as express agent, I.H. Wing as agent, and Albert Angus as a "house, sign and ornamental painter." Eighteen seventy eight opened with a festive visit to Bayfield by an invited pmly of 30 from Ashland, accompanied by the Ashland Comet Band. Departing Ashland early on New Year's Day on the Eva Wadsworth, they were met at the pier in Bayfield at noon by the Bayfield Rifles and a salute from the old cmion (26). They were escorted to Smith's Hotel where they were treated to a "hearty dinner" and music by the Comet Bmid. Due to threatening weather they were obliged to return early to Ashland, and so missed the grand ball sponsored by the Bayfield Rifles ("The Open Polar Sea," BP 1/9/78). At the end ofthe month the "fire fiend" stmck again, this time at Red Cliff, destroying an Indimi Agency building and all govemment and personal property therein ("The Red Cliff Fire," BP 1/30/78). The Bayfield citizenry, finally moved to action, organized a fire company in March (BP 3/20/78, 3/27/78).

In July the Press published an mlicle on "Bayfield's Prospects" which reviewed all ofthe old "facts" about the advantages of Bayfield with the usual prediction about its glorious future as a railroad and shipping center (BP 6/7/78). But by August optimism had again faded. An article entitled "A New Hotel" began by stating that "It seems that there is no hope of an early completion ofthe North Wisconsin Railroad through to this place" because the capital to complete it will not be forthcoming until the land grant is secured, mid that will not happen for several years due to the litigation over the grmit. The miswer to the question of "What else could be done," was the construction of a well arranged, comfortable hotel on the right location that could accommodate 200 people. With this hotel and the other hotels and boarding houses filled, 300 "health seekers" could be expected to spend $1,000 a day, directly benefiting "every producer, laborer, salesmmi, and mechanic." Such a $25,000 hotel could be built if a plan were developed, and people donated labor mid materials, and subscribed money ("A New Hotel, BP 8/21/78; "The City Of The Fountains," PP 6/26/78). That the summer tourist business was importmit to the economy ofthe village was suggested by a report on port commence for 1878. It showed that 525 vessels had visited Bayfield during the year, bringing $71,102 worth of imports, buttling

156 only $40,851 of exports ("Lake and Hmbor Improvement," PP 1/29/79). The money spent by summer tourists must have been the major source of income to pay for this large excess of imports over exports.

In April 1879 the Press inspected the fishing and lumber businesses, the mainstays ofthe village economy. It reported that Boutin fisheries operated over 30 vessels, and employed 70 people for the summer; and that it had set 1,200 gill nets that stretched some 90 miles in length. Fresh fish was shipped to the midwestem cities, while salted fish was expected to fill 20,000 half barrels ("A Monster Fishing Business," BP 4/23/79). Pike was doubling his lumber mill capacity to meet increased demand, mid installing a new engine. The mill cut 40,000 feet of lumber a day, and also manufactured shingles, flooring, siding, and other wood products ("The Lumber Business", BP 4/16/79; BP 4/30/79). In October Pike had a bit of bad luck when the mill office caught on fire from sparks from the mill smoke stack (for the second time), destroying the upper story before it was extinguished by the villagers, who turned out in a body. The fire endmigered the entire village, and the Ashland Weekly Press reported that Pike refused to install a spark catcher on the mill stack because it would increase the cost of operating the mill, and that there was a strong feeling in the village against him because he "has subordinated the safety ofthe village to his own interests" (27).

Another April article suggested that the pessimism ofthe Press about the railroad had lifted somewhat. It declmed that "There is substantial ground for this hopeful view" that the North Wisconsin "will terminate at Bayfield, . . . mid Deo volente [if God is willing] it will be finished through inside of four years, with elevators erected to receive the wheat that will be shipped eastward over the road via Lake Superior" (BP 4/16/79). The prediction about the wheat elevators was never to be realized, but that it would take four years for the railroad to reach Bayfield was correct. Legal obstructions, financial considerations, difficult terrain, mid winter weather resulted in a slow, stop-and-go pace of construction. On May 2 1878, the West Wisconsin, which had become insolvent, was acquired by the Chicago, St. Paul and Minneapolis Railroad (chmlered April 30 1878). Two yems later, on May 26 1880, it in turn was consolidated with the North Wisconsin and the Sioux City Railway to form the Chicago, St. Paul, Minneapolis and Om^a Railroad Company, usually referred to simply as the "Omaha" (28).

Memiwhile, in the winter of 1877 the construction work that had been suspended at Clayton in November 1874 was resumed. By June 1879 the end ofthe line was near Granite Lake, some 20 miles north of Clayton, enabling the railroad to apply for additional land from its grant ("North Wisconsin R. R.,"AWP 5/12/77; "The North Wisconsin," y4ff^P 6/14/79). And in November an injunction was lifted that had prevented the compmiy from selling or mortgaging any ofthe lands on which it already held titles, considerably relieving its financial situation ("Victory For The North Wisconsin,"y4ff^P 11/8/79). Finally, in October, North Wisconsin officers visited Bayfield, "looking at the lay ofthe land between Bayfield and Ashland with reference to the best point for the North Wisconsin R.R. to terminate on this bay" (BP 10/25/79). The Press reported that they "have expressed a very decided preference for Bayfield as the terminus of their road" (BP 11/15/79).

The June 1880 U.S. Census forthe Town of Bayfield (that still encompassed all of Bayfield County) showed a total of 312 whites mid 252 Indians (29). The 1870 census had listed 344 whites, so the Town had actually lost some population during the preceding decade. Ofthe 312 whites, 251 were born in the United States, by far the larger number in Wisconsin (124), followed distantly by Michigan (32) mid New York (38), mid 14 other states (57). Sixty-one others were bom in foreign countries, mostly in Canada (22) and Germany (20), plus seven other countries (19). One hundred thirty-four ofthe white population were employed in 34 occupations, ranging from laborer to the professions and county officials. The most frequent occupations listed were laborer (18), farmer (15), fishermmi (12), and sailor (13). The relatively large number of fisherman, sailors, and coopers (9) suggests the importance of fishing in the economy. Forty-nine ofthe whites lived in the Town outside ofthe "Village." Of these, 15 were farmers mid 7 were farm laborers. The only major industry listed was Robinson D. Pike's sawmill. Powered by a 115 horsepower steam engine, the mill employed mi average of 31 males (including "11 children and youth") for seven months of full-time operation during the census year.

157 The annual output included five million "feet of lumber" and one-half million shingles during the year. Pike provided all ofthe logs for the mill and shipped his products on his own vessels. The two large fisheries in operation in Bayfield at this time were not listed in the census, nor were Pike's quarry, the quarry on Basswood Island, or the small sawmills operating in the county. There were seven farms listed, which together owned 1,845 acres of lmid, but only 496 acres were "improved." All ofthe farms had "milk cows" and poultry, and five farms had horses. The principal crops raised by all farms were potatoes and hay.

In this census year of 1880, Bayfield was almost a quarter of a century old. Many people had lived there since it was founded, and certainly mmiy had been bom there. It was undoubtedly a stable, closely-knit, family- oriented community. Fishing, lumbering, and tourism provided a comfortable living, while the railroad, creeping ever closer, promised an even more prosperous future. By November 1880 the tracks ofthe North Wisconsin were within three miles of Long Lake near Cable (now L^e Owen) (A WP 11/27/80). Meanwhile, surveyors were busy laying out the route to Chequamegon Bay (AWP 10/16/80, 11/27/80, 12/11/80, 12/18/80). There was no indication as to where the terminal would be located on Chequmiiegon Bay, however. Indeed, it was not until September 1881 that the Omaha adopted the shore line route around the coast ofthe bay to Bayfield (BP 9/17/81). The suspense was too much for the two Presses, and abrief but nasty bragging war over which offered the better site for a terminal broke out at the end of 1880 (30). Actually, the two communities were good friends, closely linked economically and socially. In November 1879 they were finally connected by good county roads suitable for stage travel, mid in October 1880 by a telephone and telegraph line (31).

By early May 1882, construction work had passed the end of Chequamegon Bay on the route to Bayfield, and an engineering office was constructed at Boyd's Creek (BP 5/6/82). In the fall the grade line was located to Houghton Point mid from there to the "stemiiboat dock" at the foot of Washington Avenue in the village (BP 10/14/82, 11/4/82). In 1882, with the slow but steady approach ofthe railroad, it appemed that Bayfield's expectations of a prosperous future would finally be realized. As the Press put it, "The near approach ofthe 'iron horse' has had a tendency to arouse our citizens from the lethargy that has so long held sway over their homes and there has been a revival ofthe spirit of enterprize and faith in the future ofthe 'Harbor City' " ('Bayfield," BCP 1/13/83). An article in the Press in mid-November noted that "Desirable village lots have sold for $250, but the best ones have not been put on the market;" mid another in emly December reported that the total evaluation of real estate inthe village had increased from $53,102 in 1881 to $86,820 in 1882, or by $33,718 ("About Bayfield,"PP 11/18/82; "The Beginning Of The Boom," PCP 12/9/82). As if to reflect the more expansive atmosphere, in November the Bayfield Press became the Bayfiield County Press, mid chmiged its format to provide more news ("A New Depmture," BCP 11/25/82).

An article in the Press assessing the "improvements" during 1882 announced that "The Boom Has Struck" (BCP "Bayfield!" 1/13/83). While no new industries or major businesses had been established, there had been "a general enlarging . . . of those already in existence." R.D. Pike had completely rebuilt his mill, installing the latest machinery, some of his own invention, and increasing capacity from 30,000 to 50,000 board feet per day, with a view to further enlargement of capacity (32). The dock facilities for the mill were also substmitially extended. Samuel S. Vaughn had enlarged his dock and warehouse facilities, and was constructing a new hotel which, inthe words of the Press, "will be an ornament to the place and prove of lasting benefit to her citizens." (Vaughn had closed down his sawmill emlier.) Boutin and Mahan had erected a "large and commodious dock" at the foot of Washington Avenue; a warehouse with a capacity of 500 tons; mid a "large double store and numerous outbuildings." These improvements, plus additions to or construction of residences, retail business, and other buildings, amounted to $106,000 for the yem. Finally, a long Press article in early February 1883, reported on Bayfield's fisheries—Frmik Boutin, Boutin mid Mahan, and Fred Fisher ("Bayfield's Fish Industry!"PCP 2/3/83). These firms, plus one small operator, handled 1,973,756 pounds offish, all except 77,000 pounds retailed in Bayfield were shipped to major midwest cities and Ashland. The total expenditures for the year ofthe three major firms was $69,279.

158 In mid-January 1883 the roadbed was prepmed to within nine miles of Bayfield, and in March piles were driven for bridges at Sioux River, Onion River, and Pike's Creek (BCP 1/20/83, 3/17/83, 3/31/83). By emly June track laying was within 15 miles of Bayfield, and in mid-July had reached McClellan (BCP 6/9/^3; AWP 7/14/83). Memiwhile on June 17 a brmich track constructed from the main line west of Ashland (Ashland junction) entered that village and was connected to the Wisconsin Central tracks ("The Omaha," AWP 6/16/83; "The Work Is Accomplished,"y4ff^P 6/23/83). In early August the roadbed was prepared for rails to within a mile of Bayfield, mid the line was being graded within the village (BCP 8/4/83). But then a crisis arose. The railroad had petitioned the Bayfield County Circuit Court for condemnation ofthe lmid in the village, which it needed for a depot and other facilities, and for the appointment of commissioners to ascertain fair compensation to the owners ofthe land. But the owners demanded higher prices thmi the compmiy was willing to pay. The railroad suspended construction work, giving as the reason a possible change in grade outside ofthe village. A rumor circulated, no doubt floated by the company, that the line would bypass Bayfield and the lake terminal would be constructed at Roy's Point, a promontory about a mile and one half northeast of Bayfield. True or not, the rumor galvanized the citizens of Bayfield to action. A citizens meeting was held, the outcome of which was that the railroad was offered the property it needed for $5,825, a proposition it immediately accepted (33). Finally, on October 12 the last mile or so of track was laid to the newly erected depot under the watchful eye of a crowd of Bayfielders, who kept track layers company all day, and at 4:04P the construction train reached the depot. There was no formal ceremony, but this is how the Press described the scene (BCP 10/13/83): "As the hands ofthe clock pointed to the hour, 4:04, the train halted in front ofthe depot, the star spangled banner was flung to the breeze, the old brass cannon belched forth flame and smoke, the whistles ofthe various steam vessels in the harbor united with those ofthe locomotive and the bells of churches and schools in one prolonged salute that echoed and re-echoed from hill-top to hill-top, while from the throats ofthe excited throng pealed cheer after cheer" (34). The Press report went on to recount the "incalcuable importance" ofthe railroad "to Northern Wisconsin and the Great West, as well as this immediate locality." The products ofthe "rich plains" will reach "this inland seaport" over the railroad, and it "renders available for maritime business one ofthe grandest harbors in the world."

But for the second time, Bayfield's dream of becoming a major "inland sea port" had "gone-a glimmering." It was generally assumed that the Chequamegon Bay terminal would be at Bayfield, as provided in the 1856 Federal land grant act (35). But rumors began to circulate in May 1883 that as the Ashland Weekly Press reported, "the Omaha Company has decided to build their docks across the bay opposite Ashland, at the point between Vmiderventer's Creek and 'McClellan' " (AWP 5/5/83). Rumor soon turned to fact, when the Press reported the following week that a "corps of engineers" had arrived "to take charge ofthe work of building the coal docks" ofthe Omaha at that location (AWP 5/12/83). People in Bayfield knew about this development, of course, but apparently accepted it calmly. An mticle in the Press, while disputing that the harbor "near McClellan" was the best in the area, simply noted (as it had when Bayfield "lost" the Wisconsin Central terminal to Ashland) that there were not just two, but several sites on the bay suitable for "manufacturing establishments." "All that remains for us to do, as a community," the Press counseled, "is to accept this fact in a philosophical manner mid redouble our individual efforts to further the interests of that particular locality in which our interests lie" (36). There was much speculation during these early years as to why the Om^a selected Vanderventer Bay rather than Bayfield as the site for its lake terminal. The answer is simply stated in the annual report for the company for 1882 (Chicago, St. Paul, Minneapolis and Omaha, Second Annual Report 1883, 8-9): "At Washburn where it is expected the principal transfer between rail and lake will take place, ample ground for tracks and building are secured, mid a substantial dock 150x500 will be ready for use at the opening of navigation this coming season. The natural advantages of this point are its comparatively protected situation, uniformly sufficient depth of water without dredging, and a shore line readily adapted to a convenient track system, while it is reached from the south by a line limited for more than 150 miles to a maximum grade of eight-tenths and curvature of three degrees. Between Washburn and Bayfield, 13 miles, there are two grades of 80 feet to the mile, over which heavy freight traffic is not for the present miticipated" (37).

159 The other exciting development in 1883 actually began before the railroad arrived: the wooden courthouse, located on the comer of Broad Street and Manypenny (then Fant) Avenue, burnt down early in the morning of February 6^ . The court records were in a vault and were untouched. A public meeting was immediately called, at which it was decided to build a brownstone structure on the "public square" on the hill overlooking the village. The cornerstone was lain on September 15 with Masonic Order ceremonies presided over by Edwin Ellis, and the building was completed the following July (now the National Park Service headquarters) (38). Two other events occurred during the summer that in a way symbolized how reality had overtaken the dream of Bayfield's future. The first event, which could be t^en as a reflection ofthe failed dream of becoming a large commercial city, was the closing ofthe only bank barely a month after it had opened—in the words ofthe Press report, "it has folded its tent mid lit out for Washburn down the bay"(PCP 9/1/83, 9/29/83). The second event, which symbolized an actual future based largely on tourism, was the opening of Samuel Vaughn's new hotel on July 10^ . It was celebrated with a grmid ball and a banquet attended by a large crowd including 30 couples from Ashland. It was christened the "Endaian House" (supposedly an Indian word meaning "our home") but that name apparently proved too cumbersome and mysterious and was soon replaced by "Island View House" (later Hotel). It was to be a Bayfield Imidmark and mecca for tourists for mmiy yems (39). Finally, in mid­ summer R.D. Pike opened a brownstone quarry (Bayfield Brownstone Qumry Company) on property on Vmi Tassells Point, about two and one-half miles southwest of Bayfield, and constructed a dock there for shipping the stone (BCP 6/9/83; Buckley 1898, 193-195). Stone was quarried along the shore and at two locations further inland (one of which can still be seen on the north side of state highway 13 through the site) (40).

With the railroad finally in place, the Press offered its observations on the future of this "section of Lake Superior." Ashland, Washburn, and Bayfield together could not expect to rival Chicago (quite a chmige from earlier confident pronouncements that Bayfield itself would someday rank with Chicago), but they will in "no distant day [be] the leading maritime and manufacturing ports of Lake Superior"(PCP 10/23/83). A visitor from Ashland in November observed that "the iron horse and the telegraph are both newcomers to Bayfield, but they have come to stay, and give new life and nerve power to its people. It has been a Rip Vmi Winkle sleep of many years, mid the awakening is not yet fully accomplished." But the "village shows considerable more 'new wood' " than expected, with "quite a number of good substantial residences and several new businesses erected," plus the buildings ofthe Om^a railroad, the new county courthouse, and the "Islmid View House . . . another good feature of which Bayfield may feel proud" ("As Seen by a Neighbor," PCP 11/10/83).

In early 1885, the Press published a comprehensive review ofthe "state" of Bayfield a little over two years after the arrival ofthe railroad and the telegraph ("Bayfield for 1885," PCP 1/9/86). The village had certainly grown rapidly during this time: the 1885 State Census showed a population of 1,409 (735 males, 674 females) up from 495 (285%) in 1880. The inventory of business mid institutions (large and small) included Catholic, Episcopal and Methodist churches; a free graded school, and a parochial school; a lumber mill, quarry, four fish dealers, two merchandise docks with large warehouses; numerous business establishments offering the usual vmiety of goods and services; mid a "roller rink" mid "one brass band." The two largest industries were Pike's mill mid the fisheries. The former, which included planing, lath, and shingle mills, occupied mi extensive area between Second mid Fifth Streets and Mmiypenny Avenue to the shore, with extensive whmf and boom facilities extending into the bay (41). The two largest ofthe four fisheries. Booth and Sons, and Boutin mid M^an, had their wmehouses on the merchmidise docks at the end of Washington Avenue (see Smidbom Map for 1886). Other indicators ofthe social mid economic health ofthe village in 1885 included 3,740 tons of freight and goods shipped and received by water, and 165,871 tons by rail; $125,00 of private and public improvements of various kinds; and $25,025 of business at the post office and $1,045 at the telegraph office (also 13 marriages, 47 births, and 23 deaths). The tone ofthe Press review was cautiously optimistic, concluding that "It is not expected that a great city will spring up here in a season, but it is confidently expected that here will always be found a live, prosperous, growing town mid the most desirable place for a residence on the shores ofthe 'Great Unsalted Sea.'" But Bayfield would have to accomplish this by itself, relying "wholly upon her natural advantages mid the energy of her citizens to become a thriving city in the future." Depending on the railroads

160 (and the non-resident property holders) for help had "time and time again been demonstrated the height of folly." (PCP 3/21/85).

While Bayfield never became the great commercial city and inland port envisioned by its founders—fate selected its rivals at the head ofthe lake for that honor—it was the "prosperous, growing town" envisioned by the Press. It shmed with Ashland mid the upstart Washburn in the prosperity ofthe 15 year boom period on Chequamegon Bay, based on lumbering, brownstone qumrying and shipping. Unfortunately it also shmed with them, and perhaps bore mi even greater burden of hardship than its sister communities, in the economic decline and stagnation that followed the exhaustion ofthe timber and the collapse ofthe brownstone market within the first few years ofthe new century.

161 Bayfield 1870-1883 Endnotes

1. The exact population figures were: 1865—35,701,000; 1900—76,094,000; the number of immigrmits was 12,133,301. For developments in Wisconsin during this period, see: Fish 1907; Merk 1916; Current 1976; Nesbit 1985. To some this era of transformation with all of its great accomplishments was the "age of enterprise," while to others who saw the accompanying greed, corruption, fraud, exploitations, and materialism, it was the "great barbecue" or the "gilded age." The latter term was coined by Mark Twain and Charles D. Wmner for the title of their novel about the early years ofthe Grmit administration (Ulysses S. Grant, President 1869-1877)—Twain and Warner 1873. The metaphor was originally intended to convey the theme of their novel, that the "veneer of gentility" ofthe nouveaux rich was only a "thin coating of gilt" over the "plain iron" of their humble backgrounds. The term was later appropriated and its meaning expanded to characterize everything that was wrong with the entire period from 1865 to 1900—see Bartlett 1969, 1. Historians continue to debate which term—age of enterprise or gilded age—more accurately chmacterizes the era as a whole. Some have taken the position that there was a functional relationship involved: that is, that at least some ofthe exploitation, materialism and even fraud and corruption, and the "robber barons," ofthe gilded age were necessary to energize and lubricate the traditional, pre-industrial economic and political structures that otherwise would have impeded the rapid and unprecedented economic transformation that took place. See: Garroty 1968, 1969; Morgan 1970; Trachtenberg 1982. For contrasting views ofthe period, see Cmnegie 1893, 1969; George 1955. For Chequmiiegon Bay, the yems from 1870 to 1900 were the embodiment ofthe worst features ofthe gilded age, for here greed, speculation, fraud, and chicmiery put into the hands ofthe timber, mining, and railroad interests great tracts ofthe forest and mineral Imids that were ruthlessly exploited.

2. Every Wisconsin railroad failed in the pmiic of 1857. Between 1861 and 1868, although many railroad companies were chartered, only 130 miles of track were constructed.

3. The background of this second land grant is as follows. As noted in the chapter on Superior, the Milwaukee interests that controlled the La Crosse and Milwaukee and the St. Croix mid Lake Superior railroads had tried to prevent St. Paul capitalists from constructing a line from that city to the western end of Lake Superior. In the aftermath ofthe panic of 1857 and with the outbreak ofthe Civil War, interest in the project faded on both sides ofthe river, but was soon revived by new developments. The war closed off the Mississippi so that farmers on both sides ofthe river were forced to ship their products by rail to Milwaukee or Chicago, and the railroads took advantage of their plight by raising freight rates. There was also the possibility of conflict with Great Britain, in which case the canal at Sault Ste. Marie would probably be blocked. The idea, then, was that a railroad to the head of Lake Superior would transport iron ore from the Upper Peninsula to St. Paul, which would become a great manufacturing center. Finally, there was increasing interest in opening the north country to settlement and exploiting its timber interests, encouraged by the proprietors ofthe townsites at Superior and Bayfield. Interested pmties on both sides ofthe river worked diligently to generate public support for their lines, the Lake Superior and Mississippi and St. Croix and Lake Superior. The struggle was taken to the congressional arena where in March 1864 a bill was introduced to make a land grmit directly to the Lake Superior mid Mississippi for a line from St. Paul to Lake Superior. (It will be recalled that the Minnesota and Northwestem had been given a grant for a line from St. Paul to Lake Superior, but due to irregularities in the legislative process the grant was eventually lost.) Wisconsin's Congressional delegation vigorously opposed the bill on two grounds: that if the grmit were made it would be impossible to complete the St. Croix and Lake Superior, the closely pmallel line in Wisconsin to the proposed route ofthe Lake Superior mid Mississippi; mid that the Wisconsin had not received its fair shme of grant land compared to that given to the other midwestern states. In the end, the Senate Committee on Public Lmids favorably reported the bill with an amendment to make the grant to the state rather thmi directly to the railroad company. It also reported a second bill (the provenance of which is unknown but can easily be imagined) providing for extensive railroad lmid grants to Wisconsin, as noted in 162 the text. Both bills were approved with the support ofthe Minnesota and Wisconsin delegations on May 5 1864—US Statutes 1864, V13, C79, C80. Forthe Congressional debate see the Congressional Globe, 38-1, March 3 1864, v. 34, pt.l, 923-924; March 10 1864, v. 34, pt. 2, 1030-1035; May 2 1864, v. 34, pt.3, 2035- 2036; also see Shippee 1918; Martin 1941, 6.

4. The 1856 lmid grant act provided for six sections in width. Companies eligible to receive grant lmid under the 1856 law were allotted four additional sections under the 1864 law.

5. Tomah and Lake St. Croix—Wis Laws 1865, G, C232. This railroad was chartered by the Legislature in April 1863 to build from the Town of Tom^ to the St. Croix River or lake by way of Black River Falls— WisLaws 1863, PL, C243. With its name changed to the West Wisconsin, the company went right to work, beginning construction at Tomah in 1869 mid reaching Hudson in 1872, for which it received 20,000 acres of grant land—Canuteson 1930, 110-111; Holmes 1946, 120-121. St. Croix and Lake Superior—fT/^ Paw 1865, G, C174, C175.

6. Wis Law 1866, PL, C314, C362. Asaph Whittlesey was listed as a charter stockholder ofthe Portage and Superior.

7. Among those who volunteered were Robinson D. Pike, Elisha Pike's son; William H. Wheeler, son of Rev. Leonmd H. Wheeler; and George Warren, one ofthe twin sons of Truman A. Warren. Three of George Wmren's half brothers were also in the war—Charles, Isaac, and Elisha Ermatinger; George Warren was wounded; Charles Ermatinger died from wounds; and Isaac Ermatinger died of disease.

8. "Sioux Uprising," Knight 1999, 29-30; Knight, "Bayfield Feared Indian Wm 90 Years Ago," BCP 10/10/53; Bumham, ADP 4/18/29; Bumham, "When President Lincoln Sent Troops To Bayfield," y47:)P 1/8/31, 1/9/31; "Everybody Had to Be Patriot," M^ 4/22/77; Burnham, y47:)P 7/7/57. AU.S. regulation tombstone was placed on the young soldier's grave in August 1885—"Soldiers Graves," BCP 4/9/79, 8/22/85; "Marking Their Graves," AWP 4/12/79; Burnham, y47:)P 12/14/33. Forthe "panic" in Superior, see "Sioux Scare at Superior," Knight 1999, 31-32; Knight, "Wmring Sioux Had the Pioneers Really Scared," BCP 12/17/53; "Sioux War Of 1862," WMH, 6/20; Wolner 1939, 83-87; and throughout Wisconsin, see Quaife 1920, 21; Current 1976, 319-321. The soldier's cmiie equipped with a brass cmion—a "six pounder"—that was abmidoned as outmoded when they departed. It made a noisy contribution to Bayfield's various celebrations for many years, but its history forgotten, it became the victim of a World Wm II scrap metal drive—"Bayfield's Brass Cannon," Knight 1999, 35-36; "Historic Old Cannon," PCP 7/2/09; Bumham, ADP 3/27/31. For a history ofthe Sioux uprising in Minnesota, see Theodore C. Blegen. Minnesota; A History Ofithe State. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1963, c. 14.

9. The Census covered all ofthe Town of Bayfield (which was the same as Bayfield County), and did not provide separate data for the village of Bayfield. Most ofthe people probably lived in the village, however, since there were no other settlements in the county mid no substantial farms. There probably were isolated logging camps but these may not even have been enumerated.

10. There was also a mill at Bark Point that employed 35 men, and was operated by a 40 horsepower stemii engine. Unfortunately, the capacity figures for these mills are not legible in the manuscript census. Both the Pike and Vaughn mills were located at the shoreline in the village. The Vaughn mill was powered by a 50 horsepower steam engine, the Pike mill by a 30 horsepower steam engine and a 30 horsepower water wheel or water turbine, whichever was used. According to an 1881 description. Pike constructed a reservoir on the hill above the mill that gave a "head" or "fall" of 58 feet to the mill to provide water pressure for fire fighting. Perhaps this was the source ofthe water pressure used to operate the water wheel or turbine—

163 Andreas 1881, 82. Elisha Pike's old water-powered mill outside of Bayfield was not listed in the census, but other sources suggest that it was still in operation.

11. 1870 U.S. Census for Ashland County. This was the first ofthe Chequamegon Bay brownstone quarries, opened in 1868. Both Alanson Sweet, a politician and speculator from Milwaukee, and Frederick Prentice were credited with having opened the quarry. There are also references to Strong, French, and Company and also to the Bass (Basswood) Island Brownstone Company, as owner mid operator, however. Stone from the qumry was shipped to Milwaukee, where it was used to build the county courthouse, among other projects. In the great Chicago fire on October 8 1871 the brownstone stood up very well to the intense heat, confirming what laboratory tests had already shown, resulting in a large increase in demand for the stone for rebuilding the city—Buckley 1898, 178-182; Ross 1960, 127; Bumhamy47:)P 5/4/31; "Lake Superior Brownstone,"PP 11/11/71; "Brown Sandstone,"PP 4/20/72; "Bayfield And Vicinity,"PP 7/29/71; also: BP 10/20/70, 11/12/70,6/3/71, 10/21/71, 11/11/71,5/31/84. There apparently was also a quarry on Stockton Island, owned by Samuel S. Vaughn, which provided broken stone for a breakwater at Ontonagon—text accompanying map, BP 6/3/71.

12. In the first issue, "Sam. S. Fifield & Bro." are shown as the "publishers and proprietors," and "H.O. Fifield" as the editor. Smii Fifield did not locate in Bayfield, however, but remained in Osceola, where he published the Polk County Press. Henry O. Fifield was commonly known as "Hmik." The Bayfiield Mercury was published from April 18 to September 15 1857. The first Bayfiield Press was published from October 1 1859 to 1861, and the second from 1866 to (possibly) 1868, but there are no surviving issues of these two papers—Oehlerts 1958, 11; Andreas 1881, 82. There was therefore no local coverage of events in Bayfield from September 15 1857 to October 13 1870, when the Fifields established the Press; and from June 15 1872, when they moved the paper to Ashland, to June 13 1877 when they re-established it in Bayfield. Occasional items on Bayfield were published in the Ashland Weekly Press from June 1872 to June 1877, and there are a few personal documents available. Andreas provided a description of Bayfield to about 1881, which is drawn on for this discussion—Andreas 1881, 79-83. Following is the early history ofthe Bayfiield Press:

10/13/70-6/15/72 Samuel S. Fifield and Henry O. Fifield. 6/15/72 Moved to Ashland. 6/13/77- Re-established by Samuel S. Fifield, with Morris Edwards as business manager. 5/31/79- Edwards succeeded by D.L. Stinchfield. 1/24/80 Stinchfield succeeded by W.W. Whitney. 5/22/80 Isaac H. Wing listed as proprietor, D.L. Stinchfield as editor. 5/81 Stinchfield succeeded by Daniel H. Pulcifer. 10/8/81 Pulcifer succeeded by A.C. Stevens. 9/30/82 Currie G. Bell became proprietor and editor until 4/08. 11/25/82 Name changed to Bayfiield County Press mid five column format adapted.

13. "The Bayfield Road,"PP 10/13/70; "J.H. McClusky,"PP 12/24/70; "Winter Route!"PP 2/4/71 (stage line advertisement); also PP 11/5/70, 11/12/70, 11/26/70.

14. BP 6/3/71; the map extends from R6W to RIE.

15. The Bayfield and St. Croix was shown as approaching Chequamegon Bay from the southwest, and then extending to Bayfield along two routes: an "original survey" route extending toward the middle ofthe peninsula and then turning east into Bayfield; and a "late survey " route along the coast ofthe peninsula to Bayfield (the route ofthe Chicago, St. Paul, Minneapolis, and Omaha in 1883). The Wisconsin Central was shown approaching Bayfield from the southwest with no apparent connection to the Wisconsin Central line

164 shown entering Ashland from the south; probably it was part of a proposed railroad between Superior mid Bayfield. The Northern Pacific Railroad was shown running from west to east, far to the south of Ashland, terminating abruptly at the l^e coast somewhat west of Ironton. Despite the assertion in the text that the railroad surveys were "not imaginative" but had been "thoroughly made," a great deal of wishful thinking must certainly have influenced whoever drew this map.

16. The Press devoted considerable ink mid space to articles reprinted from other newspapers (but probably "planted" by the Press editor) describing what a wonderful place Bayfield was, its magnificent harbor, what a promising future it had as a great port at the western end of Lake Superior, and so on—for example "Bayfield And Vicinity," PP 11/12/70, 7/29/71, 8/5/71, 8/12/71, 9/2/71; also see other articles listed in bibliography.

17 "Lake Superior,"PP 10/13/70; PP 11/5/70; "The Amende Honorable,"PP 11/19/70; PP 12/10/70; "A Scientific Explanation," PP 12/17/70.

18. The discussion ofthe progress of railroad construction to Bayfield and the long controversy surrounding the so-called St. Croix land grant, is based on Canuteson 1930, c. 6, 8; "C, St. P. M. & O. R./'AWP 6/30/83; Nesbit 1985, c. 3; and articles from the BP, BCP, and AWP as cited.

19. On the opposition of Duluth interests, see: "Review ofthe Duluth Tribune Extra," PP 6/24/71; "Our Superior Letter," PP 7/1/71; PP 1/28/71 editorial; "The St. Croix and Bayfield Railroad," PP 1/28/71; "Unfaimess Of L. S. & M. Opposition To The St. Croix Land Grant," PP 2/24/72. On the opposition of midwestem states, see "Land Grants,"PP 1/7/71; "Bayfield and St. Croix Railroad,"PP 2/4/71;PP 2/11/71. For the congressional debate, see: Congressional Globe, 41-3, Janumy 27 1891, v. 43, pt. 1, Debates, 790- 791, speeches inthe House on January 27 1871, v. 43, pt. 3, Appendix, by S.B. Axtell of California, 64-66, J. Proctor Knott of Kentucky, 66-68; W.S. Holmmi of Indiana, 90-94. Holman's speech was a succinct statement of opposition to the renewal ofthe St. Croix grmit. He declared that the bill to renew the grant was important not only because ofthe large amount of land involved, "but still more from the fact that the determination which the House may reach upon this bill may fairly be accepted as indicating its future action upon other similm measures; . . . Hence, in discussing this bill, the whole question ofthe policy of grants of public lands to corporations for internal improvements is properly under consideration." Also see: Congressional Globe, 41-3, February 2 1871, v. 3, pt. 2, Debates, remmks by Charles Pomeroy of Iowa and others, 910-919; speech in the House on Februmy 2 1871, v. 3, pt. 3, Appendix, by John B. Hay of Illinois, 121-123.

20. WisLaws 1874, C126. The 1864 land grant act provided that this "point" or junction was "to be selected by the state." The Legislature then specified that it be the location shown on maps from the earlier surveys for the St. Croix and Lake Superior on file in the Federal land office. The location became known as Superior Junction and later as Trego.

21. "The Future Of Bayfield," PP 3/9/72, 3/16/72, 3/23/72, 3/30/72. In an age when competing townsites bombarded each other with bitter attacks, often expressing a real hostility between them, this benign and submissive attitude toward Ashland, an obvious competitor for immigrants, capital, railroads, and fame, was unusual. It was no doubt due to the fact "that a number of property owners in Bayfield are also pecuniary interested in the growth of Ashland"—BP 3/23/72. Probably the desire ofthe Fifield brothers not to antagonize the advertisers and readers ofthe Bayfiield Press (and the future Ashland Press) in Ashland was also a factor.

22. There had been talk of "getting up a militia compmiy" in 1871—BP 7/8/71. As was common practice in the militia, commissioned and non-commissioned officers were elected by the rmik and file—Robinson D. Pike 165 was elected as captain, John Gmgneu (Gargnon) as 1 lieutenmit, and Duffy Boutin as 2" lieutenant. The company received 60 Springfield breech-loading rifles and ammunition, and "3 non-commissioned officers' swords and belts," on June 3 1873. They received their uniforms in June 1876, described as "a gray cap, jacket and trousers." For a roster ofthe members ofthe company on September 10 1873, see Knight, "This Happened Just 81 Years Ago This Very Week," PCP 12/31/53. As a state militia company, the Bayfield Rifles was to be inspected annually in the summer by a representative ofthe state Adjutant General. Many men ofthe authorized strength of 60 could not be present during the summer because of employment in logging or fishing, however, so the compmiy was unable to pass these inspections satisfactorily. In March 1880, a special law was approved that authorized inspections ofthe Bayfield Rifles during the winter—Wis Law 1880, C300. Interest in the company gradually faded, however, mid by 1882 there were no members reported. The compmiy was officially disbanded by the Adjutant General in 1883, and an item in the Ashland Weekly Press in March 1883 stated that "the Bayfield Rifles had removed to Ashland"^^ ffp* 3/3/83. See: Annual Reports OfiThe Adjutant and Quartermaster Generals OfiThe State OfiWisconsin For The Fiscal Year Ending September 30, 1873, 7, 12; Annual Reports OfiThe Adjutant and Quartermaster Generals OfiThe State OfiWisconsin For The Fiscal Year Ending September 30, 1878, 11; Annual Report Ofi The Adjutant General OfiThe State OfiWisconsin For The Fiscal Year Ending September 30, 1879, 6-10; Annual Reports OfiThe Adjutant and Quartermaster Generals OfiThe State OfiWisconsin For The Fiscal Year Ending September 30, 1880,16; Annual Report OfiThe Adjutant General OfiThe State OfiWisconsin For The Fiscal Year Ending September 30, 1882, 46; Biennial Report OfiThe Adjutant General OfiThe State OfiWisconsin For the Two Fiscal Years Ending September 30, 1884, 14 (all SHSW-GD); AWP 4/5/73, 6/26/73, 6/24/76, 7/15/76, 4/28/77; BP 1/9/78; "A Pleasant Affair," 2/27/78; BP 12/11/78; "The Militmy Ball," PP 2/26/79; "Chapter 300," PP 3/27/80; "Historic Old Cannon," PCP 7/2/09.

23. "Fire At Bayfield,"y4ff^P 3/15/73. Bayfield appears to have been plagued with fires. Andreas reported that there were fires in 1860, 1862, 1872, 1873, mid 1874, although some of his dates could not be verified— Andreas 1881, 81.

24. "Bayfield Items," AWP 6/5/75. The State Census in June 1875 listed 1,030 people in the Town of Bayfield, which still encompassed all of Bayfield County. There were 538 males and 492 females, plus one "colored" male. Most of these people undoubtedly lived in the village of Bayfield.

25. While the Press renewed local coverage of developments in Bayfield, occasional issues from these early yems are missing, as well as most issues for 1880.

26. The Eva Wadsworth was owned by Samuel Vaughn. It served as a ferry between Ashland and Bayfield for many years before being sold to a party in Duluth—Ross 1960, 127; Bumham 1974, 241; PCP 6/30/83.

27 "Fire No. 2"PP 10/25/79; 'Tike's Office Again," AWP 10/25/79. Pike was one ofthe leading citizens and a major benefactor ofthe village, which probably explains why this critical comment did not appear in the Bayfiield Press. Perhaps to mollify public opinion, he made part ofthe second floor into an "excellent public hall" when it was rebuih after the fire—PP 11/8/79.

28. On the consohdation, see the biographical sketch of H.H. Porter in "C, St. P., M. & O. R." AWP 6/30/83. The North Wisconsin became the northern division ofthe Omaha, but continued to be referred to by the former name locally—AWP 12/14/78. The Chicago and Northern Pacific Air Line Company had done nothing to construct its road to Superior, despite completion time extensions granted by the Legislature. The struggle for its land grant broke out again, with several railroads competing for it. The company graded 20 miles south of Superior, but no rails were laid. In Janumy 1882, the Omaha took over the railroad. Omitted from the purchase agreement was money to pay the construction compmiy, suppliers, mid laborers engaged to do the grading. There ensued a brief but nasty "railroad war" at Superior and Veazie (located

166 just east of Trego or "Superior Junction") as the workers resorted to property destruction and violence to obtain their wages. In Februmy 1882 the Legislature revoked the grmit to the Chicago mid Northern Pacific and conferred it on the Omaha with the condition that the compmiy pay the workers the wages due them— WisLaws, 1882, CIO. In November 1882, the Omaha tracks reached the outskirts of Superior near Bluff Creek, where they were connected to the Northern Pacific tracks into town. In the following spring the Omaha completed track laying into Superior to its own depot—Superior Times 11/4/82, 11/11/82, 11/18/82; AWP 11/18/82. Trains began to run in early December—^fTP 12/2/82. On December 16 1882 the Chicago and North Western gained control ofthe Om^a by purchase of one-half of its stock—Railroads ofi Wisconsin 1937, 33-37. On the trouble at Superior and Veazie, see Nesbit 1985, 586-587.

29. There was a separate enumeration forthe "Village of Bayfield," listing 263 whites and 218 Indimis. Since there were probably not more than a dozen Indimis who resided (or would have been allowed to reside) in the Bayfield settlement itself, the "Village of Bayfield" enumeration district must have included the Indian reservation at Red Cliff. Also, there was no separate enumeration for that location. In miy case, the data for the "Village of Bayfield" probably does not reflect the actual population ofthe Bayfield settlement.

30.AWP 12/11/80, 12/25/80;PP 12/18/80; "What Is Your Verdict," PP 1/22/81; "A Lesson On Railroads," PP 12/22/81. They had occasionally exchanged barbed comments before then, however—AWP 11/22/79; BP 12/6/79. The "feud" was unusual in that the same person, Smiiuel Fifield, was the owner and nominal editor of both papers; it was probably a circulation stunt.

31. "County Road Completed," PP 11/8/79. The Bayfield and Ashland Telephone mid Telegraph Company was organized on October 29 1880 by R.D. Pike and other men of means in Bayfield, with capital of $1,500—Andreas 1881, 82-83;y4frP 8/14/80, 10/9/80, 10/16/80.

32. BP 9/3/81, 9/10/81, 5/27/82, 8/5/82. The mill office caught on fire for the third time in July 1881— PP 7/9/81.

33. "Circuit Court—Bayfield County,"PP 9/23/82, 10/21/82; BCP 11/25/82; "Notice,"PCP 6/30/83; "Railroad Racket,"PCP 7/21/83, 7/28/83.

34. The depot was located near the comer of Broad Street and Manypenny (then Emit) Avenue, with the boarding platform along Manypenny. The turn table and locomotive house were located along Manypenny in the next block to the east, between Second mid First Streets. The track did not extend beyond First Street—see Sanborn Map for 1886.

35. As noted earlier, the 1854 charter ofthe St. Croix and Lake Superior Railroad specified that a branch ofthe road from Hudson to the St. Louis River would run "to some point at or near La Pointe, on L^e Superior"—Wis Laws 1854, PL, C74. The 1856 Federal land grant act was more specific, providing that the road be built "to Bayfield"—^7^ Statutes 1856, C43. But the first annual report ofthe Chicago, St. Paul, Minneapolis and Omaha, after it had taken over the North Wisconsin (successor to the St. Croix mid Lake Superior) equivocated somewhat, providing that the line would extend to Lake Superior "at or near Bayfield"—First Annual Report OfiThe Chicago, St. Paul, Minneapolis And Omaha Railway Company For The Year Ending December 3P\ 1881, 8 (MHS).

36. AWP 5/12/83; BCP 5/12/83. Robinson D. Pike and also Isaac Wing of Bayfield certainly knew ofthe plan to build the terminal facilities nem McClellan and establish a townsite there, since they were both members ofthe Bay Land and Improvement Company, the Washburn townsite syndicate. The syndicate was incorporated in June 1883, but Pike and others were engaged in land transactions on the townsite prior to that. Smiiuel S. Vaughn mid Edwin Ellis of Ashland were also members of this syndicate—"Articles of

167 Organization" ofthe Bay Land mid Improvement Compmiy, records ofthe St. Croix County Register of Deeds; Biennial Report ofithe Secretary ofiState, October 10 1884, Appendix O, 205; "Washbum," WI 10/23/84.

37. With the construction ofthe Omaha railroad terminal at Washbum, it soon became clear that despite the eternal optimism ofthe Press, the Om^a did not intend to construct grain elevators and docks on the "best harbor in the world." The Omaha constructed a spur to Pike's sawmill, but did nothing else to provide rail service to the waterfront. One Willimii F. Dalrymple conceived ofthe idea of a railroad to trmisfer grain and freight between the Omaha terminal in the village to the docks, which it was expected would be constructed along the waterfront. He was a partner with his brother, Oliver, in a large wheat farm in North Dakota. (Oliver Dalrymple operated huge "bonanza" wheat fmms in Cass and Traill Counties in eastern North Dakota—Drache 1964; Dalrymple 1960.) The two brothers, along with three other men, organized the Bayfield Transfer Railroad Company, incorporated on July 26 1883. The line was not completed until 1890 or 1891, however. It ran along the shore from its terminal and roundhouse at the foot of Washington Avenue, 3.86 miles to Red Cliff. It continued from the terminal past the city dock at the foot of Rittenhouse Avenue onto a curved trestle that carried it over a short stretch of water then back to land where it connected with the Omaha tracks. The first scheduled train ran on April 25 1898, although "old timers" insisted that it was in operation as early as 1892. Herbert C. Hale, a distant relative ofthe Dalrymples, was the general manager for the railroad in Bayfield. For years it served as a sort of "Toonerville Trolley," busily transporting passengers and freight between Bayfield and Red Cliff. Later it was used as a logging railroad, carrying timber to the Wachsmuth and other local mills. The Dalrymples also organized a second railroad, the Bayfield Harbor and Great Western, incorporated on October 7 1885. It was to begin at "a point at or nem Bayfield, Wis. in a south-westerly direction to a point on the west line of Douglas County, also, from a point on this route, in a south-westerly direction to a point near Stillwater, Minn." The plan was to connect to the railroads into St. Paul and Superior, connecting at the latter location with the Northern Pacific, providing a through route over which wheat and other grain products from the fmms of Minnesota and North Dakota would be transported to elevators at Bayfield for shipment by water to the east and overseas. In the summer of 1897, the voters mid board ofthe Town of Bayfield approved a subscription to $25,000 of the capital stock ofthe railroad. The only pmt of this line that was built was a six mile section from (near) Roy's Point to the Raspberry River. (The Biennial Report OfiThe Railroad Commissioner for 1901-1902 identifies this western terminal ofthe road as "Greenhurst, Wis."—36.) There it joined a paper railroad named the Bayfield, Superior and Minneapolis whose tracks were intended to extend to Rocket Creek, which joins the Sand River near Sand Bay. This pmt ofthe Dalrymples' project was inspired by the same motive which was behind the location ofthe Omaha wheat elevators at Washbum, nmiiely to circumvent the stranglehold of other railroads on the wheat traffic to the l^e via Superior-Duluth, Milwaukee, and Chicago. Indeed, William Dalrymple was ofthe opinion that "the time was not far distmit when Duluth would be a town ofthe past, and would occupy the place Superior has for so long a time. This bay is destined to become the head ofthe lake. The railroads will come where business is, and this bay stands unrivalled on the chain of lakes forthe facilities offered the shipping interests" (WB 5/16/85). An elaborate map dated November 1892 showed the proposed village of "Dalrymple," extending from North Limits Road—renamed "Division Avenue"—^to the south boundary ofthe Red Cliff reservation, including 18 "streets" east to west, mid 20 "avenues" south to north. From Washington Avenue in Bayfield to Red Cliff, no fewer that 55 docks project into the waters ofthe bay. Lmge marshalling yards are shown in "Dalrymple," with the dual tracks ofthe Bayfield Harbor and Great Western branching there from the Bayfield Transfer Railroad. Often referred to as "Dalyrmple's Dream," the two railroads mid the village should more accurately be called "Dalrymple's Fantasy." There were no "facilities" mid little "business" at Bayfield, nor was there miy possibility that the Bayfield Harbor and Great Western would attract the necessary capital or that the "big boys" in the railroad business would have allowed it to prosper if it had been built. Ross 1960, 142 (map), 155-156, l72-l73;"i:heRa\lroads;' Papers ofiHamilton Nelson Ross (ARC-A); "Map Showing Proposed Location Of Bayfield Transfer R. Y. Co.'s Docks" 1892 (SHSW-A);

168 Papers ofiWilliam F. Dalrymple (SHSW-A); "Railway Racket,"BCP 8/4/83; BCP 5/12/83, 8/8/83, 10/13/83; "Another Eastem Outlet,"PCP 10/27/83; Knight, "Pest House Days in Old Bayfield Recalled," BCP 3/20/58;'Q\\mham,ADP 9/1/33, 10/24/33, 11/24/33, 12/28/33; Biennial Report OfiThe Railroad Commissioner OfiThe State OfiWisconsin, For the Fiscal Years Ending June 30, 1901 and 1902. Madison: Democrat Printing Company, 1892 (SHSW—GD). The bonds issued to the proposed Dalrymple railroad were returned to the Town of Bayfield mid burned—WN 5/10/95.

38. "A Disastrous Fire!"PCP 2/17/83; "Laying ofthe Comer Stone of Bayfield County Court Ylouse," AWP 9/15/83; BP 9/15/83; "Bayfield County's New Court House,"PCP 7/12/84; "The New Court House at Bayfield,"AWP 7/19/84; Bumham, "Bayfield's First Brownstone Courthouse,"PCP 6/22/33. Pikes quarry and the Basswood Island quarry supplied the brownstone for the building. "Community Center Dedicated," BCP 6/22/33; also see BCP 2/24/83, 3/3/83, 3/10/83, 3/31/83, 7/14/83. As a sort of encore to the courthouse fire. Smith's Hotel, a landmmk ofthe village from its emly days, burnt down on June 11 —"The Blaze at Bayfield," y4frP 6/16/83.

39. BCP 7/14/83, 8/4/83; AWP 7/14/83. Some sources state that the hotel was built by the Omaha railroad, but no evidence of this could be located—Ross 1960, 137-138. There was no mention of hotel construction at Bayfield in miy annual report ofthe Om^a Company, where the expenditure would have been listed. The project was begun as early as November 1879 by Samuel Vaughn, but at some point construction was suspended—"Good News," PP ll/W79;AWP 11/15/79; BCP 7/21/^3. It was finally completed in July 1883 with a loan of $2,500 solicited from the citizens of Bayfield, perhaps encouraged by Vaughn's apparent attempt to sell it—PCP 4/28/83; 5/26/^3; AWP 5/5/83; "Vaughn's Hotel," PCP 5/26/83; PCP 6/9/83. A good description ofthe hotel is included in "Bayfield!" BCP 1/13/83. For photos see Holzhueter 19^6, 37; Ashland And Environs 1888,np. The building burned to the ground in April 1887, but was rebuilt with funds provided by the people of Bayfield—"The Fire Fiend," BCP 4/9/87; BCP 7/16/87, 7/30/87. The building was razed in 1913.

One ofthe tourist attractions of Bayfield during these years was mi observation tower referred to as the "old observatory." Actually, there were two such towers. The first was located on the hill where the fire lookout tower now stands. It was a rude, temporary structure 40 feet high constructed by govemment surveyors as a surveying base point, and called the "govemment observatory." Located about three miles from Bayfield, it was difficult to reach by the primitive roads ofthe time, but provided a magnificent view ofthe Apostle Islands and surrounding area. A sketch ofthe tower is included in The Apostle Islands And Lake Superior 1884, 36. In May 1884 the Bayfield Town Board authorized the expenditure of $250 to erect a tower on a hill overlooking the village "on the east side ofthe Broad Street ravine" ("Olsen's hill"). It was a timber structure completed in July 1884, but it eventually fell victim to fire and was not replaced. Informal measurements in August 1885 placed the foot ofthe tower at 484 feet above lake level, and the observation deck at 561 feet, suggesting a height of 77 feet. Burnham, "Bayfield Observatory," .47:'P 1/16/34-1/19/34; BP 10/7/82; BCP 3/24/83, 6/2/83, 7/14/83, 5/24/84, 5/31/84, 7/5/84, 8/15/85; "The Old Observatory," y4frP 4/26/79. In November 1933, the Bayfield County Board received a recommendation to establish mi observatory on a high hill back of Bayfield, but took no action on it—WT 11/16/33.

40. For an overview of Bayfield in the fall of 1883 in the flowery language ofthe time, see Industries Ofi Bayfiield, October 1883. Lumbering was listed as the "backbone ofthe place and will be for mi age," followed by its "magnificent harbor, which is really a paragon of perfection as a shipping point," mid its many advantages which make it an "unparalleled summer resort"—10,11. The provenance of this document, verbose and full of slight exaggerations, is unknown, but Andrew Tate is given credit for "furnishing much valuable information"—9.

169 41. The Sanborn Map for 1886 provides considerable detail about the layout and equipment ofthe Pike mill, as do the maps for 1892, 1898, and 1904. Also see "Capt. R.D. Pike," Knight 1999, 78-88. For a sketch ofthe mill, Chequamegon 1976, 15; for a photograph, see Ashland And Environs 1888, np. Robinson D. Pike died in March 1906, and in July the mill was sold to the Wachsmuth Lumber Company, which operated it until September 9 1924—PCP 3/30/06, 7/6/06, 9/10/24. It was the last large mill on Chequamegon Bay to go out of business. In less than 50 years, ruthless exploitation by the lumber companies had obliterated the great, "inexhaustible" stands of pine in the Chequamegon Bay region, largely for the benefit of outside markets and finmicial interests, leaving behind a vast wastelmid—^the "cutover."

170 Town of Bayfield Statistics—1870(a)

Table 1

Population Characteristics

Total 344 White 341 Indian 2 Colored 1 Adults 196 Children 105 Males 196 Females 148 Native 288 Foreign 56

Table 2

Ages

1-5 yrs. 6-15 yrs. 16-30 yrs. 31-50 yrs 57-70 yrs 71+ yrs Total 41 64 102 85 8 1 301 a. The Town of Bayfield included all of Bayfield County. The manuscript census (the original hmidwritten enumeration) includes many entries that are illegible due to fading; therefore, certain entries in these tables will not add up to the total population.

171 Table 3

Places of Birth

U.S. Births

Wisconsin 161 Michigmi 22 New York 17 Minnesota 11 Ohio 9 Maine 6 District of Columbia 4 Pennsylvmiia 4 Massachusetts 3 Illinois 2 Vermont 2 Virginia 1

Foreign Births

Scotland 21 Cmiada 17 Prince Edward Island 4 Irelmid 3 Nova Scotia 2 England 1 Prussia 1 Sweden 1 Wales 1

172 Table 4

Occupations

Laborer 66 Fishermmi 13 Domestic servant 10 Clerk 6 Gentleman 6 Saw mill engineer 5 Sawyer 5 Merchant 4 Cmp enter 3 Sailor 3 Blacksmith 2 Civil engineer 2 Bm keeper Butcher Cook Explorer of pine (?) Hotel keeper Light house keeper Lumberman Shingle m^er 133

Table 5

Property and Taxes

Property values Real estate $324,301 Personal 26.808 Total $351,109

Annual Taxes State $276 County 1,000 Town 2.725 $4,001

(Also listed under taxes was "Railroad $1,500.00")

173 Table 6

Institutions (a)

Schools Number 1—public—ungraded common Students 40 Teachers 1

Churches Presbyterimi 1—100 (b) Protestant Episcopal 1—80 Catholic 1—250 a. No libraries are listed, although the 1860 census showed three libraries. b. It is not clem whether this number referred to the size ofthe congregation or the capacity ofthe church building.

174 Table 7

Agricultural Resources

No. of farms 2 Total acres 5- 1 farm Improved acres 5 Horses 2 Cows 2 Peas/beans (bushels) 5 Potatoes 550 Milk sold (gallons) 60 Butter (pounds) 50 Hay (tons) 15

Table 8

Industrial Resources

Power—HP Emplovees Products R.D. Pike Mill steam—30 25 shingles, lumber water—30 Bayfield Mill Co. steam—50 25 shingles, lumber Bark Point Mill steam—40 35 lumber

175 Town of Bayfield Statistics—1880 (a)

Table 1

Population Characteristics

Village Townfb) Total White Indian Total 495 69 564 — — White 263 49 312 312 — Indian 232 20 252 — 252 Adults 284 48 332 205 127 Children 211 21 232 111 121 Males 258 41 299 166 133 Females 237 28 265 156 109 Native 442 59 501 251 250 Foreign 53 10 63 61 2

Table 2

Ages

1-5 vrs 6-15 vrs. 16-30 vrs. 31-50 vrs. 51-70 vrs. 71+vrs. Total Village 92 119 153 91 30 10 495 Town 7 14 20 17 9 2 69 Total 99 133 173 108 39 12 564 White 55 56 100 71 30 4 316 Indian 44 77 73 37 9 8 248 a. The Town of Bayfield encompassed all of Bayfield County. The 1880 census did not include the social statistics schedules found in previous censuses. b. Includes the Town of Bayfield outside ofthe Village of Bayfield.

176 Table 3

Places of Birth

U.S. Births—501

Village—44^ I Town—59 Total White—251 Indian—250 Wisconsin 331 37 368 124 244 Michigan 31 3 34 32 2 New York 29 9 38 38 0 Minnesota 11 0 11 7 4 Ohio 8 2 10 10 Delaware 6 0 6 6 Pennsylvania 4 5 9 9 D. of Columbia 4 0 4 4 Massachusetts 4 0 4 4 Maine 3 1 4 4 Vermont 3 0 3 3 Tennessee 3 0 3 3 Illinois 3 0 3 3 Indiana 1 0 1 1 Iowa 1 0 1 1 Louisiana 0 1 1 1 Missouri 0 1 1 1

Foreign Births—63

Village--53 Town--10 Total--63 White--61 Indian Canada 23 1 24 22 2 Germany 13 7 20 20 Ireland 5 1 6 6 Sweden 4 1 5 5 Scotlmid 3 3 3 Belgium 2 2 2 England 1 1 1 Wales 1 1 1 St. Helena 1 1 1

177 Table 4

Occupations

Village Town Total White Indian Laborer 57 5 62 18 44 Farmer 15 15 15 Fisherman 11 1 12 11 1 Sailor 11 2 13 10 3 Cooper 9 9 4 5 Farm laborer 7 7 7 Priests (a) 7 7 7 Cmpenter 7 1 8 4 4 Clerk 5 5 4 1 Merchant 5 5 5 Servmit 5 1 6 6 Grocer 4 4 3 1 Mason 4 4 4 Teacher 4 4 4 Blacksmith 3 3 1 2 Cook 3 3 3 County official 3 3 3 Engineer 3 3 3 Hotel owner 3 3 3 Lighthouse keeper 2 1 3 3 Logger 2 2 2 Printer 2 2 2 Boarding house keeper Boat builder Bookkeeper Housekeeper House painter 1 Lawyer Mill owner Miner Painter Restaurant owner Shoemaker Temnster Total 134 61

a. Includes Catholic priests, sisters, and brothers.

178 Table 5

Manufactures

Power--HP Emplovees Products R.D. Pike Mill steam—-11 5 35 shingles, lumber Cooperage 8 barrels Shoemaker 1 Blacksmith 1

Table 6

Agricultural Resources

No. of farms 7 Total acres 1,845 Improved acres 496 Horses 12--5 farms Milk cows 19--7 Other cattle 15--6 Poultry 137--7 Wheat (bushels) 65--1 Oats 100--2 Peas/beans 22--3 Potatoes 1,740--7 Hay (tons) 195--7 Milk (gallons) 730--1 Butter (pounds) 670--6

179 Bayfield 1870-1883 Biographies

Louis J. Bachand was born in Two Rivers, Wisconsin on April 17 1853. In 1862 he went to Chicago to attend school and in 1866 (?) went to Bayfield, where he was in the fishing business. In 1876 he was elected town assessor and county clerk in 1880. He mmried Julia Bono, daughter of John Bono, on December 18 1881. He died in Ashland on October 5 1928 and was buried in Bayfield. Andreas 1881, 83; "Married," _BCP 12/24/81; "The Reception," _BCP 12/31/81; "L.J. Bachand Dies Sunday," _BCP 10/11/28

John Banfiill was bom in Topsham, Vermont on Februmy 281811. In 1823 he moved to Dover, New Hampshire, then to Boston, and in 1835 to New Orleans where he worked as a mason. He volunteered for service in the Second Seminole Wm in Florida, and rose to the rank of colonel. He returned to New Orleans, then moved to New York City and then to Albany. In 1838 he moved to Lancaster, Wisconsin then in 1840 to Prairie du Chien where he kept a hotel. He accepted a contract to build the courthouse in Clayton County, Iowa. He returned to Prairie du Chien and kept another hotel, but sold it mid moved to St. Paul in 1846. He was active in the development ofthe city and surrounding area. Later he built a sawmill mid bought a farm up the Mississippi River. He was elected to the State Senate mid also served as postmaster at Winona, Minnesota. In 1861 he moved to Bayfield where he operated a hotel mid participated in public life, serving as school treasurer, judge of probate court, chairman ofthe county bomd mid in other offices. He married Nancy Foster of New York City in 1838. He died in Bayfield on May 13 1887 and was buried there. Andreas 1888, 83; "Died "_BCP 5/21/87

Boutin Family There were apparently eight Boutin brothers—Nelson, Duffey, Solomon, Edward, Frank, Joseph, Benoni, mid Felis. There were also at least two sisters, whose names are unknown. Several ofthe brothers cmiie to Bayfield in 1870, but were not listed in the census for that year because they arrived too late to be enumerated. The 1880 census listed Edward, Joseph, Duffey, Frank, and Nelson as living in Bayfield; there were no Boutins in the census enumeration for Ashland. In January 1905 there were 31 Boutin and related families, totaling 144 individuals, living in Bayfield. Only limited biographical information for Nelson and Frank Boutin could be located. "The Boutin Family," _BCP 1/6/05; "The Boutins," Knight 1999, 100-106; Knight, six articles on the Boutin family, BCP 1/13/55-2/17/55; Harris 1976, 321-322; Andreas 1881, 83.

Frank Boutin was bom in Canada in September 1833. In 1853, he married Mmy Landre of St. Frmicis, Canada, at Two Rivers, Wisconsin. He cmiie to Bayfield in 1870, where he established a fishing business with his brother Nelson. After about ten years he and his brother went into the general mercantile business. He died in Bayfield on August 3 1911. Andreas 1881, 83; "Prominent Pioneer Resident Passes Away," _BCP §/¥/7 7; "Settle Boutin Will Litigation,"_BCP 3/20/14; "The Silent Reaper,"_BCP 10/11/02 (wife's obituary).

Nelson Boutin was bom in Cmiada on August 17 1831. The family moved to Detroit in 1837 mid later to Mackinaw City, Michigmi. From there Nelson moved to Manitowac County, where he was in the mercantile business, and then he moved to Kewaunee County. While there he was elected to the State Assembly for the 1864 session. Returning to Two Rivers, he went into the fishing business and, with his several brothers mid a large group of other fishermen, moved to Bayfield in 1870. There he and his brother Frank established a fishing firm and later went into the mercantile business. He was active in local politics, serving as sheriff for several yems, and was elected county treasurer in 1880. He married Lucy Conture of Detroit in 1848. He died in Ashland on December 27 1904. Andreas 1881. 83; "Died At Ashland." _BCP 12/30/04.

180 James Chapman was bom on May 22 1834 in Sault Ste. Mmie, Michigmi. Later the family moved to Mackinaw. He attended an academy in Erie, Pennsylvania during the winter and was employed on a U.S. revenue cutter during the summer. In 1849 he moved to Marquette, Michigan, one ofthe first to settle there. In 1854 he was in Detroit, but inl 856 returned to Marquette and then moved to La Pointe, where he clerked in Julius Austrimi's store. He then moved to Bayfield and was employed as a clerk by Samuel S. Vaughn and then in the Indian agent's office. From 1857 to 1866 he served as the postmaster at Bayfield and from 1862 to 1866 as the register of deeds. He was also a member ofthe town and county boards for several terms mid served as deputy collector of customs. In 1871 he opened a general merchandise store in Bayfield mid in 1887 was appointed the state fish warden for the Lake Superior region of northern Wisconsin, staying active in both undertakings until the time of his death, in Bayfield on December 8 1890. He was unmarried. Andreas 1881, 83; "Died."_BCP 12/13/90; Harris 1976. 187. 322.

William F. Dalrymple was bom on April 17 1825 in Sugar Grove, Pennsylvmiia. He was educated in the public schools and attended an academy in Jamestown, New York. He began his career by teaching public school in Wmren County, Pennsylvmiia, where he was soon appointed county superintendent of schools. Later he left public teaching and established business in timberland and manufactured lumber. As his wealth increased, he purchased extensive tracts of land near Bayfield and in North Dakota, where he was a partner, with his brother Oliver, in a lmge bonanza wheat farm. He was interested in Bayfield as a lake port for the shipment of wheat, from the west, establishing with his brothers and others, two railroads, the Bayfield Trmisfer Railroad, and the Bayfield and Great Western Railroad. These were intended to bring the grains from the great farms in Minnesota and North Dakota to extensive dock facilities in Bayfield. The docks were never built, of course, and both railroad projects failed (see text). These railroad projects were only pmt of Dalrymple's extensive business activities, which he managed from his home in Pittsfield, Pennsylvania through family members and agents. (Herbert C. Hale was the manager in Bayfield for the Bayfield Trmisfer Railroad). He died on July 21 1901 in Pittsfield, Pennsylvmiia. CBR 1905, 166; "Bayfield Trmisfer Railway Company (Dalrymple, William F.)" SHSW-A; "W.F. Dalrymple Dead,"_BCP 7/27/01; "Dalrymple," WarrenMail, 7/25/01; "Oliver Dalrymple." Judge Charles E. Flandrau. Encyclopedia ofiBiography ofiMinnesota. Chicago: The Century Publishing and Engraving Company, 1900; "Oliver Dalrymple Dead." Devils Lake (ND) Daily Journal, 9/5/08.

Herbert C Hale was bom near Jamestown, New York, on September 15 1868. He was raised on a farm, but attended grade and high school in Jmiiestown. At age 17 he left school to accept a position as a deliveryman, later a messenger, with the American Express Company. In 1890 he went to Brainerd, Minnesota, where he worked briefly before entering service with the Northern Pacific railroad for a year. He then moved to Bayfield, Wisconsin, as the private secretmy to William F. Dalrymple, a distant relative. When Dalrymple's Bayfield Trmisfer Railroad was constructed. Hale was appointed general manager. He also served as treasurer ofthe Town of Bayfield mid as secretary ofthe public library board. Sometime after the death of Mr. Dalrymple in 1901, Hale moved to Minneapolis, later to Ashlmid as manager ofthe Northlmid Security Company, and then joined the State Department of Internal Revenue. In September 1924 he was appointed clerk ofthe Federal Court and lived in Madison. He married Nora Buckler on January 30 1892. He died in Madison on August 10 1947 and was buried in Wausau, Wisconsin. "H.C. Hale," CBR 196-197; "H.C. Hale Gets Important Court Post,"_BCP 9/10/24; "Hale Services Set Wednesday," Wisconsin State Journal, 8/12/47 (ohituary); "Bayfield Trmisfer Railway Company (Dalrymple, William F.)" SHSW-A; "Pest House Days in Old Bayfield Recalled," Y^night, BCP 3/20/58.

181 Alonzo Knight was bom on a farm in Kent County, Delaware, on April 13 1854 (his brothers were John and Willimii Knight). He attended Mt. Vernon Grammar School in Philadelphia, then the High School, and finally went to Pierce's Business College to become a bookkeeper. In 1878, he clerked in Philadelphia, and on May 29 1881 he arrived in Bayfield. He was engaged as a bookkeeper for his brother John, and also served as county treasurer. He was not re-elected to that office in November 1890 but refused to turn over the office and vault keys to his successor until forced to do so by a court order. He mmried Ollie Milligan on September 19 1883. The place and date of death are unknown. Andreas 1881, 84; BCP 9/22/83, "Beat At His Own Game," WN 12/5/91; WN 12/26/91.

William Knight was bom on December 7 1843 on a farm in Kent County, Delawme (his brothers were Alonzo and John Knight). He was educated at schools in Dover, Delaware and at the Hudson River Institute in New York. After the Civil War he was employed in the mmy's mustering and disbursing office in Detroit. After two yems there, in response to a letter from his brother John, then a captain in the regular army, he went to Fort Smiders, Wyoming, where he clerked in atrader's store. In 1869, after two years of numerous and occasionally life threatening adventures as a trader in the Wyoming Territory, he went by train and river steamer to St. Paul. From there he planned to go to Bayfield to supervise the Indian Agency, while his brother John, who was still in the regulm army and had been assigned as the Indian agent in Bayfield, went east to spend the winter. William took a train to the end ofthe track toward Superior mid a crude stage wagon the remainder ofthe way. The last boat for Bayfield had already departed, however, so he returned to St. Paul. In a few days Jmiies Chapman came to take him to Bayfield, where they mrived on Christmas Eve 1869. On New Year's Day he joined the community celebration, going from house to house all day long to sample the food and drink, and admire the decorations and the women, who were dressed in their finery for the occasion. He decided to remain in Bayfield and over the years was involved in numerous enterprises, including the mercantile business (with James Chapman and his brother John), supplying wood to take steamers (that soon failed when they changed to coal as fuel), fishing, logging, pine lands, a sawmill on Roy's Point, proprietor ofthe Island House hotel, and general mmiager ofthe Ashland Brownstone Quarry Company on Presque Island. An October 8 1885, he married Jessie Williamson of Brighton, Englmid. In 1890, he started the Lumberman's Bank, funding it with his own money because the businessmen in the community had invested in the Northern National Bank in Ashland mid refused to buy stock in his bank. The bank was a success, however, and soon gained the support of local businessmen. He was also active in civil affairs, serving at vmious times as justice of peace, town chairmmi, county clerk, county supervisor, and county treasurer. In the early 1900s he begmi to raise potatoes on land that had been logged over, and in 1905 he planted 40 acres of fruit trees. Horticultural experts were skeptical that fruit could be grown so far north, but the venture was successful. He expanded his orchards, others established orchards, and in a few years there was a thriving fruit growing industry in the Bayfield area. To expedite marketing their produce. Knight and others organized the Bayfield Fruit Growers Association. He did not confine his interests to fruit, however, but conducted experiments with many other plmits. In recognition of his outstmiding achievements in fruit growing, the State Horticultural Association made him an honorary member. In 1910, at age 67, he was elected to the State Assembly, serving for the 1911 term. A life­ long Mason, he moved to the Masonic home at Dousman, Wisconsin, in his later years. He died there on January 13 1941 and was buried in Bayfield. Eleanor Knight biographical series, BCP4/3/58-6/19/58 (12 articles); "William Knight," Knight 1999, 277-290; "Historical Sources Shed Light on Life of William Knight, Lumbermmi & Horticulturist," The Bayfiield Courier, November 1998; "William Knight Honored At Birthday Dinner," _BCP 12/7/33; "Bayfield Pioneer Dies in Masonic Home at Dousman," Superior Telegram, 1/15/41; "Last Rites Held for Oldest Citizen Thurs.."_BCP 1/16/41.

182 Ervin Leihy was born near Oswego, New York on October 12 1822, where he grew up on a farm. In 1845 he moved to Chicago and the following year to Bad River, where he traded with the Indians, fmmed, mid erected a sawmill, the first in Bayfield County. In 1851 he married Angaline Morrin from La Pointe. In 1870 he moved to Bayfield, where he opened a general store and built a residence. While living at Bad River, he served on the town and county boards of Ashland County and after moving to Bayfield held similar positions for Bayfield County. He died in Bayfield on May 31 1901 mid was buried there. Andreas 1881, 84; "Death of E. Leihy," BCP 6/8/01. i^o/^m^o?/Der/mg P/fe was bom in Meadville, Pennsylvania on April 13 1838. The family moved to Toledo, Ohio in 1845, where he received a rudimentary education. In 1855, after the father Elisha contracted malaria, in Toledo, the family moved to Chequamegon Bay for his health. Shortly thereafter, Robinson went to Detroit and took a commercial course. He enlisted as a private in the 27 Michigan Infmitry at Ontonagon on August 13 1862, and later was transferred to the 1^ Michigan Cavalry, and commissioned a 2nd Lieutenant. He fought in several major battle including Vicksburg, Spotsylvania, Cold Hmbor, and in at "least one Hundred minor engagements. Skirmishes, Raids & c." He was present at Appomattox Court House on April 9 1865 when Confederate General Robert E. Lee surrendered the Army of Northern Virginia, effectively ending the Civil Wm. After the war he served in the cavalry on the western plains mid the reference to "minor engagements" and so on in his service record might refer in pml to that period of his service. He was discharged at Fort Bridges in the Utah Territory on March 31 1866. Returning to Bayfield, he purchased a shingle mill on Pike's Creek but it soon burnt down. Then in partnership with Asaph Whittlesey, who furnished the capital, he built a shingle mill at La Pointe. On May 17 1869 the mill's steam boiler exploded, killing one man, seriously injuring several others, and destroying a large pml ofthe village by fire, including the Madeline House and the old fur company warehouses (Lathrop 1905, 41, stated that the fur company's buildings were destroyed in a fire on August 2 1869). Shortly before or just after this catastrophe, he built a shingle mill in Bayfield, and the following yem a saw mill which he nmiied "Little Daisy." Soon his dockage and wmehouses covered some 20 blocks ofthe Bayfield waterfront. His entrepreneurial activities were not confined to the lumber business, however. He had extensive real estate holdings, established a telephone line between Bayfield and Ashland, harvested and sold ice, serviced the steamers with cordwood, built the first electric light system for the town, opened a brownstone quarry (still partially visible on the north side of highway 13), was a pmlner in a company that operated stage line over the Bayfield-Superior wagon road, packed mid shipped fish, and was even a member of an olive grower's association in California. He was also active in community affairs, serving as chairmmi ofthe County Board, Clerk of County Court, Captain ofthe Bayfield Rifles (a local militia group), and in other public offices. News items about his business activities, travels, new enterprises, and social events appeared in almost every issue ofthe Bayfiield Press. One item from August 1885 described "Capt. Pike's annual picnic" at Big Bay on Madeline Island. His lasting contribution to the region was the State Fish Hatchery on Pike's Creek, dedicated on September 10 1897, for which he donated a lmge tract of land. He was married to Eva L. Johnson on January 28 1886 in Fostoria, Ohio. (Before he was married he apparently lived at the hotel and boarded with the Tates in the winter when the hotel did not serve meals. Nellie Tate repeatedly referred to him as "Bob" in her diary, but it is not known if others called him by this name. See Tate diary extracts, BCP 11/7/57, 1/2/58.) He died on March 27 1906 on a train taking him to Milwaukee for medical treatment; his body was retumed to Bayfield for burial. Knight, BCP, 8/5/54-11/4/54 (Pike family); "Capt. R.D. Pike Dead,"_BCP 3/30/06; Ross 1960, I24passim; "A Model Mill,"_BCP 6/12/86; Andreas 1888, 85; Bumham 1974, 256-257; Harris 1976, I4l,passim; CBR, 122-123; "A Sad Death,"_BCP 7/31/97 (wife). Jean Seigley. Marriages In Seneca County, Ohio, 1841-1899. Tiffin, OH: Seneca County Genealogical Society, 1994, 280; discharge certificate in the "R.D. Pike" file at the ARC-A; "Capt. Pike's annual picnic," BCP 8/22/85; Knight, "Capt. R.D. Pike," History, 1999, 78-88. In July 1906, Pike's Mill was sold to the Wachsmuth Lumber Compmiy. In her biography of Pike, Eleanor Knight states that "He was a Captain in the Army" during the Civil Wm. His rank on his Army discharge certificate was first lieutenant, however. He may have held the

183 rank of captain temporarily during the war, or, what is more likely, the title was bestowed on him as the leader ofthe Bayfield Rifles.

Andrew Tate was bom on August 23 1823, in Washington, DC. Nothing is known of his life until age 34, when he moved to Bayfield because of his health, arriving on May 25 1857. He immediately entered into the life of the new community, opening a store and helping to organize the first school. He read law and was admitted to the county court in 1858 and the circuit court in 1861. He occupied a series of public offices including school superintendent, judge, district attorney, clerk of circuit court, county treasurer, and county supervisor. He operated a drug store for many years and served as a reliable source of medical and legal advice for his fellow citizens. He married Nellie G. Hall of Ohio in Bayfield in July 1866, who kept a dimy of her life in Bayfield. Andrew Tate died in Bayfield on May 14 1900 mid was buried there. Knight, "Tate's Death at 77, Marked End of Era in Bayfield History,"_BCP 6/28/56; Andreas 1881, 85; Knight, 26 articles based on Nellie Tate's dimy, BCP 8/22/57-2/20/58; "Andrew Tate," Knight 1999, 69-71; "Died,"_BCP 5/19/00; "Died,"AWP 3/13/80 and "Obituary,"_BCP 3/6/80 (wife's obituaries).

Chrysostom (Christian) Adrian Kerwy^f was bom in Uden, The Netherlands, on November 23 1841. In 1848 the family emigrated to the United States. They Imided in Boston where they remained while the father and older sons were employed in vmious occupations to obtain money to move west. In 1855 they migrated to Wisconsin, settling in Hollandtown in Brown County. There Christian (which was his baptismal name) worked with his father on the family farm mid for a neighbor. In 1859 he began to study for the priesthood with a local priest, and then in 1861 entered the St. Francis Seminary in Milwaukee. In 1862 he was drafted for the army, but paid a commutation fee of $300 mid was exempted from service. He was ordained on November 5 1865, after which he was assigned to New London, Wisconsin, with the whole of Waupaca as his mission district. In 1868 he was sent to Hudson, Wisconsin, where he was responsible for St. Croix, Polk, and Pierce Counties. His next pmish was at Seneca, Wisconsin, where he remained until 1878, when he was posted to Bayfield, arriving on June 19 1878. In October the Franciscmi Order took chmge ofthe Indian mission in the Lake Superior region, and he was transferred to Superior, where he remained for four years. He determined to join the Franciscan Order and was sent to Teutopolis, Illinois, to serve his novitiate. On Februmy 10 1882 he was received into the Order, adopting the name Chrysostom in place of Christian. In 1862 he was sent back to Bayfield, where he remained for several years, with responsibility for missionary work with the Indimis over an extensive area of northern Wisconsin. He was then transferred to Superior for three years, and then to Ashland, where he stayed for seven years, working there and in Fifield and Phillips. Due to ill health he was sent to a hospital in St. Louis, Missouri, in 1897, where he remained for over a year. He was then transferred to Los Angeles, California, but disliked the climate—he "grew tired ofthe everlasting sunshine"—and was sent back to Ashland to serve Chippewa and St. Croix Counties. He was retired to Bayfield in 1912 because of infirmities brought on by age and the hardships of missionary life. He devoted his time to ministering to the local people and to study and writing. He died in Bayfield on June 23 1925 and was buried there. Chrysostom Adrian Verwyst, "Reminiscences of a Pioneer Missionary," Proceedings ofithe State Historical Society ofiWisconsin, 1916, 148-185; "Golden Jubilee A Brilliant Festival," _BCP 7/16/15; "Pioneer Missionary of Wisconsin Dies This Tuesday," _BCP 6/25/25; "Fr. Chrysostom Dies At Bayfield," y4DP 6/24/25.

Isaac H. Wing was bom on July 8 1832, in Winthrop, Maine where he spent his boyhood. Sometime after graduation from Bowden College he came to Hudson, Wisconsin as the business manager for a sawmill proprietor. When that business failed in the pmiic of 1857, he read law for a year in a judge's office, mid was then admitted to the bar but never practiced. He enlisted in the mmy on April 19 1861, serving as first lieutenant in company G ofthe 4 Wisconsin Volunteer Calvmy Regiment. He was taken prisoner but escaped through the enemy lines. His health was broken by his experiences in battle mid as prisoner, and he resigned on

184 August 20 1862. Returning to Hudson he served as county clerk before going to Bayfield in 1870 as receiver in the U.S. Land Office located there. In 1882 he resigned that position and entered the real estate and lumber business, where he made a substantial fortune. He retired from business but remained in Bayfield where he was active in civic mid philanthropic affairs. He contributed generously to Bowden College, established a scholarship for Washbum High School graduates, and supported other causes. At the beginning ofthe Spanish- American War in April 1898 he contributed distinctive blue shirts to Company K ofthe Fourth Wisconsin Volunteers, composed of men from northern Wisconsin, which named itself the Wing Company (or Wing Guards). He was unmarried. He died in Bayfield on August 27 1907. "Col. Wing Is Dead,"_BCP 8/30/07; "Colonel Wing Is Dead," ADP 8/27/07; "Col. Isaac H. Wing Passes Away," Hudson Star Tribune 8/30/07. "Roster Of Company 'G', " Roster ofiWisconsin Volunteers, War OfiThe Rebellion, 1861-1865, v. I, 182; "Col. Wing, etc," Knight 1999, 294—Knight states that Wing "equipped" Company K, but the historimi ofthe company stated that he only provided the blue shirts—Roy C. Hull, "The Story of Company 'K', " WT 7/18/29 (Wing's title of "colonel" was strictly honorary.); "The Wing Scholarship," WN 11/30/94.

185 Chapter 8

Ashland 1870-1883

During most ofthe 1860s, Ashlmid and Bay City were abandoned. The June 1860 U.S. Census showed only 67 people in Ashlmid and Bay City, with 93 (81.6%) unoccupied dwellings (1). Those enumerated included the founders ofthe settlement—Whittlesey, Kilbom, Beaser, and Ellis as well as emly settlers—Martin Roehm, Conrad Goeltz, George E. and Albert C. Stuntz, Eugene F. Prince, Allen Barber, and others (2). But soon thereafter some ofthe settlers moved to Ontonagon, Whittlesey moved to Bayfield, Ellis moved to the Wheeler family home at Odan^ (mid later to Ontonagon), and Kilborn left for mi unknown location (3). In November 1860 the Ashland County Board of Supervisors, acting in response to a petition from Ellis, vacated Bay City (4). By 1863 both townsites were deserted, and the county seat was moved to LaPointe (WisLaws, 1863, G, C241). The only inhabitants from about 1863 to 1869 (dates uncertain) were Martin Roehm mid family during the summers, when they lived in Mmlin Beaser's house. They spent the winters on their fmm in the Marengo River Valley where they raised cattle (5). The chmlering ofthe Winnebago and Superior mid the Portage and Superior to build a railroad from the south to Lake Superior re-kindled interest in the old townsites on the south shore of Chequamegon Bay. But despite their lmid grants, the two companies were unable to raise the capital for construction work. Taking advantage ofthe provision in their charters, they were consolidated as the Portage, Winnebago and Superior in March 1869 (Wis Laws 1869, PL, C257). George Reed of Manitowac was elected president and he succeeded in interesting Gardner Colby and other finmiciers in Boston in the road (Martin 1941, 4-5; Canuteson 1930, 158). Reed and his associates, and Colby, trustee forthe Boston financiers, agreed that the Reed group was to raise funds for the right-of-way and for preparation ofthe roadbed, while the Boston group would provide the capital for everything else. To obtain capital. Reed met with citizens and officials in towns along the route to solicit investments in the road (Martin 1941, 12-13).

Although the charters ofthe Portage and Superior mid the Winnebago and Superior both specified Bayfield as the terminal on Chequamegon Bay, the Articles ofi Consolidation of those roads to form the Portage, Winnebago and Superior did not mention Bayfield, but specified that the route was to be located "from Portage City to L^e Superior and Superior City on Lake Superior" (WisLaws, 1869, PL, C257). The promoters had decided on the basis of "investigations mid surveys . . . that the geographical location of Bayfield would not afford a suitable terminus for the road" and had "decided to make Ashlmid the north end of their iron" (Mmtin 1941, 22). The preliminary survey for the route to Ashland began at Manitowac in 1867, and by 1868 had passed Stevens Point and reached a point just south of Park Falls. A party was then sent north to survey south from Ashland to that meeting point. The surveyors searched for a moderate grade over the Penokee Range near English and Bladder Lakes, but finally ran the survey line through the gap where the Bad River cuts through the range (BP 10/28/70). George Fay, a member ofthe survey party, noted that "there were several fish houses at Ashland, but no residents" (Westaway 1928, 3). Further survey work was done in 1869 and 1870, and in April 1871 the location surveys from Stevens Point north were begun. The following July the location survey from Ashland south to the Penokee gap began and was completed on December 2" . The survey party was staying at Bayfield, and the Bayfiield Press reported on the completion ofthe location work, adding that "in all probability, at an early day . . . active operations on this end ofthe road" will commence, mid "by next year at this time the whistle ofthe 'iron horse' will greet our ems" (BP 12/4/71).

The resurrection of Ashland begmi after the 1871 railroad survey confirmed that it would be the Chequamegon Bay terminus of what was now (due to a name chmige) the Wisconsin Central Railroad (6). The Ashland Weekly Press described "the birth ofthe New Ashland" as follows: "Eighteen hundred and seventy-one again brought the surveyor with his compass, and the line ofthe Wisconsin Central Railroad, piercing the heart ofthe commonwealth, terminated on our shore. Soon the note of preparation was sounded and many ofthe old settlers again pitched their tents in Ashland mid prepared for a new trial of fortune." The first to arrive at the site in early or mid-October was reported to have been James A. Wilson, a returning settler from "old Ashlmid" 186 (7). October 1871, then, can be taken as the date ofthe birth ofthe "new Ashland." Late that month. Hank Fifield, editor ofthe Bayfiield Press, made "a flying trip to the prospective city of Ashlmid" (BP 10/28/71). He found that construction of a dock for Samuel Vaughn was underway, and heard a rumor that "the old road from Ashland to Bay City is to be put in repair again" (8). Only a "few families" lived there, including the "old settlers," "Mr. Conrad" mid "Mr. Wilson." He predicted that "Undoubtedly before two years pass by the population of Ashland county will be several thousand, as the W. C. R. R. is to pass through it, and future developments at the Iron Range will cause many to seek homes in that section."

In early December the Bayfield Press noted that "Several new homes are being built at Bay City and St. Mark [Vaughn's tract]. . . . Work on the road between Ashland and Bay City is all cut out and grubbed. The street is nemly 70 feet wide. The bridges will be built this winter" (BP 11/8/71, 12/2/71). On January 13* ofthe new yem, the Press noted that work on Vaughn's dock was continuing and that work was going on to improve the streets mid cut a road two and one-half miles "mound the head ofthe bay, to connect with the county road going to Bayfield." The post office had been re-established with James A. Wilson as postmaster, providing mail service between Ashland, Bayfield, mid Odanah ("Ashland Correspondence," _BP 1/13/72; "Ashland Locals," BP 1/6/72). And on the 20 it noted that Conrad Goeltz, another ofthe original settlers, had retumed mid was busy hewing timber, and commented on other visitors and events at the townsite ("Ashland Locals," BP 1/20/72; also "Ashland Correspondence," BP 1/20/72). A picture of Ashland at that time was provided by Hmik Fifield who visited there in March with his brother to make mrmigements to move their newspaper from Bayfield. Ashland, he wrote later, "was at best but a small clearing in the forest, with scarcely a dozen buildings mid log shmities. A tote road had been slashed out on the line to Second Street, from Old Ashland Division to Bay City Division. The work of building Vaughn's dock was progressing and the Wisconsin Central railroad dock had just been commenced. About three hundred people, all told, were living upon the townsite, mostly in log camps [cabins ?]" ("The Ashland Vress,"AWP 2/9/84).

In June 1871 the construction contract for the line from Menasha to Ashland, some 250 miles, was awarded to the Phillips and Colby Construction Company, which was given complete control ofthe construction and operation ofthe road until completion (9). The work was subcontracted and began at Menasha on June 15 1871. By early November the line was completed to Stevens Point, 53 miles away, the first train mriving there on November 15 . Construction from Stevens Point northward began in Mmch 1872 and in September the road was opened to Colby, 51 miles north of Stevens Point, with the right-of-way prepmed for 50 miles beyond. To expedite completion ofthe road the company decided to build from Ashland southwmd at the same time, and the construction of a freight dock and other facilities began there in April 1872 ("Ashlmid Locals," BP 3/9/72, 3/16/72, 3/30/72, 4/6/72). By the middle ofthe month, the Press reported that there were "at least four hundred fifty railroad laborers here at present" (BP 4/13/72). On April 15 the ground-brewing forthe railroad itself took place with due ceremony over which Samuel S. Vaughn presided, while Asaph Whittlesey dug the first shovel full of dirt and made a short speech; actual track laying began on July 7^ (10). The expected completion date ofthe 30 miles from Ashlmid to the Penokee Range was November 15 (11).

With the railroad actually under construction, Ashland's future seemed assured, and the town grew and developed rapidly in a "boom" atmosphere. On May 27 1872, in response to a petition from the "residents of Ashland," the Ashland County Board of Supervisors organized the Town of Ashland (12). Earlier in the year Ashland (formerly Whittlesey), Bay City, and Vaughn's intervening tract had been consolidated as the village of Ashland (13). On July 13 the town officers were elected, with Sam Fifield chosen as chairman ofthe Board of Supervisors ("First Town Election," A WP 7/20/72). On July 17 the bomd met and dealing with first things first, arranged for the construction of a "town prison" and agreed on fees for liquor licenses, with some attention to road construction ("Proceedings Ofthe Town bomd," y4ff^P 7/20/72). At its meeting the following week the board dealt extensively with road matters, made further arrangements for a "town prison," mid established a school district ('Troceedings Of The Town hoard," AWP 7/27/72; "School Matiers," AWP 8/24/72).

187 In June the Fifield brothers transferred their newspaper from Bayfield, renaming it the Ashland Weekly Press (14). In their editorial "Salutatory" in the first issue on June 22" , the Fifields announced that "The Press will be devoted to the advocacy of Republican principles" (15). They then set about the task of "booming" their new client town, not with the usual bombastic claims typical of this art, but by a carefully reasoned argument forthe inevitable pre-eminence of Ashland as a commercial, maritime, and railroad center because of its "natural features." The advertisements in this first issue ofthe Press suggest that the business foundations of a functioning community had been established. Included were announcements for a clothing store, three hardward stores, a drug store, boarding house, a house painter, a surveyor, builder, boot and shoe maker, blacksmith shop, a clothing store, and a general store operated by the contractor building the Wisconsin Central Railroad. George R. Stuntz advertised mineral lands, pine lands, mid town property for sale. Also advertised were two stemiiboat lines touching at Bayfield, Ashland, Duluth and lower lake ports, including Leopold and Austrian's "Peoples's Line Of Steamers." Finally, the Wisconsin Central Railroad advertised for 1,000 men at "Wages $2.50 per day. Board $4.00 to $4.50 per week." To illustrate the argument for the inevitable greatness and prosperity of Ashland, the Press published in its next issue a map entitled "Ashland. The Great Iron and Commercial City of LWe Superior" (AWP 7/29/72). Five railroads were shown converging on Ashlmid: The Northern Pacific from the west; the Great Northern from the southwest; the Chippewa Valley from the south; the Wisconsin Central from the southeast; and the Northern Pacific from the east. These railroads were shown as broad, dark lines, while the connections from them to Superior and Bayfield were shown as narrow, dashed lines. The accompanying article acknowledged that only the Wisconsin Central was under construction, but predicted that it soon would be completed to Ashland.

The Press soon took up the cudgel in the old rivalry between the Chequamegon Bay ports and those at the head ofthe Idke. The Duluthians, stymied for the time being by nature, technology, and politics from constructing a usable canal across Minnesota Point for an "inner harbor" in St. Louis Bay, built an "outer harbor" protected by a breakwater on the lake side of Minnesota Point. In November 1872 Bayfield mid Ashland (and Superior) had the dubious pleasure of seeing all of these facilities heavily damaged or demolished by a powerful storm off the lake from the northeast. The Press lost no time in exulting "we told you so." Since mi outer harbor was not feasible, the Press continued, the only alternative for Duluth was an inner harbor, that is, within St. Louis Bay. But access to the bay through the canal would always be hazmdous due to storms, surf, and the strong current through the canal, while the construction ofthe canal and extensive dredging ofthe bay would cost an enormous amount of public money. To the Press the alternative was obvious: Ashland was "by all odds the best and the most natural hmbor," "surrounded with a country rich in resources," mid "central and easy to reach with railroads," so "Good sense, then, would dictate that the natural site should be chosen" (16).

In July a visiting professor from Winona Normal School noted that "everything at Ashlmid is at fever heat," but went on to provide some useful information about the place: "City lots, covered with pines and poplars, me sold as high as $500 to $1000. Second street, which is parallel with the shore line ofthe bay is simply an opening through the forest about seventy feet wide and of indefinite length, which is now being dotted with stores, real estate offices, hotels, saloons mid dwelling houses ofthe pioneer sort." ("The Lake Superior Country," AWP 7/20/72). About the same time an item in the Press reported that there were "upwards of 100 buildings and 700 people" in the settlement, and that "Every day new houses and stores spring up mid its population continues to increase rapidly" (AWP 7/27/72). A small but significant event occurred on August 13 , when the first locomotive (which had arrived by ship in June and was nmiied "Ashland") was "fired up" and made a run of 1,600 feet from the Wisconsin Central dock to the shore. For the first time the "whistle ofthe 'iron horse' " sounded on Chequamegon Bay as anticipated by the Bayfiield Press but sadly not in that town ("Ashland Locals,"_BP 6/l/72;AWP 8/17/72; "Ashland—An Interesting Letter,"AWP 9/7/72). Meanwhile, George Reed, president ofthe Wisconsin Central, continuing the practice he had used with the communities to the south, pressured the settlers of Ashland County to purchase Wisconsin Central bonds. His approach was blunt—in a telegram to Samuel S. Vaughn he stated simply, "If Ashland County accepts my proposition [to purchase bonds], I shall be there with a large pmty, but not otherwise." A special referendum was held on July 5 , and $200,000 of aid to the railroad was approved, 83 to 1(17).

An article in the Press in early January 1873 provided a detailed accounting ofthe public institutions established mid the physical "improvements" made in the three divisions ofthe "new Ashland" during its first full year of existence (18). The former included a town govemment, a newspaper, a school district, mid a Methodist Episcopal congregation (Bumhmii 1974, 253). As for physical improvements (totaling $244,800), streets had been opened, sidewalks laid mid bridges erected; a church edifice began; two school houses built; and a town hall and jail constructed. In addition, numerous dwellings, stores, offices, shops, warehouses, boarding houses, and other buildings had been constructed. Notable among the latter were the facilities ofthe Wisconsin Central, including its dock (1,556 feet); the Vaughn mid Fisher warehouses and dock (1,060 feet); and the Ingalls warehouse and dock (1,100 feet) (19). Most important to the future ofthe settlement were three "manufactories" for exploiting the resource most immediately and abundmitly available—^timber. A large, steam driven saw mill was built by Vmi Dyke, Parsons and Moore in June, but then sold to the Ashland Lumber Compmiy. A considerably smaller mill was constructed by Anson Northrup. These were the first of Ashlmid's several lumber mills; both were located in the Bay City Division. The other "manufactory" was a large sash, door mid blind factory, established by George White in June, also in the Bay City division (20). Not mentioned in the Press summary for 1872 was the re-opening ofthe post office in January noted emlier; the organization of a librmy association; and the establishment ofthe Ashland Brewery by Frank SchottmuUer ("Librmy Association," y4frP 11/16/72, 11/30/72; Andreas 1881,69).

All of these "improvements" were accomplished in a frenzied, almost chaotic environment, as suggested in a description ofthe new settlement by Sam Fifield (quoted in Martin 1941, 23): " I wish I could give you a vivid word picture ofthe conditions existing on Ashland's townsite in 1872, the organization of society out of a rough, strange, human element, a mixed population rapidly brought together, of rough railroad builders, a camp following of bad men mid bad women, sprinkled with a goodly number of brave and true pioneers, who came to make for themselves new homes. Picture, if you can, the planting of twelve hundred people miiong the pines on the townsite, the bringing order out of chaos, organizing a local govemment forthe protection ofthe people, the making of necessmy improvements, the opening of streets, building of bridges, stores, homes, shops, saloons, docks, mid warehouses, rushing business day mid night before the coming of winter."

A more detailed description was provided by a visitor from Superior in September 1872, who identified himself only as "Viator" ("Ashland—An Interesting Letter," AWP 9/7/72): "On approaching Ashland one is reminded somewhat of Superior by the lay ofthe land, as it is an extended plateau, rising some forty feet above the water, broken by occasional ravines, exhibiting the smiie reddish tint of clay that surrounds the head ofthe Lake. Bay City lies at the left hmid as we steam in, having its cluster of new houses mid a factory puffing away near the bay. The new Ashland commences on, mid includes the site of old Ashlmid at the right, and stretches along toward the east, or rather northeast, to meet Bay City. Though Front mid Second streets are cut out through the woods, and some buildings going up at intervals, yet from the Bay there appears at present quite a gap of forest green between Ashland and Bay City. The railroad dock ofthe Wisconsin Central comes in between the two, extending a length of 1,600 feet into the Bay. Your correspondent had the pleasure of riding up this dock and half a mile beyond it on a veritable locomotive last Monday morning through the courtesy of Engineer Young, and Conductor Van Middagh- The track on leaving the dock turns to the left, and runs along the shore a furlong perhaps, toward Bay City creek, and then strikes out south toward the Range. The workmen were laying the rails and driving the spikes a little beyond our halting place, a quarter of a mile from the Bay shore, and just beyond the new engine house. The locomotive appropriately named 'Ashland' is already moving a construction train carrying rails, ties, plank, etc. along the road. On walking up the steamboat dock in front of new Ashland, a qumler of a mile west ofthe railroad dock, the subscriber found himself in a deep and steep ravine up which wound two roads, one a good road leading up to Front street, and the other a very indifferent on[e] to Second Street. Proceeding up the latter and turning to the right on reaching the street, we soon found the stove and

189 hardware store of our friend R.W. French. He is located at about the eastem edge of old Ashlmid, occupies a good building 25x60, well stocked, and having a fair shore ofthe custom. The upper part of this store is used at present as a hall for public worship, seating every Sabbath a congregation of from 40 to 65 or 70. A Sabbath School of 15 or 20 also meets here under the superintendence of Mr. C.H. Pratt. A prayer meeting assembles in the same room every Wednesday evening. Going west (or southwest) from Mr. F's building along Second street about a qumter of a mile, we come to the new store of Edmund Ingalls & Co. Here we find Wm. R. Durfee and W.H. Post engaged in selling goods while the workmen are yet fixing the front doors, and painting the counter. This firm expect to build a dock opposite their place which is the heart of old Ashlmid. Looking east from this point Second street is before us, substantial frmiie business houses on both sides at intervals for a half mile away; the street is cut out beyond them well into the woods towards Bay City. Walking east again we note a good drug store beyond Mr. French's, stores having general merchandise, boarding houses, dwelling houses, shops. Sec. We find street work going on busily. Crossing the ravine opposite the dock we come to the Press office, its front window blazing with fuschias, and geraniums. Beyond this the office of N.W. Goodwin, Town Clerk, who welcomes Superior people on sight. Your correspondent met a score of our citizens in Ashland. Among them Messrs. Shiels, Bardon, Osborne, Ed. Snow, J.M. Davis, and mmiy other familim names. All seemed doing well and in fine spirits. Mr. Davis keeps the Colby house, two or three doors east of the Press office, and furnishes forth a table that the traveler will appreciate. The city of Winona has the honor of being the 'Ashtabula" of Ashland, having furnished, so the Press says, about 100 citizens to the place. Judging from the specimens we saw, neither Winona nor Ashland need be ashamed of their representatives. Lake Superior towns are also well represented. We had the pleasure of meeting miiong others Dr. Ellis of Ontonagon, who owns quite mi interest in and about Bay City, and is one ofthe stir[r]ing men of Ashland."

But now, while basking in its accomplishments, Ashlmid suffered the first of several rude shocks from the real world of railroad building. First of all, because ofthe exceedingly difficult terrain and unusually wet weather, track construction had only reached the White River, six miles south of Ashland, by December 26 1872. Here a wrought iron bridge, 1,560 feet long across the river valley and 102 feet above the river, was constructed (21). Work on the line northward was stopped at section 53 at Colby, 55.5 miles from Stevens Point, on November 28^ (the roadbed was prepared to Penokee gap in the north and to Worcester in the south). The company was then forced to suspend construction operations because of financial difficulties. Having completed 20 miles of the road from Stevens Point northward to the satisfaction of Governor Codwallader C. Washbum, who inspected it on July 24 , the company applied to him for the certificate of completion, which would have entitled it to receive a proportionate amount of land from its grmit. But he refused to issue the certificate because the company had not completed the road between Portage and Stevens Point, as required by the charter ofthe Portage mid Lake Superior Railroad, one ofthe corporate entities ofthe Wisconsin Central. As a result, without the land as security, negotiations for additional capital from financiers in Germany, and from other foreign and domestic sources, collapsed. (Domestic calamities mid international political complications also contributed to the withdrawal of potential sources of capital.) On November 20 Governor Washbum relented to the extent of granting a certificate for one-half the land for the reason that the compmiy had completed the line from Doty's Island-Menosha as required by the charter ofthe Winnebago mid Lake Superior, the other major corporate entity ofthe Wisconsin Central, although it was the opinion ofthe U.S. Attorney General that the company was entitled to all ofthe land for the 20 mile section.

Thus, Ashland's hopes and expectations for a railroad in 1873 were rudely dashed. But then a more immediate and pressing problem mose—^the so-called "Ashland War." When construction was suspended on December 26^ , the compmiy had discharged the workers as of that date. There were 1,200 men living in camps from the Penokee Rmige to Ashland who depended on their wages for their livelihood and who had been told that they would be employed all winter. The only way out ofthe area was by the stage road 80 miles from Ashland to Superior, since the bay was frozen and no boats were running. So as not to overcrowd the boarding mid feeding facitities at Ashlmid and along the road to Superior, company officials began to pay the men in small groups at the various camps from the south northwmd. Most ofthe men departed without incident, but at one camp

190 (Kelly's) the men, who had been waiting a few days for their wages, demanded to be paid to date rather than just to December 26 . Escaping mi unruly crowd at the camp, the company group managed to reach Ashland, where the town chairmmi, Sam Fifield, closed the saloons (which continued business out their back doors). On New Year's day men from Kelly's camp reached Ashland. Two men were dispatched to Bayfield to summon Sheriff Nelson Boutin (responsible for both Ashland and Bayfield Counties), who mrived that night with a possee of 42 men commanded by Robinson Pike. The town was placed under mmlial law, order was quickly restored, and a settlement was reached with the workers, who departed Ashland peaceably (22).

After this burst of excitement, Ashlmid endured the winter doldrums until spring, when work was resumed at White River on April 21 (AWP 4/26/73). By early September track had reached Silver Creek, where another wrought iron bridge, about half the size ofthe White River structure was erected. Track was laid to Penokee (Penoka) gap by October 4^ and the first train arrived there from Ashland on the 9 (23). Meanwhile, work was resumed at section 53 (Colby) northward on April 25 and stopped at Worcester (mile post 101) on Jmiuary 6 1874, leaving a gap of about 57 miles between the two ends of track. In August 1873 Governor Washbum issued a certificate for one-half of the land for which the compmiy had qualified by the satisfactory completion of a second 20 mile section. The completed 164 mile section from Menasha to Stevens Point to Worcester was swamped with freight traffic, handling 175,380 tons between June 1874 and June 1875, most of which was for the development ofthe new territory opened by the railroad. Passenger traffic was also heavy, requiring in addition to the regulm passenger trains, the coupling of passenger cars to the freight trains (Mmlin 1941, 29).

But the company now encountered further difficulties that once again put an end to construction work between Worcester and Ashland. The first problem was to secure an extension ofthe completion date of May 5 1874, which Congress finally grmited on April 9 by setting a new date of December 311876. The second difficulty was to obtain the financial resources to continue work. The underlying condition was the depressed economy, which began with a financial panic in September 1873, brought about by an abrupt decline in the value of railroad securities due to overbuilding. Investors were wary of railroad ventures, and the Wisconsin Central had difficulty in providing sufficient security to sell its bonds. Governor Washbum continued to refuse certificates of completion for the one-half of the road that had been finished, until the Stevens Point to Portage line was constructed. The completed road itself, ending as it did in wilderness at one end and a sparsely populated area at Menasha at the other, was not acceptable as security. It then developed that the Phillips mid Colby Construction Company, in its haste to obtain the lmid grant, had grossly mismmiaged the work, expending more than the amount provided by the aid of towns and counties along the route. With no funds available, the company was unable to pay what was owed to the subcontractors, who then abandoned the work. The Phillips and Colby Company attempted to undertake the construction work, but this effort was unsuccessful and resulted only in further great wastes of labor and materials (Martin 1941, 29-32). Finally, with the company facing default and bankruptcy, the bondholders agreed to financial arrangements that enabled it to complete the Stevens Point to Portage line, and it was given the part of its land grant that had been withheld until this was done. All of this took time, of course, and work on the line northward from Worcester was not resumed until July 26 1876, and southward from Penokee gap until October 2" of that year.

Once again Ashland was held hostage to the vicissitudes of railroad finmicing and politics, complicated by a deep depression that was to last five yems. But the 30 mile "pig-tail" railroad to Penokee gap proved to be the village's salvation (Martin 1941, 26-27): "Despite the fact that the Ashland-Penokee division was mi isolated strip of railroad, immediately upon its completion, traffic in freight and passengers became so heavy that the few engines mid cars were inadequate to handle it. Demands for movement of lumber equipment and forest products overwhelmed the little railroad. The only railroad in northern Wisconsin and the only route out of Ashland southward, this isolated piece of railroad at once became the quick and easy approach to Lake Superior from the interior." Hardy souls could even take the train to the end ofthe line at Penokee gap, then travel by sled, wagon or on foot (and later by stage) across the intervening 57 miles of wilderness to Worcester mid there

191 take the train to Stevens Point, Milwaukee, and other cities (24). A small settlement nmiied Penoka grew up at the gap to serve travelers (AWP 12/4/75).

Ashland continued to grow during 1873, although the pace of building diminished considerably from the previous year. New homes and stores were constructed, a brick yard was established, and the Ashland Lumber Company built a 600 foot dock ("Lower Town Items,"AWP 7/12/73). There were "upwards of 700 inhabitants" in the settlement, with "80 children attending school regularly" (AWP 2/15/73). The big event of the yem was the trmisfer ofthe county seat from La Pointe to Ashland, approved in the November elections ("Removal Of The County Seat," AWP 9/20/73; "The Election," AWP 11/8/73; Govemor CO. Washbum's Proclamation, 11/22/73). As ofthe end of 1873 approached, the Press found every reason to be optimistic. "Why Feel Blue?" it asked, for "Ashland's prospects were never brighter thmi today." The Wisconsin Central will certainly reach Ashland by the next summer, new settlers will continue to mrive, and the "waste places" will be filled "with the hives of industry." One such "waste place" was the "Penoka Range" where the existence of "inexhaustible beds of iron ore . . . has been established beyond a doubt, and the first ore has been shipped" (AWP 11/22/73—italics in original). This statement was misleading at best. While iron ore had been found on the Penokee range, the true extent ofthe deposits and whether the ore could be profitably mined were unknown, and only a few tons of ore had been "shipped" for testing mid analysis.

The probable basis of this and other statements regarding the "inexhaustible" iron ore deposits on the Penokee Range were the reports of explorations conducted over 20 years before. As discussed in mi earlier chapter, in 1848 Randall had noted the presence of iron ore along the fourth principal meridian. In 1849 Charles Whittlesey had traced the ore beds (magnetite) through compass deflection and outcrops from the principal meridian west to English Lake. On the basis of a field examination of small smiiples he judged that the ore would yield "fifty to sixty per cent, metal" but noted that it also contained a relatively high proportion of silex or qumlz His conclusion was that, "If the silex [quartz] of this ore is not so excessive as to make it refractory [difficult to melt], or if in practice that difficulty can be remedied by use of magnesian slates, which are abundmit, these mines may be wrought hereafter at a profit, and rival the works of Northern Europe" (Whittlesey 1852, 446-447). In 1858, Increase A. Lapham explored the Penokee Rmige ore beds for the Wisconsin and Lake Superior Mining and Smelting Company, as noted emlier. Lapham's report included two inconsistent, if not contradictory, conclusions (Lapham, 1860, 33, 35). On the one hand he stated that "good ore" had been discovered "in such quantities as to be practically inexhaustible, situated at points accessible to water power and having bold fronts, rendering it comparatively easy to be quarried. For mmiy yems to come only the richest and most accessible ores can be brought into use, rejecting—at least for the present—all such as have too lmge a proportion of silica, and such as are not in a condition to be easily and cheaply removed from the natural bed. Though it is clearly shown that the ore is co-extensive with the range, yet it must not be supposed that it constitutes a continuous workable mine throughout this whole distance of twenty miles. It is only at the points indicated where the ore is easily worked, and where water power is at hand, that very great immediate value cmi be put upon these mines; for the reason that the difference in the expense of quarrying the ore from the side of a high cliff, and of mining it below the surface ofthe ground, will be sufficient to dissipate all the profits that can be made from the use of ores so obtained." While on the other hmid declming that "The immense quantity of one ofthe most valuable of iron ores existing in beds in many places so easily accessible, and at only a moderate distance from the navigable waters of Lake Superior, in a country well supplied with hard wood timber, with a climate suited to the healthy and vigorous efforts of man; a soil suited to the growth of most ofthe ordinary farm crops; at a point easily accessible by railroad, by which it will be connected with the general system of railroads in the country, must, sooner or later become the source of great wealth, and give occupation to a large population of thrifty and industrious citizens."

It was undoubtedly the selective reading ofthe Whittlesey mid Laphmii reports plus a strong dose of credulity, which gave rise to the expectation that Ashlmid was destined to be "The Grand Iron and Commercial City of Lake Superior" (map, A WP 6/29/72). Ashland would not only be a shipping port for iron ore, it would refine 192 the ore in charcoal furnaces using the nearby "inexhaustible forests" and limestone mineral deposits, then use the iron to manufacture finished products ("Ashland Locals," BP 5/18/72, 5/25/72). In the early 1870s there were four mining companies with extensive land holdings on the range, but only one of these, the Lapointe Iron Compmiy, attempted actual mining operations (25). It began work in September 1873, digging test pits and a single shaft (on section 15, T44R3). Several tons of ore were extracted and apparently shipped to Ashland in October (when the railroad reached Penokee gap) mid then by ship to Cleveland. Analysis of ore samples supposedly showed "61 per cent, pure iron" (AWP 1/10/74). This was a much higher percentage of "pure iron" than was typical ofthe deposits being worked by the company, mid the presence of a large proportion of refractory quartz in the ore appears to have been ignored. Work was suspended in November due to the depressed economic conditions but resumed in Februmy 1874. An office and quarters for the workers were constructed, and arrangements made for the erection of a blast furnace mid rolling mill at Penoka or Ashlmid if rich ore in sufficient quantity were found.

Apparently there were some people who did not share the optimistic view ofthe potential of iron ore mining on the Penokee rmige. To settle the issue, Ashland joined other groups around the state to demmid a geological survey (AWP 2/8/73). The Legislature authorized a survey in Mmch 1873 to begin in Ashland and Douglas Counties, and Increase A. Laphmii was appointed Chief Geologist in April (26). From June to September 1873 Roland D. Irwin surveyed the Penokee Rmige and its ore resources. His report to Laphmii was not favorable. He noted that the high proportion of quartz in the ore made it difficult to smelt, mid that the ore would have to occur in thick deposits of 50% to 60% metallic iron in order to compete with the rich ores coming from the mines at Marquette, Michigmi, and Menomonee, Wisconsin. Irwin suggested that the stratigraphy (series of rock beds) ofthe Penoke Range was a continuation of that found to the east in Michigan, and that the bed containing the rich ore found at Mmquette was probably present in the Penokee Range. If so, it was located farther north (above in the stratigraphy) from the bed where the Lapointe Iron Company was attempting to mine the lean (less rich) magnetic ore or magnetite. The bed, if there, was covered by a deep layer of glacial drift with no outcrops, however, and no work was done to determine if in fact it contained the richer ore (27). The report was not published but was seen by people from Ashland, who were understandably critical of Irwin's conclusions. They claimed that the survey on which they were based was hastily done, and they demanded a new survey (28). Consequently, a second survey ofthe Penokee Range was conducted by Chmles E. Wright, beginning in August 1876. His conclusions, although stated miibiguously, were essentially the same as Irwin's, namely, that despite the seeming promise ofthe outcrops and compass variations, rich, marketable ores would not be found in the magnetite beds, but (possibly) in the beds farther north in the range (29). Meanwhile, in July 1874 the Lapointe Iron Company stopped its mining operations due to the depressed price of iron ore, the shaft it had excavated being reported in August to be filled with water ("On The Iron Range," y4ff^P 7/4/74; "Penoka Iron," AWP 8/29/74). Ashland's hopes of becoming the great iron city ofthe west were dashed, at least for the time being (30).

But the little community struggled on despite the loss of population, the lack of a railroad connection, mid adverse economic conditions. A brewery was established, a town hall planned, and the saws ofthe Ashland Lumber Compmiy continued to hum. In August 1874 a visitor from Michigmi described Ashlmid as follows: "The number of buildings would seem to indicate a population of not less than twelve or fifteen hundred, but as many ofthe stores and dwellings are vacant, there are probably not over seven or eight hundred people in the place. ... In 1873 the value of new buildings erected and other improvements made, is estimated in round figures at half a million dollars. There are four substantial merchandise piers, with accompanying warehouses, costing in the aggregate, over $100,000. A saw mill owned by the Ashland Lumber Company will turn out 2,000,000 feet of lumber this year, half of which goes to Isle Royale. ... A door, sash and blind factory, owned by White & Dunbar, is one ofthe institutions ofthe town, the product of which is mostly shipped to Isle Royale and other points on the lake. The town contains ten stores, of all kinds, two large breweries, the usual number of hotels and saloons, while the education and morals ofthe place me taken care of by one church (Methodist), [and] two good schools. . . . There are three miles of graded streets, and many more of wooden sidewalks; the

193 buildings as might be expected are entirely new, and miiong them are some very neat tasty residences." (31). In early 1875, the trip across the gap between the two ends ofthe Wisconsin Central's road was eased somewhat by the establishment of a stage line, the trip t^ing two days. The stage fme was $10 and the rail fare to Milwaukee was $10.80, the overall trip from Ashland to Milwaukee taking four days (AWP 1/16/75). The 1875 State Census, taken in the midyear, showed a population of 448 in the Town of Ashlmid (268 males, 180 females). Assuming that the census is accurate and allowing for a few people on fmms, the population ofthe village of Ashland was probably about 400 people (32). The difference between this figure and the Press estimate in emly 1873 of "upwards of 700 inhabitants" probably reflects the loss of population due to the suspension of railroad construction, plus some inflation in the Press estimate (AWP 2/15/73).

Things began to look better in 1876. On July 26 railroad construction was resumed at Worcester northward, and on October 2" , southward from Penoka. Arrmigements were made for a telegraph line to Ashland, which was completed on August 15 . Finally, when the work from the north reached Chippewa Crossing (Glidden) on November 26 , and that from the south stopped at Butternut Creek on December 8^ , regular train service was established from Ashland to Chippewa Crossing and from Butternut Creek to Stevens Point, with a scheduled stage line between the two terminals. Daily mail service was also established, and Bayfield was linked to the railroad by a stage line over a new road between the two settlements (33). While no "summary of improvements" for 1876 was published, one important project that was apparently completed was the construction ofthe Methodist Episcopal Church, the first church building in Ashland ("The M. E. Church," AWP 7/1/76; "The Sociable," y4ff^P 5/6/76). A second "improvement" was the organization of a fire company for which a new engine, "built at mi immense expense" was purchased (34). With mining operations on the Penokee Rmige abandoned, and with no prospect of resumption in sight, the Press re-assessed Ashland's prospects for the future. In an editorial in April it abandoned the vision of Ashlmid as the "Great Iron City of Lake Superior" for "Ashland the Great Lumber Centre ofthe North!" The depletion of pineries in Michigan and to the south of Ashlmid in Wisconsin, the Press declared, would surely attract the lumber business to the lake region. Ashland, "surrounded by large tracts of pine" with good driving streams tributary to the bay, a fine harbor, a railroad, and many good mill-sites, "is favorably situated to be made a second Oshkosh or Green Bay" (then the important lumber centers in east central Wisconsin). Further, the Press continued in a second editorial, Ashland, with a plentiful supply of hardwood timber, was "the Finest Location for a Large Chair mid Furniture Factory in the Union." Finally, in a third offering, the Press predicted that Ashland, "when its location and surroundings are carefully examined," "must become a commercial port of no slight importance." This, plus the abundmit agriculture, mineral, and timber resources in the region, "point unmistakably to a prosperous future for Ashland." The past expectation of immediate "greatness" was replaced by a more cautious view: "But it will not all be realized at once. It will take time to bring Ashland forward and build up the city the future has marked out" (35).

In June 1877, the first step toward this new future for Ashland, one that had been long anticipated, finally occurred. Work on the Wisconsin Central line had resumed at Butternut Creek on May 19 , and on June 2" the end ofthe northern section at Chippewa Crossing (about 16 miles north) was reached. A pmly of Ashland and Bayfield dignitaries traveled there, mid Asaph Whittlesey drove the last spike and made a short speech. The first train proceeded to Ashland (where the news had been received by telegraph from Chippewa Crossing) to be greeted by a rousing reception described by the Press ("Shout The Glad Tidings!"y4ff^P 6/9/77): "Hon. S.S. Vaughn, with his usual enterprise and public spirit, rallied the people, mid when the train drew up at the depot at ten o'clock at night, it was greeted by at least three hundred citizens of Ashland and vicinity, . . . headed by a platoon of boys bearing torches, while huge bon-fires illuminated the town in every direction. "The six pound field-piece brought over from Bayfield by a delegation of prominent citizens, thundered forth a salute that sent its echoes vibrating through the surrounding forests and across the waters, heralding the tidings of great joy to all people who inhabit the shores of Chequmiiegon Bay" (36).

194 With the railroad completed, scheduled service to Milwaukee and Chicago began, while two steamer lines connected Ashlmid to ports on the upper mid lower Great Lakes (37). Then Wisconsin Central, eager to develop sources of revenue to support the isolated line to Ashland and no doubt having observed the brisk tourism at Bayfield and La Pointe, announced in March that it would build a large resort hotel. Construction begmi on April 18 and the Chequamegon Hotel held a grmid opening on August 1^. Located on the present site ofthe county courthouse, it was an L shaped structure, measuring 40 feet by 100 feet, three stories high, with a wide vermida around the building. The Press waxed ecstatic, announcing that the hotel marked the "Commencement Of Another Era Of Progress," and that "Ashland and Vicinity to be the Saratoga of the Northwest!" A visitor from Green Bay in September noted that the hotel "is overflowing and spilling over pretty much all the time with an excess of pleasure seekers," and that plans were already being made to expand it (38). The other major construction project for the year was the new courthouse. It was located on "courthouse square," the block formed by the present L^e Shore Drive mid Main Street, and 6^ and 7 Avenues West. The cornerstone was laid with a Masonic ceremony on October 6^ , and by the end of November the building was enclosed, ready to be finished in the spring (39). In addition to these major projects, there were new houses and business places constructed and improvements to existing ones, with additional streets, bridges, sidewalks, and culverts installed, amounting in all to $845,850 in value ("Improvements For 1^77," AWP 1/5/78). The White and Perinier factory and the Ashland Lumber Company were also working to full capacity ("Ashland's Industries," AWP 5/12/77). A negative development was the loss ofthe custom office, squelching plans for Ashland to be a major portfor Canadian shipping ("The Ashland Customs Office Abolished,"y4ff^P 11/24/77). But this was perhaps balanced by two pieces of good news. The first was that the Wisconsin Central was to undertake new iron ore mining operations on the Penokee Rmige, and the second that the preliminary survey for a line to connect the Wisconsin Central at Ashland with the Northern Pacific Railroad from Superior had begun (40).

A report in the Northwestern Lumberman in October 1877 observed that "Ashland is not a large town neither is it pretentious or assuming. It is a quiet little burg holding about 600 souls, who chiefly inhabit snug cottages and have goodly sized garden patches under an excellent state of cultivation. . . . The strip of ground upon which the town stands has been cleared ofthe forest which once covered it densely thick to the water's edge, for [a] distmice of a couple of miles along the bay shore, and something like one-half a mile wide. There is but one main street, but that is long enough to make up for any deficiency in number. The numerous bridges which span the ravines . . . form quite a novel feature. Some day when Ashland becomes a great place of resort for summer tourists, and its population has been augmented an hundred fold in numbers and wealth—the drive along the street will be one worth traversing that 200 miles of forest to enjoy." The article went on the note that "Commercially spewing, there is not much to attract one to Ashland, and will not be for some time to come." The people do not have grandiose ambitions, but "recognize the value of small things and the virtue of a steady growth, and do not go ballooning. It is surrounded by pine forests; their wealth will one day be developed, and their conversion into lumber will add much to the growth mid prosperity ofthe place." The Chequamegon Hotel was described as the "cosiest, cleanest and most thoroughly homelike little house in all Wisconsin. . . . The house is tasty in appemmice inside and out; is furnished comfortably and even elegantly; . . ." mid was crowded "to its utmost capacity" during the warm weather. The report concluded by suggesting that " a month or two in the wonderful air here is worth years of any other place;" and by predicting that "the facts have only to be known to fill the little town each year to overflowing." (41).

All was not doom mid gloom on Chequamegon Bay during the depressed years that began in 1873. People—or at least some people—had a good time. There were dances, "sociables," picnics at Houghton Point, Christmas celebrations, and other events. "Three double temiis and one single" towed sleds loaded with Ashlanders in elaborate costumes across the ice to Bayfield on Friday, February 25 1876 to attend a "grand masquade ball." After a "hearty supper" everyone went to the courthouse where the dance was held. Festivities continued during a raging snowstorm that began on Saturday, and it was not until Tuesday that the Ashland party could return home. The centennial was the occasion for July 4 celebrations in Ashland and Bayfield. Bayfield proposed a joint celebration, but apparently that idea did not find favor in Ashlmid, so they each held their own.

195 Ashland's was the more elaborate with patriotic songs, toasts, an oration, sport gmiies typical of such affairs, a "grmid ball" and fireworks in the evening. There was even mi arranged fire that allowed the recently formed Ashland Fire Company to show off its new engine and the fortitude of its members. Bayfield's celebration included a reading of "Washington's Prayer For America" and other public documents, speeches, gmiies, and a parade by the Bayfield Rifles in their new uniforms. Houses throughout the town were decorated with evergreens and a "brand new flag was flung to the breeze" from the courthouse pole. The Ashland Weekly Press correspondent was apparently not too impressed, however, concluding that "the best report to be made is that there was not a single row during the whole day. Every one was orderly, decent mid [sober]." A centennial celebration was also held at Buffalo Bay on the Red Cliff Reservation, although it is hard to see what the Indians confined there had to celebrate on this occasion. Apparently they entered wholeheartedly into the affair, however, for the Press correspondent noted that, "On the whole the celebration at Buffalo Bay was a decided success, and rather eclipsed Bayfield." (42).

At the beginning ofthe new year, the Press observed that "the Centennial yem gave but little promise for Ashland during 1877, owing to the hard times which have prevailed throughout the country." Nevertheless, the list ofthe year's improvements was impressive ("Improvements for l%77," AWP 1/5/78). Included were two major projects, the construction ofthe Chequamegon Hotel and the courthouse (completed the following year), amounting to $15,000 and $10,000 respectively. Also listed were improvements to the Ashland Lumber Compmiy and White and Pemier mills; construction of a depot by the Wisconsin Central; mid work on the village bridges, streets, culverts, and sidewalks. The remainder ofthe year's improvements consisted forthe most part ofthe construction or remodeling of residences. The total value of all this was $45,850, although the Press hedged a bit by stating that the estimated miiounts expended may "fall short" or be "estimated too high." The Press stated that while the progress made during the year was "worthy of note," it did not meet expectations, "considering the fact that our railroad was completed in June." But while the railroad was an important condition for the growth mid prosperity of Ashland, it was not sufficient by itself to bring this about. There had to be productive economic activity and this developed gradually—lumber mills, ore shipping, mid tourism—over the next several years. There was progress in two of these areas in 1878. The Union Mill Compmiy was organized in March 1878 with capital stock of $30,000. A mill mid dock were constructed at the foot of 14 Avenue West (then Wisconsin Street). The mill begmi operation on August 1 . The company also operated a provisions store and a boarding house (43).

Tourism had become a major "industry" for Ashland (as it was for Bayfield), and was assiduously pushed by the Press and the Wisconsin Central ("Ashland And Vicinity! The Summer Resort Of The ^est\" AWP 6/1/78). The accommodations ofthe Chequamegon Hotel having proven inadequate after only a year of operation, the manager announced in October that it would be substantially enlmged for next yem's season ("The Chequamegon," y4ff^P 10/5/78). The thought had apparently occurred to some among the community leaders that with its "mineral springs," Ashland could even become another Saratoga. Water samples were sent for analysis to the Department of Agriculture in Washington, and although the report was encouraging (not up to the springs at Saratoga, however) nothing further seems to have been done by way of exploiting them for tourism (44). There was also encouraging news from the Wisconsin Central mining operations on the "Penoka Range," where it was reported that a rich vein of iron ore had been reached, and that the "outlook for a good mine is encouraging" (AWP 3/16/78). Finally, marine traffic during the yem was brisk, with 405 vessels (steam and sail) bringing in $129,608 worth of cargo, and shipping out $147,180 worth (AWP 2/22/79).

No major economic projects were reported for 1879. Bayfield County completed the construction of a wagon and stage road around the head ofthe bay to the county line, and Ashland County completed it into the village (45). In the cultural sphere, the Press reported with approval a "theatrical entertainment" named "The Gambler's Child" by the Ashland Dramatic Association in its "new hall" (AWP 8/30/79). Nineteen eighty brought a third sawmill to Ashland, built by James Ritchie from Depere, Wisconsin, who became a well known citizen of Ashland, and Chmles G. Mueller. This Mueller and Ritchie mill, as it was generally known, along

196 with a dock, was located at the foot of Willis Avenue, and began operation in February 1881 (46). The acquisition ofthe Mueller and Ritchie mill was accompanied by the destruction of another. In April the White and Childs mill, along with some adjacent buildings, were destroyed by fire, which was only just prevented from spreading to the Ashlmid Lumber Compmiy ("Destructive Conflagration,"y4ff^P 4/17/80). The property was not insured, but the owners were able to make arrangements to rebuild (AWP 7/24/80).

Despite the pessimistic—or at least equivocal—reports ofthe professional geologists, there were those who persisted in believing that bonanza wealth lay buried somewhere in the ranges behind Ashland. Now it was gold and silver in the copper range, located north ofthe Penoke Range, which aroused their enthusiasm. At least one outside company was formed, the Chicago and Lake Superior Mining Company, which opened a mine on the Brunsweiller River (on section 22 of T45NR4W), as well as local compmiies in Ashland and Bayfield. Rumors about precious metals on the range had been circulating in Ashlmid for a year or more, but the Press had remained skeptical and silent. Now, however, in the spring of 1880 in an article with the headline, "The New Eldorado!," it declmed that the proof was so strong that it was "useless to doubt longer" that the discoveries ofthe gold and silver were true. The gold and silver mining ventures apparently did not "pan out," however, for after this initial burst of excitement in the spring, no further major reports about them appemed in the Press (47).

Railroad excitement was again in the air in 1880. The North Wisconsin Railroad (now the Northern Division of the Chicago, St. Paul, Minneapolis mid Omaha) had reached Long Lake (L^e Owen), mid the engineers were reconnoitering the line from that point to Bayfield (AWP 12/14/78, 5/8/80, 5/22/80, 6/26/80, 7/31/80). Also, it was announced that the Northern Pacific would begin the preliminmy survey of its "South Shore Line" from Duluth to Sault Ste. Marie, the first section being to the Montreal River. There was considerable concern in Ashland that the main line would pass to the south, with only a branch into the village ("Eastwmd!"y4ff^P 11/20/80; "The South Shore Line," AWP 12/4/80). But a ghost ofthe Wisconsin Central era was now haunting the community. Due to the impoverished condition of its finances, Ashland County was unable to pay the interest on the money it had borrowed to purchase the railroad bonds in 1871. By 1880, the accrued interest amounted to $32,000. Severely pressed by its creditors, the county Board of Supervisors adopted a plan that these creditors accepted to pay this indebtedness, which they ultimately succeeded in doing (48).

There was the usual round of "sociables" and anniversary celebrations, and an occasional "grand ball." A big event was a weekend excursion of 60 people to Duluth, sponsored by the Ashland Comet Band, which also sponsored a ball ("Grand Excursion to Duluth," AWP 8/21/80; "The Band Excursion," AWP 9/4/80). A lavish Fourth of July Celebration was held, beginning with a "national salute" at sunrise and culminating in fireworks at 10 o'clock in the evening. Both the Methodist Church (organized on September 20 1872) and the Congregational Church (date of first organization uncertain), small in numbers but strong in spirit, disbmided, then united on July 20 as the Presbyterimi Church, there to "do better work for the cause of Christ" (A WP 7/24/80). After a lapse of two years, the Press published an improvements report for the first nine months of the yem ("Improvements—l^^O," AWP 10/2/80). It noted that not only had "general business increased" but that the improvements showed "that our people have been generally prosperous." The list of improvements included the rebuilding ofthe White and Childs planing mill, the construction ofthe Mueller and Ritchie mill, improvements to the Union Mill, new stores for Vaughn mid Gamich, improvements to the court house, Wisconsin Central Railroad facilities, and numerous dwellings and places of business, amounting in all to $55,225. Also, a local telephone compmiy was organized at the end ofthe year, "intended to connect both ends of town with the post office, court house, hotels, mills, and such stores as desire an instrument." The Press remarked that "It is a good idea" (AWP 12/11/80, 3/5/81).

The U. S. Census of June 1880 for the Town of Ashland showed 775 whites and 176 Indians, the latter assumedly at the Bad River reservation. There was no separate listing for the village of Ashland. Ofthe 775 whites, 510 were bom in the United States, predominmitly in Wisconsin (273), followed by New York (59), 197 Michigan (49), Minnesota (28), and 16 other states (99). Two hundred sixty two were bom in foreign countries, lead by Canada (86), Germany (48), Norway (31), Ireland (30), and 10 other countries (63). There were 45 different occupations pursued by 323 whites, the most frequent being laborer (123), sawmill worker (43), farmer (20), mid lumberman (16). Two physicians, two lawyers, three school teachers, and four pastors or missionaries were also listed. Three lumber mills were shown. The Union Mill Company with $25,000 of capital invested operated for six months during the census year. It employed 40 males (including five children and youths) at daily wages of $1.75 for laborers mid $3.00 for skilled mechanics. It was powered by a 75 horsepower steam engine, which drove 16 circular saws. The Ashland Lumber Company with $60,000 of capital invested operated for two months during the census year. It employed 40 males (including three children and youths) at average daily wages of $1.50 for laborers and $2.50 for skilled mechanics. It was powered by a 60 horsepower steam engine with 11 circular saws. Finally, the White mid Childs Sash, Door and Blind Mill with $5,000 of capital invested operated for ten months during the census year. It employed 16 males at daily wages of $1.50 for laborers and $2.00 for skilled mechanics. It was powered by a 25 horsepower steam engine with four circular saws (49). No other "manufactures" were listed in the census.

Eighteen eighty-one was another year of slow, but steady progress for Ashland. The Superior Lumber Compmiy, organized in Jmiuary by John H. Knight from Bayfield and others with a capital stock of $50,000, began construction of a sawmill mid dock along the bay shore between 6 mid 10^ Avenues (then Lake and Indiana Streets). The compmiy also owned the Fish Creek Boom and Log Driving Company and the Bad River Boom and Canal Company, which provided it with a dependable supply of logs (50). Penokee Range minerals were in the news again, with a Press report about a gold and silver assay, "which verifies mid proves conclusively that the mineral found is as represented—rich in gold, silver and copper;" and about the discovery of "An Iron Bonmiza" on the Wisconsin Central mining property (51). Construction projects included a new passenger depot and other facilities forthe Wisconsin Central; the Ashland Lumber Company and Mueller and Ritchie mills; and miother substmitial enlargement ofthe Chequamegon Hotel. The hotel now featured 100 rooms, gas lighting, and "all modern improvements such as electric bells, bath rooms, closets, steam laundry, etc." These projects, along with the usual building and improvements of dwellings and business building, amounted to total of $56,750 as of October 1881 (52). Finally, a major social event ofthe year was the "young Ladies' Fair" to raise money for a church building. The "fair" ran for two nights mid included "Tableaux," music, and other "special features," netting over $200, "For all of which the ladies return their wmmest thmiks" ("The Young Ladies Eair,"AWP 12/3/81).

By 1882 economic conditions had improved, and the outlook ofthe Press—assumedly reflecting that ofthe community—was optimistic. Ashland, it declared, "has suddenly grown into a self-supporting town, resting upon a good and solid business foundation, with a bright future ahead" ("Our Industries," y4ff^P 4/22/82). While Ashland was becoming a Mecca for sportsmen, nature lovers, fresh air enthusiasts, mid ordinary tourists, it was above all a lumber town. In April the Press reported that the four mills—Ashlmid Lumber Compmiy, the Mueller and Ritchie Mill, Superior Lumber Company, and the Union Mill—were expected to cut about 34 million board feet of lumber. Subsequently, the Superior Lumber Company rebuilt its mill to increase capacity, and a fifth mill was erected by the Michigmi Lumber Company at the foot of Prentice Avenue (53). Other additions to the industrial base of Ashland during 1882 were the Ashland Mmiufacturing Company, which included a combination sash, door, and blind factory, a planing mill, and a machine shop and foundry, and a new post office, while work was begun on a new school house, and the Wisconsin Central constructed a new depot, a round house and other facilities. These projects, plus numerous smaller ones, the construction and improvement of dwellings, and village improvements, amounted to $386,000 for the year, according to the Press (AWP 4/15/82, 6/24/82, 7/1/82; "Still They Gomel"AWP 6/10/82; "Ashlandl"AWP 11/25/82). The first boat built in Ashlmid—named The City ofi Ashland—was launched from the Ashland Lumber Company's boat yard in November and completed for service in 1883. It was a light-draft tug with side wheels for propulsion, intended to pull log rafts from the Bad River area through the shallow opening or "sand cut" between Chequamegon Point and Long Island, thus avoiding the long circumvention ofthe island (54).

198 The Press declared that "The most importmit item in the progress of Ashland during [1882]" was the construction ofthe branch ofthe Chicago, St. Paul, Minneapolis and Omaha Railroad into Ashland ("Ashland!" AWP 11/25/82). In late June the company and affected property owners reached an agreement regarding the right-of-way into the village and by mid-July the location ofthe line had been completed. Ground brewing took place in emly September and construction proceeded from both ends, at Ashland and at the main line junction. By the end of November grading was completed and rail laying was commenced. The Press had confidently predicted in July that "we may expect that trains will run through from St. Paul to Ashland by early fall, at the farthest" but this proved to be premature (55). There was also good news on miother railroad front. In June, the Northern Pacific's line from Superior to Ashland was put under contract, and the right-of-way into the village secured. By October, construction was proceeding rapidly from both ends ofthe line, with an expected completion date of April 1885. This road would connect Ashland with the ports at the head ofthe lake, the lumber markets and great wheat fields ofthe northern prairies, and the Pacific Ocemi trade. The Press was ecstatic at the prospect, proclaiming that the railroad would "give our city a big boost towards its 'manifest destiny' " (56).

The year was also active socially, "masquerade balls" seeming to be popular (AWP 1/7/82, 2/11/82, 2/25/82, 9/2/82). The Presbyterian Society purchased the former Methodist church mid grounds, and the "ladies" ofthe Society sponsored "sociables," a concert (which unfortunately was poorly attended because of inclement weather) and a fair to raise money, while the Vaughns hosted a "parlor entertainment" by the Ashlmid Literary Society for the same purpose (AWP 7/22/82, 7/29/82; "Grand Concert and Ea\r\" AWP 12/2/82, 12/9/82, 12/16/82, 12/23/82). The Fourth of July was celebrated quietly, with picnics, a ball, sailing on the bay, and another excursion to Duluth by the Ashlmid Comet Band and others (AWP 7/8/82). The year ended with an "entertainment" by the public school pupils (AWP 12/23/82). This and several other ofthe social events took place at Bell's new "opera house," constmcted by George W. Bell (AWP 9/30/82, 10/7/82). The Chequamegon Hotel was filled to overflowing, including among the guests famous Civil War generals (57). Life cannot have been too hectic, however, for the Press reported that "Quite a number of our business men have surrendered their telephones. They found them more of a luxury than a necessity" (A WP 5/6/82).

While business conditions on the national level worsened in 1883 as the result of a panic due to the overbuilding of railroads, the demand for lumber in the growing cities and in the farms and villages ofthe great plains, plus the need for the shipping outlets on the l^es, insulated the Chequmiiegon Bay communities from the depression. The Press was therefore able to report at year's end that 1883 had been " a prosperous one for our fair young city, which has taken long strides toward its future destiny" ("The Metropolis Of The New Wisconsin,," y4ff^P 11/10/83). No new lumber mills or manufacturing plants were established, but those already in operation added to and improved their buildings mid docks. The Union Mill Company constructed a large hotel, improved its mill facilities and extended its dock; the Ashland Lumber Company improved its mill and dock, as did the Michigan Lumber Company, and the Mueller and Ritchie Compmiy. The Superior Lumber Compmiy also improved its mill and docks, constructed an office and warehouses, and added to its sash and door factory. During the winter, 63,050,000 bomd feet of logs had been harvested and "banked" to feed the enormous capacity ofthe mills at Ashland, Bayfield, mid elsewhere in the Chequamegon Bay region ("Ashlmid and Bayfield," AWP 5/26/83). There were numerous small business undertakings also, including two brickyards, badly needed to provide material for the many building which were being constructed (AWP 4/21/83, 5/5/83). Other major projects included a Presbyterian church, a high school, improvements to the county courthouse, and numerous bridges, sidewalks, mid streets through the village. A telegraph line to Bayfield was completed, the old telephone line connecting the communities was rebuilt, and wires were extended throughout Ashlmid (AWP 10/6/83, 10/13/83). A major event for the year was the long awaited completion on June 19 ofthe brmich line ofthe Chicago, St. Paul, Minneapolis and Omaha Railroad, providing Ashland with a direct connection to the valleys ofthe St. Croix mid Mississippi Rivers and the Twin Cities. While this new railroad connection had considerable significance for the future ofthe village, there apparently was no celebration such as that which accompanied the arrival ofthe Wisconsin Central six years

199 earlier ("The Work is Accomplished,"y4ff^P 6/23/83). The first regular train from St. Paul arrived on July 23 (AWP 7/28/83). Both the Omaha and the Wisconsin Central Railroads invested substmitial sums of money in new and improved buildings and other facilities, and the Northern Pacific constructed an office building.

Interest in iron mining had now shifted to deposits along the Montreal River in Wisconsin and Michigan, which proved to be rich in iron that was low in silica mid easily accessible. The Wisconsin Central begmi to survey a branch line to the area. ("Ashland and Montreal Iron Range," AWP 5/19/83). The Gogebic Range fmther east was also beginning to be explored, mid soon the immense deposits of ore there would be discovered and exploited (Lintonen 1988, c. 3). Despite the years of disappointments and failures, interest in the "hidden wealth" ofthe "Penoka Range" was revived by the discoveries along the Montreal River ("The Penoka Range," AWP 12/29/83). "Considerable interest [was] again awakened" in gold and silver mining by the claim of a newly organized company, the Ashland Gold and Silver Mining Company, to have discovered "a rich vein beming gold and silver" on the copper range nem the old Brunschweiller Creek location (AWP 12/29/83).

Ashland had had its share of fires over the years, as noted earlier, and 1882 mid 1883 were no exceptions, although there were no major conflagrations such as that which destroyed the White and Childs mill in April 1880. There were repeated admonitions in the Press to organize an effective fire department, which was finally done on August 27 1883 when a "Hook and Ladder Company" was chartered (This was a village, not a private orgmiization) (58). Similar efforts were made to obtain a "water works," not only for the everyday convenience ofthe citizens, but as a necessary part ofthe fire fighting arrangements. The "Ashland Hydraulic Compmiy" was chartered on August 6 1883, although it was over a year before a village-wide system was completed (59).

There was the usual round of masquerade balls, plays, dmices, and other entertainments during the year (for example, AWP 2/24/83; "School Entertainment,"^fTP 4/7/83, 12/22/83). A particularly notable event was a "brilliant masquerade reception" held at a private residence for invited guests from among the elite ofthe village ("Masquerade Reception," y4ff^P 3/10/83). One ofthe dances at Bell's Opera House was marred by an act of malicious destruction. After the dance the women found that their cloaks, hats, and other gmments had been repeatedly slashed with a knife (AWP 3/31/83, 4/7/83). Indeed, vandalism was apparently a serious problem in the village. Dog poisoning, theft or killing of trees on private property, defacing offences, mid other malevolent acts were almost commonplace, according to the Press (AWP 6/9/83). In its summary of improvements for 1883, the Press noted that "Our people can point with pride to the many evidences of substmitial growth and progress to be seen on every hand" ("The Metropolis Of The New Wisconsin,"y4ff^P 11/10/83). Improvements included a long list of dwellings and small business building, which with the large projects noted above, amounted to $312,900 for the year.

While it is not intended to cmry this brief story of Ashlmid beyond 1883, certain events in 1884 and 1885 that were important to Ashlmid's leading role inthe 1885 to 1900 boom on Chequamegon Bay should be mentioned. In June 1884, it was announced that Ashland would be the eastem terminus ofthe Northern Pacific Railroad, and in the following month that the Milwaukee, South Shore and Western Railroad would have its western terminal at Ashland. The first to arrive was the Northern Pacific on December 28 1884, while the Milwaukee, Lake Shore and Western was completed on June 15 1885. Ashland, at last, had the railroads (or at least four of the five) envisioned on the fanciful map published by the Press in July 1872, noted earlier (AWP 7/29/72). A huge ore dock was constructed by the Milwaukee, South Shore and Western at the foot of 16^ Avenue East (then St. Louis Avenue) along with a commercial dock. The first train of 20 cars from the Germmiia mine near Hurley arrived at the ore dock on July 16^ , and the first shipments of ore from Ashland down the lakes was on the steamer Comorant cmrying 1,300 tons, and the schooner Wall with 1,000 tons, on July 30 (60). These small shipments foretold Ashland's future role, not as a great mining center or as the "iron city" ofthe North, but as the shipping point for iron ore from the Montreal mid the vast Gogebic Ranges. There was a problem, however. The substmitial expansion in the volume of traffic in the harbor since 1880 and the prospect of further growth, and the increases in the sizes of lake vessels, particularly the ore carriers, made it imperative that

200 something be done about the shoals (shallows) in the harbor. Also, the heavy swells accompmiying storms from the northeast, originating primarily within the bay, the long axis of which lays roughly northeast-southwest, posed a threat to vessels inthe harbor. In its report for 1884, the U. S. Corps of Engineers recognized the chmiged situation, and recommended the removal ofthe shoals mid the construction of a breakwater. This work was done and improved on over the years, maintaining Ashland as a major lake port until the post-World War II yems (61).

The spectacular growth of Ashlmid from 1870 to the early years of the boom period is reflected in the Federal census figures. In 1870, no one lived in Ashland. In 1880, the white population ofthe Town of Ashland, almost all of which would have been concentrated in the village, was 775. By 1890 the population of Ashland, now a city, was 9,956, mi increase of 9,181 in ten years. (In 1905, as the "boom" was turning to "bust," Ashland attained what was probably its peak population of 14,519; by 1910 it was down to 11,594). The economic and civic development which accompanied this growth is shown by a "bird's eye view" ofthe village from June 1885 (AWP 6/16/85). From the Union Mill Company at 14* Avenue West, to the great ore dock of the Milwaukee, Lake Shore and Western Railroad at 16 Avenue East, the shore was lined with mills, yards, docks, mid log booms. Next after the Union mill came the John Canfield Company boom, then the Superior Lumber Compmiy, Vaughn's dock, Chequamegon Hotel dock, Wisconsin Central Railroad dock, Michigmi Lumber Compmiy, Mueller and Ritchie Mill, Twiggs and Selsby Plmiing Mill, Ashland Lumber Company, Ashland Water Company pump house, and finally the commercial dock and ore dock ofthe Milwaukee, Lake Shore and Western Railroad. In the village itself can be seen most prominently the Chequamegon Hotel, and also the county court house, public school, hotels, railroad depots, churches and other buildings. But that the village was only a fringe of civilization hewn out of what still was a great wilderness is suggested by the thick, dark forest shown pressing against its southern limits and the wild hills ofthe Penokee Range looming in the distance (62).

In a report in early May 1883 on the rumors that the Omaha would build its terminal docks at Vmiderventer Bay, the Press went on to say that "Rumour also has it, that a syndicate will lay out a town site and push it to prominence." With a slight suggestion of contempt, the report concluded that "As it will become what West St. Paul is to the Saintly City we suggest that the proprietors call it 'West Ashland' " (AWP 5/5/83). Bythe next month, apparently realizing that the new "one-track town" across the bay would not be a serious competitor to Ashland with its railroads and lumber mills mid more of these on the way, the Press was more gracious, reporting that " 'Washbum' is the name given the new townsite across the bay. May it always wash but never burn. Success." (63).

201 Ashland 1870-1883 Endnotes

1. The census also showed 129 people and 22 (44%) unoccupied buildings at Odan^.

2. Beaser's real estate is valued at $20,000, Ellis' at $15,000, and Whittlesey's at $3,000, in the census.

3. Beaser apparently remained in the area, probably at La Pointe. He drowned on November 4 1866 when his boat capsized as he was sailing from La Ponte to Ashland, after having put his fmiiily on board a ship for Ontonagon.

4. Proceedings ofthe Ashland County Board of Supervisors, v. 1, 11/13/60.

5. Each spring they drove their animals to Chequamegon Point mid across the channel to Madeline Island to sell them at the annual Indian payment assembly. The Roehm family was the only link between "old Ashland" and the resurrected Ashland ofthe 1870s—Bumham 1974, 4, 250; "Martin Roehm,"y4DP 2/9/29; "John Roehm," ADP 2/22/45. While the settlements of Ashlmid and Bay City were deserted, Ashlmid County was not. The 1865 State Census showed 171 people in the Town of Ashland and 85 in the Town of Bayport. These figures included La Pointe, Odanah, settlers on farms scattered throughout the county, mid perhaps squatters on what was believed to be ore-rich land on the Penokee Rmige. The 1870 U.S. Census forthe county listed 221 people, down 35 from the 256 total ofthe 1865 census.

6. The name change was made in Februmy 1871—WisLaws 1871, PL, C27. In November 1870, the company consolidated with the Portage, Stevens Point and Superior; and in July 1871 with the Manitowac and Minnesota—Martin 1941, 9-10. This Wisconsin Central should not be confused with mi early railroad company by that name, with which it had no connection—Mmlin 1941, 169; WisLaws, 1853, PL, C62; Wis Laws, 1869, PL, C160.

7. "Ashland!" A fTP 1/4/73; BP 10/7/71. "The first to retum was James A. Wilson and family, who were soon followed by Conrad Goeltz, Daniel Beaser, Oliver St. Germain mid several new comers." For a list of settlers from the resurrection period see Bumhmii, ADP 6/12/28. For information on events, people, and "progress" in Ashland from January 20 to June 15 1872, see the "Ashlmid Locals" column ofthe Bayfiield Press in addition to other mticles.

8. The dock was actually constructed by a partnership of Smiiuel Vaughn and Charles Fisher, a friend of Vaughn's. They also built a warehouse and a store, and engaged in the mercantile business, providing supplies and ties for railroad construction between Ashland and the Penokee gap. The firm suffered heavy losses in 1875, and the partnership was dissolved. Vaughn retained the dock, however, which thereafter was known as "Vaughn's dock"—see Bumham ADP 5/18/28.

9. The complex finmicial considerations behind this arrangement cannot be entered into here—see Martin 1941, 14; "The Wisconsin Central," AWP 12/15/77; AWP 4/3/80; First Annual Report OfiThe Wisconsin CentralRailroadCompany To December 31, 1878, 8-12. The Phillips and Colby Construction Company was chartered in 1871 and was an affiliate ofthe Wisconsin Central; both Gmdner Colby and Elij^ B. Phillips were directors ofthe latter company—Wis Laws 1871, PL, C197. While this arrangement, in which the officers of a railroad company in effect hired themselves to construct the railroad, thereby providing vast and irresistible opportunities for graft mid corruption, appears inconceivable today, it was not unusual at the time. One ofthe great railroad scandals ofthe 1870s involved just such an arrangement by the Union Pacific Railroad—see Bain 1999.

202 10. "Ashland Locals," 2/24/72, 3/2/72, 3/9/72; "Proceedings Of The Railroad 'Ground-Breaking' At Ashland," BP 4/20/72; "Ashlmid Locals," PP 4/20/72. Apparently a sketch ofthe ground-breaking ceremony was made mid "along with other mementos" was deposited "in the rooms ofthe Historical Society"—"Ashlmid Locals," PP 4/27/72. Unless otherwise noted the discussion ofthe construction ofthe Wisconsin Central here and elsewhere is based on Martin 1941, particularly chapters 3 mid 4; and Canuteson 1930, chapter 8; also see "Wis. Central R.R." AWP 6/23/77; Collins 1920; and selected articles from the Bayfiield Press and Ashland Weekly Press. For a summary ofthe corporate and construction history ofthe Wisconsin Central Railroad, see The Railroads ofiWisconsin 1941, 56-68.

The progress of track construction ofthe Wisconsin Central from Menasha to Ashland was as follows— First Annual Report ofithe Wisconsin Central Railroad Company, 8, except as noted:

Began at Menasha N June 15 1871 Stopped at Stevens Point November 18 Began at Stevens Point N March 18 1872 Stopped at section 53—Colby November 28 Began at Ashland S July 7 Stopped at White River December 26 Began at section 53—Colby N April 25 1873 Stopped at Worcester Jmiumy 6 1874 Began at White River S April 21 1^73 AWP 4/26/73 Stopped at Penokee Gap October 4 AWP 10/4/73 Began at Worcester N July 26 1876 Stopped at Butternut Creek December 8 Began at Penokee Gap S October 2 Stopped at Chippewa Crossing (Glidden) November 17 Began at Butternut Creek N May 19 1877 Completed the line at Chippewa Crossing June 2 (May 30)

The line from Stevens Point to Portage was constructed from October 15 1875 to October 13 1876.

11. BP 5/25/72. Mid-November completion would allow time "to ship a few cargoes of iron ore below"— "Ashland Locals," BP 2/17/72. In reality there were no producing mines on the range and no ore handling facilities at Ashland at this time. The line was expected to reach Bayfield in September 1873—"W.C.R.R. All Under Contract,"PP 2/17/72; "Wisconsin Central R.R."PP 2/24/72.

12. BP 5/4/72, 6/1/72; AWP 7/13/72; Bumham, "The Township of Ashland," ADP 11/27/28.

13. The consolidation took place sometime between January 13 and March 16 1872, according to the Bayfiield Press—BP 1/13/72; "Ashland Locals," BP 3/16/72. No action by the County or Town Boards of Supervisors seems to have been involved, although the County Board on November 13 approved the reinstatement ofthe vacated plat of Bay City on a petition from Edwin Ellis, renaming it the Ellis Division of Ashland—AWP 11/23/72. In December 1871 Vaughn's intervening tract had been platted as "Vaughn's Division of Ashland," also known as "St. Mark"—plat, December 7 1871, Ashlmid County Register of Deeds, envelope 59.

14. Because the new building for the newspaper was not completed, the first issue was printed in Asaph Whittlesey's bam in Bayfield. The press and other equipment were then hauled to Ashland on a lumber barge mid the second issue was printed in the open, under a tree, next to the still unfinished building— "Complete History of The Daily Press," ADP 3/10/26. To distinguish it from the Ashland Daily Press, the

203 paper will be referred to as the Ashland Weekly Press (as it is by the State Historical Society). Sam Fifield was the proprietor and editor ofthe Portage County Press, which he sold when he moved to Ashlmid— "Sam S. Eifield," Portage County Press, 6/1/72.

Following is the early history of the Ashland Press:

6/22/72—first issue of the Ashland Weekly Press—Samuel S. and Henry O. Fifield, editors 6/1/74—Henry Fifield sold his interest to his brother 3/5/88—first issue of the Ashland Daily Press—Samuel S. Fifield, editor 5/31/89—sold to Joseph M. Chappie 1889-98—Joseph M. Chappie, editor 1898-May 1946—John C. Chappie, editor 1946-1956—John B. Chappie, editor (Guy M. Bumhmii served as city editor from 1891-1912)

15. AWP 6/22/72. This explicit decimation of adherence to "Republicmi principles" perhaps reflects Sam Fifield's political ambitions. Shortly after this first issue ofthe Press, he was chosen chairman ofthe Town Board of Supervisors, and in future years would be elected a member and speaker ofthe State Assembly mid then Lieutenant Govemor.

16. "The Harbor Of The Lake" and "Terrible Gale on the Lake," AWP 11/23/72; "The Harbor Of Ashland," AWP 6/7/73.

17. BP 7/1/71, 7/8/71, 7/15/71. Martin stated that Ashland County subscribed $20,000, but this is incorrect- Martin 1941, 13; see The Legislative Manual For The State ofiWisconsin 1876, 326.

18. "Ashland!" A ffp* 1/4/73; also see: Andreas 1881, 66-70. These periodic reports of "improvements"— usually for a preceding year—dealt primarily with the construction, remodeling, and additions to mills, factories, businesses, residences and other structures, and to village streets, bridges, and so on, on which a dollar amount could be placed. They usually did not include information about changes in the social, cultural, or governmental meas of village life.

19. Bumham, ADP 5/18/28-5/19/28. These were the new Ashland's first docks. An 1878 plat showed the Wisconsin Central dock at the end of Grant (Ellis) Avenue; the Vaughn and Fisher dock at the end of Lake (6 W.) Avenue, both in the Vaughn Division; mid Durfee's dock at the end of Wisconsin (14 W.) Avenue in the Old Ashland Division as the former Ingals dock—Historical Atlas ofiWisconsin 1878, 120. As remarked earlier, the water is quite shallow along the entire southeastern coast ofthe bay. As a result, these early docks had to extend far into the bay to reach water depths where even the relatively small vessels of that time could tie up. The Press complained that "We have some exceedingly attentive neighbors"— probably referring to Bayfield—who tell steamboat captains that "the water at our docks is not of sufficient depth to admit the passage of their boats to them." That, declared the Press was not the case, for a steamer "drawing eleven and one half feet" had landed at the Fisher and Vaughn dock without difficulty—AWP 7/5/73. The Press claimed (in a dig at Duluth and its harbor problems) that "No breakwaters, no canals, no dredging" were necessary in Ashland's "magnificent harbor," but future years would bring both dredging and a breakwater—"Ashland Locals," PP 5/25/72.

20. "Ashland!"AfTP 1/4/73; "Ashland Locals,"PP 6/1/72, 6/8/72; Bumham, ADP 11/5/27, 2/22/36, 7/21/37; AWP 9/21/72. For a detailed description ofthe Ashland Lumber Company's mill and the White factory, see "Lower Town Items,"AWP 7/12/73.

204 21. Martin 1941, 27; AWP 10/12/72, 10/26/72, 2/22/73, 3/8/73, 4/26/73, 7/19/73. The bridge was a "lean spindling structure," which for many years was "one ofthe great sights of northern Wisconsin"—Martin 1941, 23. The bridge contractor opened a quarry near or at Houghton Point to obtain brownstone for the piers and abutments ofthe bridge—"Ashland Locals," PP 3/16/72, 3/30/72, 4/6/72. For pictures ofthe bridge, see Ross 1960, Plate 16; Wisconsin Central Railroad 1879, 8.

22. A contemporary account was "The Event Of The Week," AfTP 1/11/73. Also see—"The Ashland Wm," Knight 1999, 35-36; Knight, "This Happened Just 81 yems Ago This Very Week," PCP 12/31/53; Bumham, "The 65 Year Old McElroy Hall-Bicksler Building," ADP 10/14/36; Martin 1941, 23-24; also AWP 9/14/72, 12/28/72, 3/29/73; The January 11* Press article identified the Bayfield possee as "company A, Bayfield Guards," probably the old militia "company A" of La Pointe County, which was listed in the Wisconsin Adjutant General report for 1853 (this company was not listed in any ofthe subsequent reports)—Annual Report OfiThe Adjutant-General OfiThe Wisconsin Militia 1853, 33.

23. "Wis. Central R. R.,"AWP 6/23/77; AWP 10/26/72, 10/4/73, 10/11/73. The 30 mile section from Ashland to Penokee gap required the construction of 61 bridges including the huge structures over the White River and Silver Creek—Martin 1941, 26. Penokee gap is where the Bad River cuts through the Penokee Range on its course to Lake Superior. The Silver Creek bridge was 600 feet long mid 90 feet high—for a picture, see Wisconsin Central Railroad 1879, 7.

24. AWP 9/6/73, 11/29/73. On November 8 1873, the Wisconsin Central leased the Milwaukee and Northem Railway from Menasha to Milwaukee, from where connections to Chicago and other points could be made—First Annual Report ofi the Wisconsin Central Railroad, %;AWP 12/13/73.

25. The other companies were the Wisconsin and Lake Superior Mining and Smelting Compmiy, discussed earlier; the Magnetic Iron Company—see: Report Upon The Magnetic [Bladder Lake] Iron Property, 1865; AWP 1/28/74; Property OfiThe Magnetic Iron Co., 1872; and the Milwaukee Iron Company—see: AWP 1/28/74; Nesbit 1985, 163-164; WisLaws 1866, PL, C86; also see: "The Penoka Iron Range,"AWP 7/29/76. The Lapointe Iron Compmiy was chartered in 1859 with Louis F. Leopold and Julius Austrian miiong the chmler stockholders—The Lapointe Iron Company ofiAshland Company, 1871; WisLaw 1859, PL, C67. For the company's mining operations on the Penokee Range in 1873 and 1874, see: AWP 9/21/72, 1/25/73; Goodwin, "Penoka Range And Incidents Related Thereto," AfTP 1/25/73; AWP 7/26/73, 9/6/73, 9/27/73,10/4/73, 11/1/73, 11/22/73, 1/3/74; "Assay Of Penoka Iron Ore,"AfrP 1/10/74; "La Pointe Iron Co.,"AWP 1/24/74;AWP 1/28/74, 2/7/74, 2/21/74, 3/21/74; "Penoka Iron,"AfTP 8/29/74; "The Penoka Iron," A WP 9/5/74. The attention of geologists and mining companies was focused on the magnetic ores to the west because during this period that was the type of ore that the iron producing companies in the country were using. Consequently, suggestive evidence of non-magnetic ore deposits to the east was ignored— Aldrich 1929,21.

26. WisLaws 1873, C292; AWP 2/8/73, 4/19/73. Forthe history ofthe Wisconsin Geological and Natural History Survey, see Ostrom 1988.

27 See the following in Geology ofiWisconsin: Survey ofi 1873-1879: ''Iron Ores," v. I, pt. Ill, c. I, 621-624; "Introduction," v. Ill, pt. Ill, 53-56. "The Huronian System," v. Ill, pt. Ill, c. Ill, 152-155, 161-166. Also see "The Iron Range of Ashlmid County,"ADP 4/14/77. Irving observed that the magnetic effects ofthe Penokee ore beds began to decline at about the Potato River mid completely disappemed at the Montreal River. This did not indicate an absence of iron ore, however, but the occurrence of non-magnetic, hematite ore. It was here near the Montreal River and farther east—^the Gogebic Range—where the iron ore mining industry would develop.

205 28. "The Geological Survey," AfTP 5/20/76; "Prof Irwin's Survey," AfTP 7/29/76; "The Penoka Range. A Letter Of Explanation From Mr. C.E. Wright,"AfrP 8/26/76; "Preparations forthe Geological Survey," AfTP 5/15/75.

29. Charles E. Wright, "Penoka Iron Range West ofthe Gap," ADP 12/23/76; Geology ofiWisconsin: Survey ofi 1873-1879: "Geological Cross-Section of Penokee Iron Rmige," v. Ill, pt. Ill, c. 2, pmlicularly p. 252; "Special Examination of Penokee Iron Range West ofthe Gap," v. Ill, pt. IV, c. Ill, particularly note on p. 301.

30. The steel industry originally developed primarily in the mid-Atlantic states, concentrated in Pennsylvmiia, and used local sources of ore. After the Civil War, particularly after 1870, iron production increased, based on the demands of an expanding railroad network and a growing population. As the industry expanded, it moved into the midwestem states, the ore deposits on Lake Superior began to be utilized and ore prices rose. In 1873 there was an abrupt decline in ore prices, and small, labor-intensive mining operations, (such as that ofthe Lapointe Iron Compmiy) quickly collapsed, to be replaced by large, efficient producers—Warren 1973, c. 3; Hogan 1971, v. 1, c. 2-3.

31. "The Music ofthe Saws," AWP 8/8/74; "Ashland Union Brewery,"AfrP 8/8/74; "The Town Board," AWP 8/15/74; "Bayfield and Ashland," A fTP 8/22/74—reprinted from the Marquette Mining Journal

32. The population ofthe Town of La Pointe, including the villages of La Pointe and Odanah, was 282—141 males and 141 females.

33. "Work Resumed," AfTP 6/3/76; "Through Route to Milwaukee," AfTP 10/14/76; "A Few More Days And We're Out Of The Wildemess,"AfrP 12/2/76; "Close Connection With The United States,"AfrP 12/9/76; "All Aboard!"AfTP 12/9/76; AWP 12/16/76; "Through to Lake Superior,"AfTP 12/16/76; "Bayfield & Ashland Daily Stage LineVAWP 12/6/76 (advertisement); "Bayfield and Ashland Wagon Road,"AWP 8/7/75; forthe telegraph: "To be Connected With the World by Lightning," A fTP 4/1/76, 8/19/76; "Telegraph Office at Ashland." AfTP 9/23/76.

34. "Organization of a Fire Company," A ff^P 4/18/76. Like all emly settlements, Ashlmid had its share of fires—Bumham, AWP 9/29/27.

35. "The Future Field For Enterprise In Wisconsin," Aff^P 4/14/77; "Ashland, the Future Manufacturing Center ofthe Northwest,"AfrP 4/21/77; "Wisconsin's Future Lake City,"AWP 5/12/77

36. In December, custody ofthe railroad was transferred from the Phillips and Colby Construction company to the Wisconsin Central—"The Wisconsin Central,"AfrP 12/15/77.

37. "Opening ofthe Great New Freight and Passenger Route," AWP 6/9/77.

38. "An Important Question," AfTP 12/23/76; "The Big Hotel, AfTP 3/31/77; "The Big Hotel! Work To Commence At Once,"AWP 4/14/77; "The Big Hotel! Its Location, Plans and Surroundings," AfTP 4/21/77; "Hotel Items," AWP 4/21/77; "Opening of The Chequamegon," A fTP 8/4/77; "Now Open to the Public. The Chequamegon," A fTP 8/4/77 (advertisement); Martin 1941, 25-26. The early history ofthe hotel is recounted in "Ashland's Great Hotel!"AfrP 6/10/82; Bumham, "The Famous Chequamegon Hotel,"AWP 2/8/36. The first big event held at the hotel was a lavish testimonial banquet to honor Captain W.W. Rich, chief engineer ofthe Wisconsin Central, for his role in bringing the railroad to Ashland—"Testimonial. Presentation To Capt. W.W. Rich," AWP 10/20/77. The Wisconsin Central sold the hotel in August 1887— "A Budding Boom," AWP 8/13/87; "A Week at Ashland,"AfrP 9/22/77. For a long, expansive view ofthe

206 promise of Ashland as a resort area, see: "Ashland And Vicinity! The Summer Resort Of The West!" A WP 6/1/78.

39. AWP 4/7/77; "The New Court House. Laying The Comer Stone," AWP 10/13/77; AWP 12/1/77; Bumham 1974, 258. For pictures, see: Ashland And Environs 1888, np; Thomas 1899.

40. "Mining Work Resumed On The Penoka Range," AWP 12/15/77; "Good News," AfTP 12/8/77; "On to the North Pacific," A ffp* 12/15/77. While the focus of railroad interest in Ashland was on the Wisconsin Central, other developing railroad projects were not ignored. The progress ofthe North Wisconsin towmd the bay was followed in detail by the Press, although it appears to have been accepted that its main terminal would not be at Ashland.

41. "Chequamegon," AfTP 10/27/77; also see: "A Week at Ashland," AfTP 9/22/77.

42. "Houghton ?oint," AWP 7/5/73; "The Dance," AWP 1/3/74; "Christmas! How it was Observed in Ashland," AWP 1/2/75; "Magnificent Masquerade,"AfTP 3/4/76; "The Fourth of July,"AfrP 6/10/76; "La Pointe," AWP 6/17/76; " The Centennial," A fTP 6/17/76; "The Day We Celebrate," A fTP 6/24/76; "Fourth Of July At Bayfield," AfTP 7/1/76; "The Day We Celebrate," AfTP 7/1/76; "The Fourth At Bayfield!" AfTP 7/15/76; "Independence Day! How It Was Observed In Ashland,"AfrP 7/15/76; also "Christmas Tide At Odanah," A fTP 1/1/76.

43. "The Union Mill Co.,"AWP 8/3/78; Bumham, "The Union Mill," ADP 2/24/36; Andreas 1881, 69. About 1883 the mill was purchased by W.R. Durfee, one of original stockholders. It was destroyed by fire in the 1890s.

44. "The Ashland Springs," A ff^P 8/3/78. These "mineral springs" were, of course, the artesian wells or "flowing wells" at what is now Prentice Pmk—see Burnham 1974, 384, 387-388. "Take A Carriage," AfTP 7/23/87; Bumham, "Webb Springs Mineral Water," ADP 2/20/36. The importance that tourism had assumed in the economic life of Ashland is suggested by a large special edition published in 1879. While it described in glowing generalities its lumber industry, mining prospects, and hmbor, the largest amount of space by fm was devoted to Ashlmid as a "sportsman's mecca" and a summer resort, with numerous supporting testimonials—"May Edition," AfTP 5/3/79.

45. BCP 11/1/79; Bumham, "The Ashland-Bayfield Wagon Road," ADP 9/21/36-9/22/36—inthe first of these two articles, Bumham related how he had retraced the route of this road in 1933 and 1934.

46. "Another Saw Mill For Ashland,"AfrP 12/27/79; Burnham, "The Ritchie Mill,"ADP 2/25/36 In September 1885, the mill was sold to Mowatt and Chase from Manistee, Michigan, and was then known as the Mowatt mill—AWP 9/12/85.

47. "The New Eldorado!" AfTP 4/17/80; "Gold at Lake Superior, AWP 5/8/80; "Trip to the Range" and other articles, AfTP 5/15/80; "Here's Richness,"PP 4/17/80; Bumham, ADP 6/23/28; "Silver And Gold Locally," ADP 6/25/38; "More Silver," ADP 6/29/38; "The Bmnschweiler Mine," ADP 6/30/38.

48. "The County Debt," AWP 11/15/79; "Important Action Of The Bomd Of Supervisors,"AfrP 3/27/80; "Proceedings Of The County Board," AWP 4/3/80; Wisconsin Blue Book December 31, 1880, 327; Wisconsin Blue Book, December 31 1883, 274.

49. No information about fmms could be provided as the "Products of Agriculture" enumeration for Ashland County could not be located.

207 50. AWP 1/8/81; PP 7/23/81, 9/24/81, l()/22/Sl;AWP 10/29/81; "Superior Lumber Co." A fTP 11/15/81. In 1889 the mill was purchased by the Keystone Company from Pennsylvania, which operated it until the timber was exhausted in the emly 1900s. Efforts were made to find a profitable use for the mill and dock site, one idea being a grain elevator. This did not work out, and the site was purchased by the Cooperative Coal and Dock Company in 1907, with money raised by stock subscriptions in Ashland, and in Minnesota and the Dakotas. The idea was the coal would be shipped in lmge carload lots to fmmers in those states. This cooperative company was unable to meet the cost of dredging and pile driving, however, and the company was purchased by P. and A. Coal Compmiy—Bumham, ADP 11/5/27; 5/22/28-5/24/28.

51. "Gold and Silver," AfTP 7/23/81; "The Recent Gold and Silver Discoveries," AfTP 8/6/81; " An Iron Bonanza,"AWP 10/1/81; "The Recent Ore Discoveries,"AfTP 10/8/81; "Latest From the Mines,"AfTP 11/26/81.

52. "Ashland to Have a New and Elegant Depot," AfTP 6/4/81; "Ashland's Big Hotel," AfTP 10/22/81; "The Seasons Improvements," AfTP 10/22/81.

53. For detailed descriptions ofthe Ashland lumber mills at this time, see: "Our Industries,"Aff^P 4/22/82; "Our Industries,"AfTP 9/23/82; "Ashland!"AfTP 11/25/82; "Ashland's Mills,"AfrP 5/12/83; Ashland Lumber Company mill overhauled—AfTP 2/4/82; "Enlmge the Plant," AfTP 5/12/82; Superior Lumber Company mill expanded—AfTP 4/8/82, 7/22/82. The Press reported in April that 37,250,000 bomd feet of logs had been "banked" at Ashland for the coming cutting season, and another 6,000,000 at Bayfield, 1,800,000 at Buttemut, and 6,000,000 at Jacob—"The Log Crop of 1882," A fTP 4/22/82. The following month it published a prescient report on the pine supply—"The Pine Supply," A ff^P 5/6/82. In the Chequamegon Bay region, the report estimated that there were "two thousand million feet"—that is, two billion—feet of "merchantable pine." But rather than pronouncing the supply of pine "inexhaustible," the report went on to note that "if the present rate of production is kept up ... it is fair to conclude that from fifteen to twenty yems will see the end ofthe lumber industry in our State, as far as pine is concerned," a prediction that was almost exactly correct. The concluding paragraph ofthe report is interesting: "The present generation is reaping a rich harvest from our forests, but the coming generations will have the serious question of what to use for cheap building material. . . ." No doubt without realizing it, the Press editor or whoever else wrote this report, had here exposed the great crime ofthe wmiton exploitation of our timber and other natural resources: that future generations were robbed of their rightful heritage ofthe nation's natural riches.

54. AWP 11/18/82; it burned and sank near Long Island on August 8 1887—AfTP 8/13/87. Burnham stated that it was built in June 1884 but this is incorrect as noted in the article in the Press and the record from the National Archives published in Bumham's column—Bumhmii, "The First Vessel [Built] In Ashland," ADP 11/5/36; "The First Vessel Built In Ashland" (and other titles), ADP 1/7/39-1/16/39. On moving log rafts through the "sand cut," see Bumham, "Rafts Pulled Through Sand Cut," ADP 11/2/38, 11/3/38, 11/7/38.

55. AWP 5/20/82; "C. St. R M & O. R. R.,"AWP 7/1/82; AfTP 7/15/82; "C. St. P., M. & O. R. R.,"AWP 10/14/82; "Notice," 10/21/82; "The Ashland Branch ofthe Omaha,"AWP 12/2/82; also "Work Commenced," ADP 9/9/82 (without explanation, a few issues of the Ashland Daily Press appear interspersed on the microfilm with the Ashland Weekly Press in what must have been an experimental run, for the Ashland Daily Press was not established until March 1888). West ofthe village the brmich line was to divide, one track extending along the shore past the mills and the other passing through the village on Fourth Street to connect to the Wisconsin Central tracks. At this time construction work had passed the end ofthe bay toward Bayfield.

208 56. "The Northem Pacific,"AfrP 5/19/83, 6/l6/S3;AWP 6/23/83; "Progress ofthe N. P. R. R.,"AWP 10/6/83.

57 AWP 5/6/82; a detailed description ofthe hotel was provided in "Ashland's Great Hotel!" AfTP 6/10/82; and "Ashland's Great Hotel,"AWP 7/21/83.

58. "Fire Alarm,"AWP 2/4/^2;AWP 5/12/82; "Fire in Ashland,"AfrP 2/17/83; AfTP 7/14/83; "Fire! Fire!" AWP 8/4/83; "The Firemen's Meeting,"AfrP 8/11/83; "A Waming,"AfrP %/25/%3;AWP 9/1/83; "Attention Company," A fTP 9/1/83;

59. "The Time Has Come,"AWP 8/11/83; AfTP 8/9/84; "City Water Works,"AfTP 8/16/84; "The Water Works," AfTP 10/4/84; "Progress ofthe Water Works," AfTP 10/18/84; "Ashland to the Front, With a First- Class Water Works,"AfrP 2/7/85; "Ashland Water Company,"AfrP 8/8/85.

60. These events may be traced in the following sources: "The Northem Pacific," Aff^P 6/28/84; "Ashland Gets There," AfTP 7/19/84; "Completion ofthe Northem Pacific to Ashland," AfTP 1/3/85; "It Is Accomplished," AWP 6/20/85; "The Largest In The World!" AfTP 9/20/84; "The Mammoth Ore Dock!"AfrP 5/9/85 and 6/6/85; "The First Ore Tram," AWP 7/18/85; "Ore Shipments," A fTP 8/15/85; for a photograph ofthe ore dock during construction, see Ross 1960, Plate 18B; for a photograph when completed, see Ashland And Environs 1888, np; for a detailed description ofthe dock and a photograph, see "The Milwaukee, Lake Shore & Westem Railroad Co.'s Ore Dock, Ashland Wisconsin," AfTP 7/24/86; and the annual "improvements" reports for 1883 and 1884; "The Metropolis Of The New Wisconsin," A fTP 11/10/83; "Ashland, The Metropolis, Population 5,000," AWP 12/27/84; and subsequent reports listed in the bibliography.

61. "Examination Of Ashland Harbor, Wisconsin," Annual Report OfiThe Secretary Ofi War For The Year 1880, 1929-1931; "Preliminary Examination Of Ashland Harbor, Wisconsin," Defter Prom The Secretary Ofi War 1885, 11-16; "Ashland Harbor,"AfrP 1/31/85; "Preliminary Examination of Ashland Harbor, Wis.," Aff^P 2/7/85. Bayfield was mystified as to why the govemment insisted on spending large sums of money improving harbors at Duluth, Superior, and Ashland, when its hmbor was available without such expenditures. The U.S. Corps of Engineers supported Bayfield's claim to have "the best harbor in the world" in its report for 1879: "The harbor is under the lee ofthe Apostle Islands, and is at all times easy and safe of access, and does not require any artificial protection. Bayfield and its vicinity is the great natural harbor of refuge of L^e Superior, and in its deep water and closely-clustering islmids nature seems to have left nothing forthe engineers to do"—"Examination of Bayfield Harbor, Wisconsin," Annual Report OfiThe Secretary Ofi War For The Year 1880, 1929; BCP 2/7/85. The threat of competition from the "natural harbors" at Bayfield and Washbum may have provided a strong incentive to the commercial interests in Ashland to seek improvements to their harbor.

62. See the Sanborn Maps for 1884 and 1886 for detailed views ofthe village at this time. For detailed descriptions ofthe mills, see "Ashland's Industries!" A fTP 6/14/84, 7/12/84.

63. AWP 6/23/83. Both the Ashland Weekly Press and the Bayfield County Press came to view the establishment ofthe docks at Washbum as part ofthe inevitable industrialization ofthe entire coast of Chequamegon Bay—in the words of the former: "The Press, though not a prophet or the son of a prophet, wishes to be placed on record as prophesying that the day will come when every available foot of this splendid shore frontage from Redcliff to Ashlmid will be utilized by docks, elevators, manufacturing establishments, etc—AWP 9/29/83; also see BCP 5/12/83. Fortunately this prophecy did not come true, and the "splendid shore frontage" ofthe bay remains largely intact today.

209 Town of Ashland Statistics—1880 (a)

Table 1

Population Characteristics

Total White Indian Total 951 775 176 White 775 Indian 176 Adults 618 514 104 Children 333 261 72 Males 566 462 104 Females 385 313 72 Native 677 510(b) 169 Foreign 269 260(b) 7

Table 2

Ages

>l-5 vrs. 6-15 vrs. 16-30 vrs. 31-50 vrs. 51-70 vrs. 71+ vrs. Total White 134 127 254 214 42 4 775 Indian 27 45 68 32 4 0 176 Total 161 172 322 246 46 4 951

a. In 1880 Ashland County was divided into three towns: Ashland, La Pointe, and Buttemut.

b. Five foreign places of birth for whites could not be identified.

210 Table 3

Places of Birth

U. S. Births 510-169 (a) Foreign Births 262 -7 Wisconsin 273-1. Canada 86-7 New York 59-2 Germany 48 Michigan 49-5 Ireland 34 Minnesota 28-3 Norway 31 Ohio 21 Sweden 20 Massachusetts 15 Poland 15 Illinois 13-2 England 8 Maine 13 Russia 5 Vermont 8 France 4 Iowa 6 Scotland 4 Pennsylvania 5 Denmark 3 Rhode Islmid 5 Nova Scotia 2 Connecticut 3 Belgium 1 Kansas 2 Holland 1 Missouri 0-2 New Hampshire 2 Virginia 2 Alabmiia 1 Georgia 1 Kentucky 1 New Jersey 1 a. First number is for whites, second number is for Indimis.

211 Table 4

Occupations

Laborer 123-15 (a) Lawyer 2 Sawmill worker 43-20 Lumber dealer 2 Fmmer 20-4 Machinist 2 Lumbermmi 16 Miner 2 Hotel worker 10 Peddler 2 Merchant 9 Physician 2 Clerk 9 Printer 2 Carpenter 8 Tinner 2 Sailor 8 Bmiker Boardinghouse worker 6 Brewer Servant/maid 5-1 Cook Fisherman 5 County clerk Past or/mis sionmy 4 Editor Saloon keeper 4 Engineer Blacksmith 3 Express agent Stone/brick mason 3 Mill owner Sewer 3 Painter Teacher 3 Plasterer Teamster 3 Postmaster Barber 2 Real estate agent Butcher 2 Surveyor Dress maker 2 Wagonm^er Hotel keeper 2 a. First number is for whites, second number is for Indimis.

Note—The Agricultural Resources and Industrial Resources data compilations forthe 1880 census could not be located.

212 Ashland 1870-1883 Biographies

Thomas Bardon was bom in Maysville, Kentucky on October 22 1848, the son of Irish immigrmits. In July 1857 the family moved to Superior, where he continued his common school education and graduated from high school. From 1867 to 1871 he was employed as a surveyor and civil engineer by the Northem Pacific Railroad. In that capacity he visited Ashland in July 1868 for a month, when only Martin Roehm and his family occupied the site. In 1872, having left the railroad, he came to Ashland, where he at first taught school and then went into the real estate and insurance business. Because of his outstanding business abilities, he soon became one ofthe leading citizens ofthe community and later ofthe northwest region. He was married on November 5 1884 to Jennie Grant of Winona, Minnesota. He invested widely in various enterprises mid undertakings in Ashland mid had extensive holdings of property there mid in Ashland and Bayfield Counties mid in Minnesota. He was a founder and president ofthe Ashland National Bank and had wide investments and business responsibilities outside ofthe local area. In 1874 he was appointed Deputy United States Marshall for the westem district of Wisconsin and served as mayor of Ashland from 1897 to 1902. He died in Ashland on February 1 1923 and was buried there. "Thomas Bardon," ADP 2/9/29; "Thomas Bmdon Passed Away Last Evening," ADP 2/2/23; Andreas 1881, 70; Consul Willshire Butterfield, "Thomas Bardon," Magazine ofi Western History, v. 9, November 1888, 32-33; Ellis Baker Usher, "Thomas Bmdon," Wisconsin: Its Story and Biography, 1848-1913. Chicago: The Lewis Publishing Company, 1914, v. 6, 1412-1413.

Benjamin F. Bicksler was born in Virginia on January 19 1834. He cmiie to Bayfield and worked as a carpenter and builder, helping to erect the first sawmill on the townsite. In 1858, he married Adeline Pike, daughter of Elisha Pike. Shortly thereafter he moved to Portage, Wisconsin, where he remained until returning to Bayfield in 1868. In 1873, he moved to Ashland, where he continued his trade as builder, constructing many ofthe prominent buildings in the town, including the first courthouse. When poor health forced him to abmidon the construction business, he opened a furniture store, which became a successful enterprise. He died in Jmiuary 1885 in Ashland and was buried in Bayfield. "Obituary," ADP 1/31/85; "Obituary," PCP 2/7/85; Burnham, ADP 1/3/34; Andreas 1881. 70.

Guy Miles Burnham was born in Aurora, Illinois on March 21 1860, and was a descendent of an old and distinguished Massachusetts family. He attended the state normal school at Cedar Falls, Iowa, graduating from Iowa State College at Ames. He then taught school in Minnesota and Chicago, and was the principal of schools in Alden, Iowa. He married Luella George at Iowa Falls, Iowa, on December 30 1885. One of his students at Alden was Joe Mitchell Chappie, founder of the Ashland Daily Press in 1888. In January 1891 Bumhmii came to Ashland from a teaching job in Chicago at the invitation of Chappie, to help him run the newspaper, as city editor from 1891 to 1912. Later he was the editor ofthe Ashland News. Over the years he became one ofthe most prominent men in the city. For several years he served as collector of customs for the Chequmiiegon Bay ports and had chmge ofthe U.S. Public Health Station that served sailors arriving in Ashland. He was also active in political, civic, fraternal, and church affairs. His wife was an accomplished musician; together they orgmiized the Vaughn Chorale Club in 1896 and directed it for several years. He was an avid astronomer and botmiist, and a prolific historian ofthe Chequamegon region. His daily column entitled simply "Chequmiiegon" appeared inthe Ashland Daily Press from June 1927 to February 1939, recording a wealth of historical information about the Chequmiiegon Bay region and its communities, most of which would have otherwise been lost. In 1930 he published a book. The Lake Superior Country In History And In Story (reprinted in 1974), which included much ofthe information from his columns. He died in Ashland on February 28 1939. "Guy M. Bumham, Region Historian, Passes Away," ADP 3/1/39; "Guy M. Bumham, 1860-1939," ADP 3/1/39; John M. Dodd, "Guy Miles Bumham," WMH, v. 23, 12/39, 131-133; CBR 288; Guy Miles Bumham. Genealogy ofi Guy Burnham. Ashland, WI: 1900 (SHSW-PC); "Guy M. Bumham," ADP 2/9/29; "Mrs. Guy M. Bumham," ADP 2/9/29; "Mrs. Guy M. Bumham Passes Away," ADP 10/8/35. After his death a scholmship to honor him 213 was supposed to have been established at Northland College, mid a new edition of his book published, but neither of these things seems to have been done—"New Bumham Book, Scholarship to Honor His Work," ADP 2/28/39. In 1940 a historical society in his name was organized but that, too, seems not to have matierialized— "Guy M. Bumham Historical Society is Organized," ADP 1/24/40. On the Vaughn Chorale Club see: Bumhmii, ADP 1/18/35, 12/21-12/24/35, 1/4/36, 1/6/36 The first of Bumham's daily "Chequamegon" columns was published in the Ashland Daily Press on June 28 1927, although his name did not appear as editor until July 6 . The last column was published on Febmary 28 1939, the day he died—Bumham, ADP 6/28/27, 7/6/27, 2/28/39. The column was popular with the readers ofthe paper, two of whom were moved to write poems in tribute to his work—Pat Galligmi, "Guy M. Bumham, Historian of Chequamegon Region," Bumham, ADP 3/22/34; and Joe A. Moran, "Of Guy Bumham; A Studied Sketch," Bumham, ADP 2/16/38. For a list of topics covered in the Chequamegon columns, see: Guy M. Bumhmii. "Historical Tales of Chequamegon And The Lake Superior Country." No date of publication, typescript in SHSW-A. Bumham's surviving papers could not be located in 1999.

John Crochett Chappie was bom on May 27 1876 in La Porte City, Iowa. He attended public schools there and then Cornell College at Mount Vernon, Iowa. In 1889 he moved to Bayfield, where he was employed briefly as a "printer's devil" on the Bayfiield County Press. He then moved to Ashlmid, where he completed his collegiate education at Northlmid Academy (College) mid joined his brother Joseph Chappie at the Ashland Daily Press. When Joseph moved to Boston, where he established the Chappie Publishing Company, he employed John for seven years as the superintendent ofthe printing plant. John retumed to Ashland as business manager for the Ashland Daily Press mid then moved back to La Porte, Iowa, as the editor of the La Porte City Press. On November 11 1898, he married Myrta Bowman at La Porte. Returning to Ashland, he served as postmaster from April 1923 to June 1932 and as editor of the Ashland Daily Press until his death. He was an enthusiastic advocate for Ashland mid the Chequamegon Bay region, publishing occasional historical articles mid pamphlets. He participated widely in community affairs, among his many contributions serving as a director of the Ashland General Hospital and of Northlmid College. He was also active in Republican politics as a member ofthe state central committee and a member ofthe Assembly in 1909-10, 1917-1920 and again in 1943-1946. He died in Ashland on May 1 1946 and was buried there. "Chappie, John Crockett," DWB, 75-76; "Complete History ofthe Daily Press," ADP 3/10/26; "The Squibber, A Friend of Man, Passes On," ADP 5/1/46; "One Year Ago Today, the Squibber, A Friend of Man, for 58 Yems With the Ashland Daily Press, Passed On," ADP 5/7/¥7 (Memorial Edition); "John C. Chappie," Quaife 1924, v. Ill, 331-333; Harris 1976, 382-385.

Henry O. Fifiield was bom in Corinna, Maine on August 7 1841, the son of descendmits of Revolutionary ancestors. Soon afterwards he moved with his parents and older brother, Smiiuel, to Bangor, Maine. His mother died when he was eight. In October 1853 the father with his two sons moved to Rock Islmid, Illinois and in the following April to Prescott, Wisconsin. In 1858, he took a position as a compositor with the Prescott Pra^/^cr//??, where he remained until he enlisted in the 1^^ Minnesota Infantry on April 19 1861, for a three yem term. During the war he fought in 23 battles and mmiy skirmishes. He was dischmged on May 19 1864, at the end of his enlistment and re-entered the newspaper business. He mmried Emma L. Walker on September 5 1866. In October 1870 he mid his brother founded the Bayfiield Press, publishing the first issue on October 13 . Henry managed the paper while his brother remained in Osceola where he published the Polk County Press. In June 1872, the brothers moved their paper to Ashland. The first issue ofthe Ashland Weekly Press was published on June 22" . On June 1 1874, Henry sold his interest in the newspaper to his brother and was then employed on different newspapers until March 1880, when he became editor of the Menominee (Michigan) Herald, purchasing the paper in June 1881. In 1902 he moved to Wellington, Ohio, where he assumed editorship ofthe Wellington Enterprise, retiring in 1918. He died in Wellington on January 13 1920. "Henry O. Fifield," Soldiers And Citizens' Album Ofi Biographical Record Containing Personal Sketches Ofi Army Men and Citizens In Loyalty To The Union. Chicago: Grand Army Publishing Company 1888, 586-589; "Mr. Fifield

214 Died This Morning," Wellington Enterprise, January 13 1920; "Funeral Services Of Mr. Fifield," Wellington Enterprise, Janumy 16 1920; "Close Of Volume Two," AWP 6/13/74 (sale to brother).

Samuel Stillman Fifiield was bom in Corinna, Maine on June 24 1839, the son of descendmits of Revolutionary ancestors. When he was three, he moved with his parents and younger brother, Henry, to Bangor, Maine. His mother died when he was ten and he has thrown on his own resources, working as a chore boy and store clerk for a year. In October 1853 the father with his two sons moved to Rock Island, Illinois and the following April to Prescott, Wisconsin. Sam soon obtained employment as a clerk, serving in that capacity with several mercantile establishments and on board river steamers. He then accepted a position as mi apprentice and business assistant on the Taylor Falls Reporter, moving there in Februmy 1860. Forced by ill health to give up this position in Jmiuary 1861, he worked as a toll collector on the bridge between Taylor Falls, Minnesota and St. Croix Falls until November 1861. He immediately responded to President Lincoln's mobilization ofthe militia in April 1861, but was rejected because of his small size and ill health. Returning to newspaper work, he accepted the position of foreman on Polk County Press at Osecola, purchasing the paper in April 1862. On September 30 1863, he married Stella A. Grimes at Prescott. Fifield's strong advocacy of Republicanism, forcefully expressed through his newspaper, soon made him a well known figure miiong the civic, business, and political leaders ofthe northem counties. This led to his election as assistant sergeant-at-arms for the State Assembly forthe 1870 session, the beginning of a long career in Republican politics. In October 1870 he and his brother established the Bayfield Press, publishing the first issue on October 13 . Sam remained in Oscelola while his brother managed the paper in Bayfield. In June 1872 the brothers trmisferred their paper to Ashland, naming it the Ashland Weekly Press. The first issue was published on June 22" . Smii sold the Polk County Press mid moved to Ashland, where he quickly becmiie one of its prominent citizens, elected as chairmmi ofthe first Board of Supervisors ofthe Town of Ashland in July 1872. His political career at the state level also flourished. He was elected as Assembly serge ant-at-arms forthe 1871 and 1872 sessions mid to a seat inthe Assembly for the 1874 through 1876 sessions, serving as speaker for 1876. He was then elected to the State Senate for the 1878-1879 and 1880-1882 terms and finally as lieutenant govemor, serving from August 1882 to January 1887. During his govemment service in Madison he continued his connection with the Ashland Daily Press, his brother managing mid editing it during his absence. On June 1 1874 he purchased his brother's share in the paper and employed local men to operate the paper during his time in Madison. Returning to Ashland after his term of lieutenant govemor ended in January 1887, Fifield took up the newspaper business once again, turning the Pre55 into a daily with the issue of March 5 1888. In Februmy 1890, he was appointed postmaster for Ashland and sold the Press to Joseph M. Chappie on May 311889. Due to a change in administrations, he was replaced in November, but reappointed in 1898 and 1902, serving until retirement in 1914. As other men of affairs typically did at that time, Fifield speculated in land and timber and became well off from his investments, no doubt using his public position to advance his personal interests. He even had a village on the line ofthe Wisconsin Central in northem Wisconsin named after him because of his extensive timber holdings in the area where it was located, although he never lived there. He was also active in business affairs in Ashland as proprietor ofthe Chequamegon Hotel, a founder mid director ofthe Ashland National Bank and in other enterprises. He operated a summer cmiiping resort on Smid Island nmiied Camp Stella for his wife and also owned a stemii yacht named Stella on which he and his friends cruised mound the bay and miiong the islmids. He died in Ashland on February 14 1915. He was preceded in death by his wife on July 23 1913. CBR 2-4; Andreas 1881, 70-71; "Sam S. Fifield," Polk County Press, 6/1/72; "Sam S. Fifield," 6/8/72; Rena Lake, MetropoUs ofithe North; Fifield—Her People and Their History. Fifield, WI: Rena Lake, 1975 (SHSW-PC); "Ashland Bows Head In Grief Over Death Of Hon. Sam S. Fifield Occurring Last Night," ADP 2/18/15; "Fifield Will Made Public Today," AA^, 2/23/15; John Chappie (comp.). The Lifie, Death, Remarkable Writings, And Last Will And Testament Ofithe Late Lieutenant Governor, Sam S. Fifiield. Chicago: Fifield Centennial, 1974? (SHSW-PC); Harris I976,passim; "Mrs. Fifield Passes Away This Moming,"ADP 7/23/13; "Mrs. Fifield Laid To Rest Today," ADP 7/26/13. "Close Of Volume Two," AWP 6/13/74 (purchase from brother); "After Many Yems Service," A fTP 6/1/89 (sale to Chappie).

215 Charles Fisher was bom on November 6 1828 at Coburg, Canada. When he was nine years old he went to Detroit, Michigmi where he received his education. From 1849 to 1872 he was employed in various business enterprises in Sault Ste. Marie, Ontonagon, mid Detroit, during which he met Edwin Ellis mid Samuel S. Vaughn. In August 1873 he came to Ashland with Ellis, and constructed a residence for his family. He formed a partnership with Vaughn in the general mercantile and shipping business. They constructed a dock (the first in Ashland), and a warehouse and store. They operated stores at Silver Creek and White River to provide supplies to construction crews, contracted with the Wisconsin Central Railroad to supply ties, built homes, and entered mineral lands on Gogebic Range. When the pmlnership with Vaughn was dissolved in 1875, Fisher was active in the building, merchandising and real estate business until his death. Apparently, he also held public offices, but these are not identified inthe sources. He mmried Anna McGlancey of Irelmid in 1860. "Charles Fisher," ADP 2/9/29; "Chas. Fisher Dead," ADP 3/7/99; Andreas 1881, 7 (birth year incorrect).

JohnH. Knight was bom on February 3 1836 on a farm in Kent County, Delaware (his brothers were Alonzo and William Knight). He attended school pmt time until he was 20, then read law and also attended law school for one year in Albany, New York, graduating in 1859. He was admitted to practice in New York, but retumed to Delaware where it was necessary that he study law for three more years before he was admitted to the bar. He practiced law at Dover until April 1861 when in response to President Lincoln's call for the militia on the 15^ of that month he organized a company of infantry. He served as first lieutenant ofthe company, while a friend with military experience was the captain. He was soon promoted to captain and eventually accepted a commission in the regulm army. He fought in several battles mid was severely wounded. During recuperation from his wounds, he married Susan J. Clark on Jmiuary 19 1863, at Wilmington, Delaware. He retumed to service after recovering from his wounds, once again pmticipating in major operations. After the war he was assigned to the Indian agency at Bayfield, where it was anticipated that he might regain his health, broken by his strenuous duty during the war. He arrived there on June 30 1869. After a yem he was replaced by a civil appointee. In the fall of 1870, he resigned his commission as a breveted lieutenant colonel in the army and took up the practice of law again. He also made investments in New York City, but lost heavily when the corrupt "Tweed ring" was exposed in 1871. In the latter part of 1871 he was appointed register ofthe land office at Bayfield, a position he held until 1879. In 1873 he renewed a friendship with Willimii F. Vilas from his days in law school. Vilas was then a prominent and well-to-do lawyer, politicimi and university professor in Madison. Knight and Vilas made extensive and highly profitable investments in timberlmid in northem Wisconsin, for which Knight's position in the land office provided valuable information. While land investments by officials ofthe lmid office were not at that time illegal, the two men were attacked by the Milwaukee Sentinel mid others (inspired by Vilas' political enemies) for shady and improper timberland operations. In the meantime, on June 2 1873, he married Ella B. Clark, a sister of his first wife, who died on June 29 1867. In 1878 he invested in businesses in Ashlmid, organizing the Superior Lumber Company in 1881. He later moved to Ashland, mid was involved in several major business undertakings, and served as the local attorney for the Wisconsin Central Railroad. In 1890 he built the mammoth Knight hotel. Although a Democrat while Ashlmid was heavily Republican, he was elected its first mayor when it was chartered as a city in April 1887. He was re-elected for a second term but resigned after seven months. In 1890, his supporters nominated him for govemor, but he failed to obtain the nomination by one vote and in 1891 was a candidate for the U.S. Senate, but withdrew from the election. He spent his later years tending to his business affairs in Ashland. He died at his daughter's home in Watertown, Wisconsin, on August 22 1903. The funeral was held in Madison mid he was buried there in Forest Hill Cemetery. Consul Willshire Butterfield. "John Henry Knight." Magazine ofi Western History, v. 9, November 1888, 27-32 (reprinted inADP 2/9/29); Andreas 1881, 84; "John H. Knight Dead," ADP 8/22/03; "To Attend Funeral," ADP 8/24/03; "The Knight Funeral," ADP 8/26/03; "Death of Col. John H. Knight," Wisconsin State Journal, 8/22/03; Harris 1976, 386-388, 44^, passim; Bumham 1974, 262-263, 306; "Married," AWP 6/21/73; "Knight, John Henry," DWB 210; Horace Samuel Merrill, William Freeman Vilas, Doctrinaire Democrat. Madison: State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 1954, 27-29, 217-21%, passim.

216 Nathaniel DrummondMoore was bom nem Belfast, Ireland on October 27 1847. When he was 14 years old, he left school to clerk in a hmdware store, and four years later purchased a store of his own. Tiring ofthe mercantile business, he soon sold out and immigrated to the United States. He was without money but with the aid of a friend soon found shelter and employment. After a year and a half, he moved to St. Lawrence County, New York, where he worked with his uncle in the lead mines for over a year. He then went to Perth, Cmiada with a cousin to work in the iron mines, being appointed superintendent within a yem. In 1863, he moved to Marquette, Michigan to engage in the mercantile business, but in 1872 moved to Ashland as captain and later superintendent for the La Pointe Iron Compmiy. When this company suspended work because of financial difficulties in 1873, he set out to explore the Gogebic Range himself, suspecting that it contained deposits of hematite iron ore. He soon found verification of his presentiment in the roots of an upturned tree and the color of stream waters. He was unable to raise money to purchase the property until the following yem, when he walked from Ashland to the land office at Wausau to enter the lmid, just a few steps ahead of wealthy speculators who had heard ofthe ore deposits. He retumed to the Marquette district where he worked for a mining company, during which he was almost killed in a dynamite blast. During his recovery he was cmed for by Ellen Montague, whom he married at Neguanee, Michigan, on September 4 1878. Over the years he accumulated a substmitial fortune from his investments in iron ore lands and mining companies. About 1881 he retumed to Ashland where he went into the grocery business. His wife died there, as did his daughter on June 13 1881. Later he left Ashland for Hurley where he resided for some years. The place and date of death are unknown (he may have returned to Irelmid). John E. Burton, "Pioneer Of The Gogebic," Gogebic Iron Tribune, 5/29/86; 'Tortunes in Iron,"AWP 3/27/86; "Nat. D. Moore." Andreas 1881. 73.

William Mawly Tomkins was bom on February 24 1845 in Loosely Row, Buckinghamshire, England. In 1850 the family moved to Shullsberg, Wisconsin. His father was a "circuit rider" Methodist minister, so the fmiiily moved frequently. Upon the death of his father in 1870, he was compelled to abmidon his studies at the University of Wisconsin to support the family. He went into the mercantile business mid then became a partner in a gristmill. On July 2 1872, he married Elizabeth Pemce at Admiisville, Wisconsin. In April 1873 he sold his interest in the gristmill mid journeyed to Duluth and then on foot to Ashland. Nem destitute, he went to work clearing the townsite. His wife and child mrived by boat from Duluth during the summer. From 1873 to 1875 he served as town clerk and began the study of law. He was admitted to the bar and was elected district attorney in the fall of 1875 and also served as superintendent of schools, county clerk, and county treasurer. He was active in the social and political life ofthe community, serving on the boards of Northland College and the Vaughn Library. He also pursued a private law practice, invested in real estate, and encouraged the development of agricultural activities. He died in Ashlmid on May 16 1908 and was buried there. "William M. Tomkins." ADP 2/9/29; Andreas 1881. 73; "Gone To His Rewmd." ADP 5/18/08.

217 Chapter 9

The Railroad Land Grants: Were The Benefits Worth The Cost?

The years 1870 to 1885 were the take-off period forthe great boom on Chequamegon Bay that lasted until after the turn ofthe century. The exploitation of resources, which powered the boom—primarily timber, but also brownstone, harbors, and natural beauty—was relatively modest during this period. But Ashlmid, Bayfield, and Washbum, the foci from which the forces and instruments of exploitation radiated during the boom period, were themselves the beneficiaries of miother vast resource exploitation scheme: the land grants to the railroads to encourage and finance the construction of lines to the three terminal cities on Chequmiiegon Bay, as discussed in the preceding chapters.

Beginning in the late eighteenth century, the dispersal ofthe population from the coastal plains over the mountains into what were then the westem territories made the construction of transportation routes to facilitate this process and to tie the expanding nation together a matter of national importmice. But the great distmices and geographic barriers involved, on the one hmid, and the lack of private capital for mid the uncertain profitability of such projects, on the other, discouraged private enterprise from undertaking to construct them. The Congress, therefore, began the practice in the earlier years ofthe nineteenth century of providing direct or indirect financial support to encourage the participation of private enterprise in these "internal improvements" (1). Govemment support for construction proj ects was never the result of a national plan, but was provided on a case-by-case basis. Generally, the merits of a particulm project (often inflated or spurious) only provided the basis or justification for considering it for govemment support, while the actual extension of support depended on the exercise of politics and influence, usually accompanied by heavy doses of corruption and legal chicanery.

Over the yems the principal methods of govemment support to private enterprise for internal improvements were loans, purchase of stock in private concerns, or grants of land to such concerns which they could then sell. The first lmid grant for a wagon road was made in February 1823, for a cmial in March 1827, mid for river mid harbor improvements in April 1830. But attempts to obtain lmid grants for railroads were unsuccessful until the grant to the Illinois Central Railroad was approved in September 1850 (2). Two important principles were embodied in the Illinois Central land grant act: first, the grant was made, not directly to the corporation, but to the state, which allocated the land to the corporation as it met specific construction completion goals; and second, the grant was for alternate, odd-numbered sections of land, the even numbered sections remaining in the possession ofthe govemment, which would sell them (in due course) at $2.50 an acre, double the standard price, thereby recouping the loss of revenue from the land grmit sections. The Illinois Central act opened the railroad land grmit floodgates in Congress. Indeed, in contrast to earlier times, it became generally accepted that the govemment had mi obligation to encourage and support railroad construction through land grmits. But by the late 1860s, opposition to railroad lmid grants began to grow, first, because it was felt that land should go directly to settlers rather than to railroad companies; and second, because the midwestem mid westem states were well provided with railroads mid could provide aid themselves if more were needed. The last grant was made to the Southern Pacific Railroad in March 1871. During the two decades between 1850 and 1871, Congress approved 24 land grant acts, providing grants to over 100 railroad companies. They received atotal of 152,961,559 acres of grant land, from which must be subtracted the 4,219,504 acres later forfeited, leaving a net total of 148,724,064 acres (3).

While the taint of corruption was not generally attached to the Illinois Central grmit, there is little doubt that it played a role in many subsequent grants, the railroads to the Pacific—Union Pacific, Central Pacific, and Northem Pacific—being the most egregious cases in this regmd (4). Research has revealed that many railroads did not need lmid grants to be built mid, indeed, that some railroads, which received grants, were unnecessary 218 and should not have been built. In other words, certain railroads had been constructed simply to obtain and profit from a land grant. Wherever possible, the railroad companies selected routes that passed through choice agricultural or timber lands and which were often not the best routes from the engineering or cost standpoint. All of this was pml ofthe fraud and corruption that chmacterized the lmid grant process as a whole. Few railroad land grmits, no matter how necessary they might have been to the construction of important lines, were free ofthe stain of corruption and fraud in any and all forms (5).

Four questions present themselves regmding the grant land received by the railroads that came to Chequamegon Bay: first, how much land did the railroads receive in grmits; second, what was the eventual dollar value of this land to them; third, did the grants result in the construction of railroads that otherwise would not have been built, or at least not built until a later time; mid fourth, did the public good resulting from the construction of these railroads outweigh, or at least balmice, the public cost ofthe lands and the resources on the lands, grmited to the railroads. The first question is easy to answer because the data are readily available. The total lmid grant to the Wisconsin Central, inherited from the grants to the Portage and Superior and Winnebago and Superior Railroads under the 1864 land grant act, was 1,232,562 acres. Of this, the company ultimately received title to 835,635 acres. The difference between the land granted and the lmid titled arose from grmit land forfeited because the line from Ashlmid to Superior was not constructed, and because the final nine miles from Chippewa Crossing to Penokee Gap were not completed until after the deadline (6).

The Chicago, St. Paul, Minneapolis mid Omaha received a total of 1,288,209 acres of grmit land for the lines from Hudson to Superior and to Bayfield. This was the grant originally made to the St. Croix and Lake Superior under the land grant act of 1856, supplemented by an additional grmit under the act of 1864. The grant was subsequently divided between the North Wisconsin, successor to the St. Croix mid L^e Superior, and the Chicago mid Northem Pacific Air Line Compmiies, as discussed earlier. The Om^a company eventually received title to all ofthe land (Statement 1915, 6-7). The 1,306 square miles of grant land received by the Wisconsin Central constituted 12% ofthe total land mea of twelve counties it entered or passed entirely through, while the 2,013 square miles received by the Om^a made up 24% ofthe total land mea ofthe eight counties it entered or passed through (7). Not all ofthe counties were equally impacted, however. The Wisconsin Central cut across a comer of Winnebago and of Mmathon counties, just grazed part ofthe eastem boundary of Clark County, but passed entirely through the larger Price and Ashland Counties. Similarly, the Omaha cut through a comer of Barron mid Sawyer counties with only the three mile branch into Ashland in Ashland County, but entirely traversed the Imger Bayfield mid Douglas Counties.

The second question as to the value of this lmid to the railroads is a little more difficult to answer. For the Wisconsin Central, by the end of 1927 the company had disposed of 571,337 acres for net proceeds of $6,115,787 (8). This figure apparently does not include the large sums received for standing timber (stumpage) on the land, however. The following tables show the grant land sales by the Wisconsin Central (1874-1885) and the Chicago, St. Paul, Minneapolis and Om^a (1882-1890). (The figures in these tables are not necessmily typical or representative of sales in other yems.) For the Wisconsin Central, the high average price per acre for 1874 to 1876 probably reflects the sales of agricultural lmid in the populated southern part ofthe state, while the lower average price beginning in 1877 may reflect the opening ofthe line through the rugged and spmsely settled northem territory to Ashland. In only four ofthe 12 years did the average price fall below the govemment minimum price of $2.50 per acre for the even numbered sections. Probably this govemment minimum was the stmting point ofthe railroad company's prices. If so, the govemment minimum, while it recovered the $1.25 per acre for the land included in the odd-numbered sections granted to the railroad, made land more expensive for the settlers. It should also be noted that the income received from the standing timber on the land was substantially greater then that for land sales. While the government sold lmid (whether at $1.25 or $2.50 mi acre) including the standing timber (if any) on the land, the railroad companies sold the land and timber separately (9).

219 Wisconsin Central Land Sales* Land Sales

Year Acres Amount Average price per acre

1874 2,703 $18,439 6.82

1875 3,050 15,286 5.01

1876 7,690 32,130 4.17

1877 29,394 58,355 1.98

1878 23,371 52,155 2.23

1879 10,526 27,125 2.57

1880 12,244 25,836 2.11

1881 17,553 61,575 3.50

1882 18,746 74,406 3.96

1883 15,421 67,248 4.26

1884 9,007 40,678 4.51

1885 11.260 27.015 2.39

Totals 160,965 $500,248 $3.10

*From Land Commissioner's Reports in company annual reports for 1883 and 1886.

220 Wisconsin Central Land Sales

Town Lots and Blocks*

Year Lots Blocks Amount

1874 111 $3,266

1875 86 2,726

1876 60 2,239

1877 40 2,425

1878 57 2 2,680

1879 132 11 4,333

1880 77 2,016

1881 153 4 3,727

1882 221 2 7,191

1883 320 12,301

1884 282 13,358

1885 325 _A 15.035

Totals 1,864 23 $71,296

*The towns in which the lots and blocks are located are identified only as "W.C.R.R. Towns."

221 Wisconsin Central Land States

Stump a^; e or Standing Timber

Year M sold Average price per M Amount

1874 5,603 1.74 (1874-1880 not provided)

1875 9,604 2.00

1876 21,316 1.84

1877 29,328 1.68

1878 17,928 1.50

1879 24,177 1.44

1880 27,122 1.60

1881 54,018 1.38 $ 74,721

1882 97,881 1.60 156,409

1883 103,370 1.64 169,617

1884 34,536 1.66 57,465

1885 125.695 1.19 149.950

Totals 550.578 1.50 $830,505

*Mostly pine; M means one million board feet, a piece of lumber one foot square by one inch thick.

222 Omaha Land Sales*

Land Sales

Year Line Acres Amount Price per acre

1882 N 91,694 $ 460,168 $5.01 S 1,858 3,225 1.73

1883 N 155,608 1,204,388 774 S 22,850 105,197 4.60

1884 N 150,350 751,691 5.00 S 2,745 42,052 15.32

1885 N 45,460 249,881 5.50 S 33,152 180,307 5.47

1886 N 97,171 1,058,046 10.89 S 79,424 452,667 5.70

1887 N 5,762 14,006 2.43 S 4,684 13,284 2.83

1888 N 5,472 12,337 2.25 S 164 417 2.55

1889 N 4,169 9,903 2.37 S 40 100 2.50

1890 N 5,711 12,226 2.31 S 901 3.259 3.62 Totals 707,215 $4,573,154

*From Land Commissioner's reports in company annual reports for 1882 through 1890. N is the North Wisconsin grmit for the line to Bayfield, S is the grmit for the line to Superior.

223 Omaha Lands Sales

Lots Sales

Year Line Amount

1882 N $ 705

1883 N

1884 N 668

1885 N 1,425

1886 N 355

1887 N 605

1888 N 1,943

1889 N 160

1890 N 275

Total $6,136

224 But what was the actual value ofthe land grants to the railroad companies? While they ultimately may have realized substmitial returns from the land sales, generally the grant lands had little immediate cash value to the railroads. Their principal function while the roads were under construction was to provide security for borrowed capital. This was crucial, for without this security, little ofthe enormous amount of capital necessary would have been forthcoming. The construction of a railroad into a vast, unsettled wilderness was considered by many investors as a crackpot scheme, doomed to failure. Also, investors were leery of putting their money into any Wisconsin railroad after the fmm mortgage debacle following the 1857 economic downturn. To obtain the grant land from the state, the process of construction had to be maintained. For both the Wisconsin Central and the Om^a, the requirement was that up to 120 sections of land would be granted after each 20 miles section of railroad was constructed and certified as satisfactory by the Govemor or his representative. When certification for a completed section was not forthcoming, the land was not available as security for the capital needed for further construction and work often had to stop. This is what happened to the Wisconsin Central in 1872 and 1874.

Disposing ofthe land in the unsettled, heavily timbered north country was not easy. The railroad companies established a special department under a land commissioner to sell their lands. They were aggressive sellers, advertising nationally and in foreign countries, sending out immigration agents, and conducting tours of their land for prospective buyers. The Wisconsin Central Land Commissioner published elaborate pmiiphlets and gazettes describing their lands and the region in which they were located in glowing and often exaggerated and misleading language. For example, the first paragraph of Lands OfiThe Wisconsin Central Railroad Company, published in 1877 stated: "Those who are seeking homes where they will be most free from the hardships, trials, and disappointments which are so apt to beset the settler in a new country, mid where frugality and hard work will be sure to win; where good lands yield a large increase: where good water abounds; where the air is invigorating and good health is sure to attend good habits, will make no mistake if they buy the lands which the Wisconsin Central Railroad Company have selected and classified as farming lands. Those who wish to exmiiine Imids can purchase coupon land tickets ofthe agents ofthe Company. When the tickets me used the coupons will be retained by the purchaser, and in case he buys lands the coupons will be received on account of payment." Another, How To Get A Home And A Farm OfiYour Own from 1890, opened with a challenge: "Don't waste your time reading this, if you dislike hard work mid are not sober mid industrious. This pamphlet is published for the purpose of giving information to men who 'mean business' about getting homes for their families, and who aspire to something better than being one ofthe floating population all their life." Other titles aimed at hardworking farm fmiiilies included The Wisconsin Central Railroad Lands (1881), A Farm For Every Industrious Man (1897), and Testimony Concerning The Wisconsin Central Railroad Lands (1875), the last a collection of testimonials from satisfied settlers. The more leisurely classes were also tmgeted with such publications as An Illustrated Guide To Noted Pleasure And Summer Resorts OfiWisconsin and Lake Superior (1880) and Summer Resorts On The Wisconsin Central Railroad (1^79) (10).

Were the grants necessmy for the construction of railroads to Chequmiiegon Bay? The region was certainly not hospitable to railroad construction and operation. The country north of an east-west line from Marinette to New Richmond was still in the 1860's nothing but wilderness and practically barren of settlement, while the terrain ofthe final 40 miles to Chequamegon Bay presented formidable obstacles to railroad construction, particulmly for the Wisconsin Central. Given this geographic reality, the question can be approached in terms of what might be called "pull factors" and "push factors." The pull factor was the business that the railroads could confidently expect from the settlement of Chequmiiegon Bay region, the development of its ports, mid the exploitation of its resources, while the push factor was the land grants. At the time the railroads were planned and built, there was little settlement mid development on Chequamegon Bay or miywhere else north of Stevens Point, so the pull factor was quite weak mid the push factor ofthe land grants was necessary. But settlement and development around Chequamegon Bay would eventually have taken place, serviced by l^e trmisportation, which would have strengthened the pull factor to the point that in the longer run the railroads would have been built (11). There were other considerations that also played a role, however. As the railroads built northward,

225 townsites were quickly founded mid logging camps and sawmills established, creating an instant demmid for transportation services. They were, therefore, not completely dependent on settlement mid development at the end ofthe line at Chequmiiegon Bay. Also, railroad owners and executives had investments in timber and mineral Imids in the north country that would have been useless if the lines were not constructed, so it was in their personal interest to see that they were regardless ofthe strength ofthe pull factor.

Finally, did the public good that resulted from the construction ofthe railroads to Chequmiiegon Bay outweigh, or at least equal, the public cost? Public good may be thought of as the spread of settlement, the production of useful commodities through the exploitation of resources, the opening of agricultural Imids, the creation of opportunities for workers, investors, and businesses, and other social and economic benefits to society at lmge. Public cost may be defined as the value of resources in the public domain transferred to private use, thereby precluding the use of these resources for some other, perhaps more valuable, purpose. In the present case, the public resources were the lmid and timber on the land, grmited to the railroad companies to assist mid encourage them to construct lines to Chequamegon Bay. The railroads themselves were not a public good, but only the facilitators or instruments to achieve one or more contributors to public good noted above. The question as to whether the public good brought about by the construction ofthe railroads to Chequamegon Bay was worth the public cost may be answered with either a yes or a no. That substantial public good across all of its dimensions was achieved in the short run is probably beyond argument, justifying the public cost ofthe lmid grants (12). On the other hand, it could be argued that the final fate ofthe Chequamegon Bay region as an economic backwater, negated any public good realized in the short run ofthe boom period, so that the land grmits to the railroads that ultimately led to this fate were a terrible waste of an invaluable public resource. The answer to the question, therefore, depends on one's point of view—whether short run or long run—but also on the value ofthe lmid and timber resources. This, in turn, depends on the value of alternative uses of these resources. This would be extremely difficult to calculate, mid in any case is beyond the scope of this study.

226 Railroad Land Grant Endnotes

1. For a summary history of Federal internal improvement policies, see Goodrich 1948, 1950; Donald 1911.

2. For general histories of railroad land grants, see Rae 1979, Sanborn 1899. Beginning in 1835, public land was granted for railroad right-of-way on a case-by-case basis; a statute that made the grants general was enacted in 1852.

3. Rae 1979, 328-330. This amounts to about 7.8% ofthe total lmid area ofthe continental United States. To this Federal total must be added right-of-way grants, state grants, and grmits by local communities for right- of-way, depots, and other facilities. Wisconsin was prohibited by its constitution from going into debt to support railroad construction (or any other internal improvement), but the Legislature authorized local govemment units to do so, often with disastrous results for them. The railroads also frequently received tempormy exemptions from taxation.

4. Since these roads ran at least in part through United States territories, rather than states, the provision for state participation in the process was dropped, removing whatever restraining and tempering influence on the process that they might have had.

5. For a detailed analysis ofthe operation ofthe lmid grant process in the construction ofthe tr mis continental lines, the Union Pacific mid the Central Pacific, see Bain 1999. Cases in Wisconsin noted earlier involved the La Crosse and Milwaukee, the St. Croix and Lake Superior, and the Wisconsin Central railroads. The corruption and greed attending the railroad land grants was merely a pml ofthe immense national scmidal surrounding the disposal ofthe public domain—see Puter 1972; Sakolski 1932; Robbins 1950.

6. According to govemment records—company records showed that it received 888,288 acres—Public Aids 1938, 109. The 1915 Statement listed 838,228 acres titled to the company

7. For the Wisconsin Central, the counties were Columbia, Mmquette, Waushara, Portage, Wood, Marathon, Clmk, Taylor, Price, Ashland, Winnebago mid Waupaca, with a total area of 10,788 squme miles. For the Omaha, the counties were St. Croix, Polk, Barron, Washburn, Douglas, Sawyer, Bayfield, and Ashland, with a total mea of 8,446 square miles. Together, the land granted to the two railroads constituted 6 % of the total land mea of Wisconsin (that is, exclusive ofthe parts of Lake Superior and Lake Michigan included within its boundaries), mid included some ofthe richest agriculture and timber lmid in the state.

8. Public Aids 1938, 109. Gross proceeds were $10,240,888 and administrative expense was $4,125,101.

9. In 1874, for an average price of $1.74 for a million bomd feet of standing timber, that is, standing timber that would yield a million board feet of lumber (a board foot being a board one foot square and one inch thick), a buyer would receive (depending on the scale formula used to measure the logs) from 1,479 to 2,341 logs, 16 feet long and 30 inches in diameter—Rector 1953, 80-83. If there were two such logs per tree, then cutting a million board feet of lumber would consume from 739 to 1,170 trees. The waste inthe cutting of logs into lumber was immense due to the wide "kerf or cut made by the circular saws—up to V2 inch; the thick slabs to cut out surface defects in the logs, which were burnt or discarded; and the prodigality ofthe lumber companies, when timber was plentiful.

10. These titles were selected from the extensive collection of Wisconsin Central Railroad Land Commissioner publications held by the State Historical Society of Wisconsin.

227 11. Smiborn, among others, concluded at the turn ofthe century that with the exception ofthe tr mis continental lines, "it seems that there was no particular need for most ofthe grants. Unaided roads were built along similar routes even faster thmi aided ones." He also concluded that "the lands have not been the source of wealth to the roads that is commonly supposed," and that "in many cases the land departments are a source of expense rather than revenue"—Sanborn 1899, 83-84.

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239 Wisconsin Indians

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240 Chequamegon Bay and La Pointe Bibliography

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Bumham, Guy M. "The Story of Baraga." Ashland Daily Press, September 6-October 2 1935 (23 articles).

Bumham, Guy M. "The Treaty Of 1854." Ashland Daily Press, September 4-5 1935.

242 Bumham, Guy M. "The Payment Of 1835." Ashland Daily Press, Augast 31 1935.

Bumham, Guy M. "The La Pointe Treaties." Ashland Daily Press, August 30 1935.

Bumham, Guy M. "Old La Pointers." Ashland Daily Press, August 29 1935.

Bumham, Guy M. "Historical Record Of The Origin Of The Counties Of Northem Wisconsin." Ashland Daily Press, February 26, 28 1935.

Bumham, Guy M. "An 87 Yem Old School Register" (Rev. Baraga's school at La Pointe). Ashland Daily Press, January 3-5 1935 (3 articles).

Bumham, Guy M. "The First Steamboat On Lake Superior." Ashland Daily Press, November 16 1934.

Bumham, Guy M. "Kitchi Gami." Ashland Daily Press, October 26-29 1934 (3 articles).

Bumham, Guy M. "The Fur Trade." Ashland Daily Press, September 15-22 1934 (6 articles).

Bumham, Guy M. "Tales Of Chequamegon." Ashland Daily Press, July 31, August 1-14 1934 (12 articles).

Bumham, Guy M. "Tales Of Chequamegon." Ashland Daily Press, July 9-17 1934 (8 articles).

Bumham, Guy M. "The La Pointe Cemeteries." Ashland Daily Press, June 21-27 1934 (6 articles).

Bumham, Guy M. "The First White Child." Ashland Daily Press, November 30-December 5 1932 (5 articles).

243 Bumham, Guy M. "The First English Speaking Family Of La Pointe." Ashland Daily Press, September 7-12 1932 (5 mlicles).

Bumham, Guy M. "Joseph Dufauh The Builder." Ashland Daily Press, July 26-27 1932.

Bumham, Guy M. "The Oldest Standing House." Ashland Daily Press, July 25 1932.

Bumham, Guy M. "The Search For The Countess" (Baraga's sister). Ashland Daily Press, April 23-30 1932 (7 articles).

Bumham, Guy M. (articles on the history of Chequamegon Bay and La Pointe) Ashland Daily Press, November 7 1931; July 30 1932; April 11 1933; October 5-6 1933 (5 articles).

Bumham, Guy M. "The Twelve Apostles" (band of pirates). Ashland Daily Press, April 14 1931.

Bumham, Guy M. "Old La Pointe." Ashland Daily Press, Mmch 17-24 1931 (6 articles).

Bumham, Guy M. "The Unholy Twelve" (the "Twelve Apostles" pirates). Ashland Daily Press, October 1 1930.

Bumham, Guy M. "The Prehistoric City At Chequmiiegon." Ashland Daily Press, September 23 1930.

Bumham, Guy M. (articles on the names "Chequamegon" and "La Pointe") Ashland Daily Press, August 27 1929; August 12 1931; October 2 1931; December 2 1931; March 31 1932; December 11 1933; July 12-15 1938; July 26 1938 (11 articles).

Bumham, Guy M. (articles on the history of Chequamegon Bay by Father Louis Charron) Ashland Daily Press, November 22-24 1928 (3 articles).

Bumham, Guy M. (articles on the history of Chequamegon Bay) Ashland Daily Press, August 7-11 1928 (5 articles).

244 Butterfield, Consul Willshire. History ofiBrules 's Discoveries And Explorations. Cleveland: The Helman-Taylor Compmiy, 1898.

Campbell, Henry Colin. Exploration OfiLake Superior; The Voyages OfiRadisson and Groseilliers. Pmkman Club Papers No. 2. Milwaukee: January 14 1896. (SHSW-A)

Campbell, Henry Colin. Pere Rene Menard; The Predecessor Ofi Allouez And Marquette In The Lake Superior Region. Pmkman Club Papers No. 11. Milwaukee: Febmary 10 1897. (SHSW-A)

Campbell, Henry Colin. "Radisson And Groseilliers: Problems In Early Westem History." American Historical Review. V. 1, January 1896, 226-237

Campbell, Henry Colin. "Radisson's Journal: Its Value In History." Proceedings ofithe State Historical Society ofiWisconsin. 1895,89-116.

"Centennial Of Old Mission Celebrated." Bayfiield County Press, August 11 1932.

Chapman, C.H. "The Historic Johnston Family Ofthe 'Soo.' " Michigan Pioneer and Historical Society. V.32, 1903,304-353.

Chappie, John B. (comp.). "Apostle Islands Area Source Book, Including the writings (1903) of Lieut. Gov. Sam S. Fifield. . . ." Chicago: Fifield Centennial 1974? (SHSW-PC)

Chappie, John B. "The Wisconsin Islmids." Ashland Daily Press, 1945.

Chequamegon; A Pictorial History ofithe Lake Superior Region ofiAshland and Bayfiield Counties. Pmk Falls: F.A. Weber & Sons, Inc., 1976. (SHSW-PC)

Corcormi, Charles. "The Location of La Pointe." Wisconsin Magazine ofi History. V. 30, September 1946, 78-84.

245 Culkin, Wm. E. (comp.). "Early Protestant Missions in the Lake Superior Country: v. 1. Including Letters and Joumals of Missionaries at the Head ofthe Lakes 1832-1843." Superior, WI: Superior Public Library, nd. (ARC-S)

Culkin, Wm. E. (comp.). "Early Protestant Missions in the Lake Superior Country: v. 2. Joumals ofthe Rev. Sherman Hall together with his letters to the Rev. David Greene 1831-1844." Superior, WI: Superior Public Library, nd. (ARC-S)

Culkin, Wm. E. (comp.). "Early Protestant Missions in the Lake Superior Country: v. 3. Miscellaneous Letters ofthe Rev. Sherman Hall and his sisters 1831-1875." Superior, WI: Superior Public Library, nd. (ARC-S)

Culkin, Wm. E. (comp.). "Early Protestant Missions In The Lake Superior Country; Recording the Labors of Missionaries Ayers, Hall, Boutwell, and Ely during the First Half ofthe Nineteenth Century." Superior, WI: Douglas County Historical Museum, nd. (ARC-S)

Davidson, J.N. In Unnamed Wisconsin. Milwaukee: Silas Chapman, 1895.

Davidson, J.N. "Memoir of Mrs. Harriet Wood Wheeler." In Unnamed Wisconsin. Milwaukee: Silas Chapman, 1895.

Davidson, John Nelson. "Missions On Chequamegon Bay." Collections ofithe State Historical Society ofiWisconsin. V. 12, 1892,434-452.

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"Father Skolla's Report On His Indian Missions." Acta Et Dicta. V. 7, October 1936, 217-268.

Fifield, Sam S. "The Early Missions Of The Great Lakes." Ashland Weekly Press, May 16 1874.

Fifield, S.S. "Wilson, the Hermit." Bayfiield County Press, Mmch 22 1884.

246 "The Great Lakes—Their Cities and Trade." De Bow's Review and Industrial Resources, Statistics, etc. V. 15, October 1853.

Gregorich, Joseph. The Apostle OfiThe Chippewas; The Lifie Story ofitheMostRev. Frederick Baraga, D.D. Chicago: The Bishop Baraga Association, 1932.

Harris, Wah. "Bibliography." The Chequamegon Country, 1659-1976. FayetteviUe, AR: Walter J. Harris, 1976.

Harris, Wah. The Chequamegon Country, 1656-1976. FayetteviUe, AR: Walter J. Harris, 1976.

"Historic Building Destroyed By Fire." Bayfiield County Press, May 11 1923.

"Historical Day at Madeline Island." Ashland Daily Press, August 6 1898.

A History OfiMadaline Island, In Chequamegon Bay, Lake Superior, And ofithe Old LaPointe Mission. La Pointe, WI: The Madeline Island Resort Co., 1887. (SHSW-PC)

Holzhueter, John O. Madeline Island & The Chequamegon Region. Madison: State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 1986.

"Hundreds Attend Madeline Islmid Centennial Event." Bayfiield County Press, August 29 1935.

"In Ruins; The Old Catholic Church At La Pointe Destroyed By Fire." Bayfiield County Press, June 15 1901.

"In The Old Church." Ashland Daily Press, August 9 1898.

"An Interesting Find Is Made." (1854 plat located) Bayfiield County Press, August 6 1915.

Jerrard, Leigh P. The Brule River ofiWisconsin. Chicago: HaU & Son-Printers, 1956.

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247 Kellogg, Louise P. "The First Traders In Wisconsin." Wisconsin Magazine ofi History. V. 5, 1921-22,348-359.

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La Boule, Joseph Stephen. Claude Jean Allouez, 'The Apostle ofithe Ottawas.' Pmkman Club Papers No. 17. Milwaukee: June 8 1897. (SHSW-A)

"La Pointe And Ontonagon." Superior Chronicle, August 19 1856.

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La Pointe Roman Catholic Mission Baptismal Records, August 2 1838-September 171867. Iraneus Frederic Baraga Papers, State Historical Society of Wisconsin. (ARC-A)

Lambert, Bemmd J. Shepherd ofithe Wilderness: A Biography ofi Bishop Frederic Baraga. L'Anse, MI: Bemard J. Lambert, 1967.

Lathrop, Stanley Edwards. A Historical Sketch ofithe "OldMission " And Its Missionaries to the Ojibway Indians, on Madeline Island, Lake Superior, Wisconsin. Ashland: The Author, 1905. (SHSW-PC)

Madeline Island Historical Preservation Assn., Inc. On the Rock; The History ofiMadeline Island Told Through Its Families. Friendship, WI: New Past Press, Inc., 1997.

Mason, Philip P. (ed.). Schoolcrafit 's Expedition To Lake Itasca; The Discovery ofithe Source ofithe Mississippi. Detroit: Michigmi State University Press, 1958.

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McClound, Joseph. "Early History Of The Lake Superior Region." Bayfiield Press, March 11, 18 1871.

248 McKenney, Thomas L. Sketches OfiA Tour To The Lakes, OfiThe Character And Customs OfiThe Chippewa Indians, And Ofi Incidents Connected With The Treaty Ofi Fond Du Lac [in 1826]. Minneapolis: Ross & Haines, Inc., 1959.

McManus, James H. "The Trails Of Northem Wisconsin." Wisconsin Magazine ofi History. V. 4, 1920-21, 125-139.

"Memories of Marquette." Ashland Weekly Press, October 3 1885. (This article provides a useful description of La Pointe in the mid- 1880s, but perpetuates the completely erroneous idea that Father Mmquette built the first church there.)

"Natural Copper 'Mines' on Island Recalled as Aid to Indian Tribes." Ashland Daily Press, August 15 1932.

"Nebraska Row Has A Story Of Interest." Chequamegon Region Who's Who Edition. Ashland Daily Press, February 9 1929.

Neill, Edwmd D. Memoir OfiWilliam T. Boutwell, The First Christian Minister Resident Among The Indians OfiMinnesota. Macalester College Contributions, Depmlment of History, Literature and Political Science, v. 2, pt. 1. St. Paul: Macalester CoUege, 1892.

Nute, Grace Lee. "The American Fur Company's Fishing Enterprises On Lake Superior." Mississippi Valley Historical Review. V. 12, March 1926, 483-503.

Nute, Grace Lee. Caesars ofithe Wilderness; Medard Chouart, SieurDes Groseilliers And Pierre Esprit Radisson, 1618-1710. St. Paul: Minnesota Historical Society Press, 1978.

Nute, Grace Lee. Lake Superior. New York: Bobbs-MerriU Co., 1944.

Nute, Grace Lee. The Voyageur. New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1931.

"Old Settlers' Excursion." Ashland Weekly Press, July 11 1874.

Osborn, Chase S. and Stellmiova Osbom. Schoolcrafit, Longfellow, Hiawatha. Lancaster, PA: The Jaques Cattell Press, 1942.

249 Pett, W.F. "A Forgotten Village." Wisconsin Magazine ofi History. V. 12, September 1928, 3-18.

Pitezel, John H. Lights And Shades Ofi Missionary Lifie; Containing Travels, Sketches, Incidents, And Missionary Efforts During Nine Years Spent In The Region OfiLake Superior. Cincinnati: Published by the author, 1860.

Quaife, Milo Milton (ed.). Alexander Henry's Travels and Adventures in the Years 1760-1776. Chicago: Lakeside Press, 1921. (SHSW-A)

"Radisson And Groseilliers In Wisconsin; The Third Voyage Of Radisson." Collections ofithe State Historical Society ofiWisconsin. V. 11, 1888,64-96.

Rezek, Antoine Ivmi. "The Right Reverend Frederic Baraga." History OfiThe Diocese OfiSault Ste. Marie and Marquette. Chicago: M.A. Donohue & Co., 1906. c. 1-9.

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Ross, Frank E. "The Fur Trade Of The Westem Great Lakes Region." Minnesota History. V. 19, September 1938, 271-307.

Ross, Hmiiilton Nelson. La Pointe-Village Outpost. St. Paul: North Central Publishing Company, 1960. Madison: State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 2000.

Ross, Hmiiilton N. The Apostle Islands. Elgin, IL: 1951. (SHSW-PC)

Schenck, Theresa M. "The Cadottes: Five Generations of Fur Traders on L^e Superior." Jennifer S.H. Brown, W.J. Eccles and Donald P. Heldman (eds.). The Fur Trade Revisited. East Lansing, MI: Michigan State University Press, 1994.

Schenck, Theresa M. Lyman Marcus Warren, Fur Trader. Towaco, NJ: 1990. (MHS)

250 Schmirler, A.A.A. "Wisconsin's Lost Missionary: The Mystery of Father Rene Menard." Wisconsin Magazine ofi History. V. 45, Winter 1961-62, 99-114.

Scull, Gideon D.(ed.). Voyages ofi Peter Esprit Radisson, Being an Account ofi His Travels and Experiences Among the North American Indians From 1632-1684. New York: Burt Franklin, 1967.

Smith, G. Hubert. "Count Andreani: A Forgotten Traveler." Minnesota History. V. 19, March 1938, 34-42.

Sproat, Florantha Thompson. "La Pointe Letters" (1838-1842). Wisconsin Magazine ofi History. V. 16, September 1932, 85-95.

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Thomas, Geo. F. Picturesque Wisconsin; Legends and History. V. 1, June and July 1899. Milwaukee: Thomas Publishing Co., 1899.

Thwaites, Reuben Gold (ed.). The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents: Vol.1. Acadia: 1610-1613. New York: Pageant Book Compmiy, 1959.

Thwaites, Reuben G. "The Story of Chequamegon Bay." Collections ofithe State Historical Society ofiWisconsin. V. 13, 1895,397-425.

"Town [Village] of La Pointe." (plat) Surveyed by Henry Merryweather, July 1854.

Turner, Frederick J. "Radisson mid Groseilliers." Wisconsin Magazine ofi History. V. 33, March 1950, 320-326.

"Unique, Dramatic Pageant Marks Island Old Mission Centennial." Ashland Daily Press, August 8 1932.

251 Verwyst, Chrysostom. "Historic Sites On Chequamegon Bay." Collections ofithe State Historical Society ofiWisconsin. V. 13, 1895,426-440.

Verwyst, Chrysostom. Missionary Labors ofi Fathers Marquette, Menard and Allouez. Milwaukee: Hoffmann Brothers, 1886. (SHSW-A)

Verwyst, Chrysostom. "Reminiscences of a Pioneer Missionary." Proceedings ofithe State Historical Society ofiWisconsin. 1916, 148-185.

Verwyst, P. Chrysostomus. Lifie And Labors ofiRt. Rev. Frederic Baraga. Milwaukee: M.H. Wiltzius & Co., 1900.

Walker, C.I. "Early History Of Lake Superior." Ashland Weekly Press, May 30 1874.

Widder, Keith R. "Founding La Pointe Mission, 1825-1833." Wisconsin Magazine ofi History. V. 64, Spring 1981, 181-201.

"Wilson Island. The Old Home of 'Hermit' Wilson Attracts Many People."

Bayfiield County Press, July 19 1902.

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Armstrong, Bejmiiin G. Early Lifie Among The Indians; Reminiscences From The Lifie OfiBenj. G Armstrong [etc.]. Dictated to mid written by Thos. P. Wentworth. Ashland: Press of A.W. Bowron, 1892. (SHSW-A)

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252 Bumham, Guy M. "A Dance At La Pointe In 1851." (written by F.R. Stebbins in 1851.) Ashland Daily Press, January 22 1937.

Bumham, Guy M. "The Founding of Odan^." Ashland Daily Press, September 7 1937.

Bumham, Guy M. "La Pointe Payment 1855." Ashland Daily Press, Mmch 28-April 10 1934 (12 articles).

Bumham, Guy M. "The Leihy Settlement In 1846." Ashland Daily Press, September 25-28 1934 (4 articles).

Bumham, Guy M. "Leihy's Mill—1846." Ashland Daily Press, November 21, 27, 28, 30; December 1 1934 (5 articles).

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Chippewa Indian Historical Project 1936-1942 (Chippewa Indian folklore). U.S. Works Project Administration, Directed by Sister M. Macaria Murphy, St. Mary's Indimi School, Odanah, Wisconsin. Microfilm copies at SHSW-A, SHSW-MF, ARC-A; original records plus additional material at Viterbo College, La Crosse, Wisconsin.

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"The History of Red Cliff" Washburn-B ayfii eld County Times, Chequamegon Chronicle, July 1976.

253 Hodge, Frederick Webb (ed.). "Chippewa." Handbook ofi American Indians; North OfiMexico. Smithsonian Institution, Bureau Of American Ethnology, Bulletin 30. Washington: GPO, September 1912. (SHSW-GD)

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254 Satz, Ronald N. "Chippewa Treaty Rights; The Reserved Rights of Wisconsin's Chippewa Indians in Historical Perspective." Transactions ofithe Wisconsin Academy ofiSciences, Arts and Letters. V. 79, 1991, 1-251.

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255 Laws Concerning County Organization

Laws ofiWisconsin Territory 1845 —An Act to divide the County ofiSt. Croix and organize the County ofiLa Pointe.

WisLaws 1857, PL, C267 —An Act to provide fior the removal ofithe county seat ofiLa Pointe County.

WisLaws 1859, G, C126 —An Act to provide fior the removal ofithe county seat ofiLa Pointe County.

WisLaws 1860, G, C211 —An Act to organize the County ofiAshland.

WisLaws 1863, G, C241 —An Act to provide fior the removal ofithe county seat ofiAshland County.

Wis Laws 1866, G, C146 — An Act to annex certain territory in the County ofiAshland to the County ofiLa Pointe, and to change the name ofithe County ofiLa Pointe to Bayfiield County.

256 Second Era Bibliography

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258 Goff, John H. "History Of The Saint Mary's Falls Canal." Charles Moore (ed.). The Saint Marys Falls Canal; Exercises at the Semi-Centennial Celebration at Sault Sainte Marie, Michigan. Detroit, MI: Semi-Centennial Commission, 1907.

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259 Krause, David J. The Making OfiA Mining District: Keweenaw Native Copper, 1850-1870. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1992.

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260 Robbins, Roy M. Our Landed Heritage; The Public Domain, 1776-1970. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1976.

Rock River Valley Union Railroad Co. First Annual Report ofithe President ofithe Rock River Valley Union Railroad Co. . . . September, 1853. New York: Wm. C. Bryant & Co., Printers, 1853. (SHSW-PC)

Russell, Robert R. "The Pacific Railway Issue In Politics Prior To The Civil War." Mississippi Valley Historical Review. V. 12, September 1925, 187-201.

Saby, Rasmus S. "Railroad Legislation In Minnesota." Collections ofithe Minnesota Historical Society. V. 15, 1915, 1-88.

Sakolski, A.M. The Great American Land Bubble. New York: Hmper & Brothers, 1932.

"The Ship Canal at Sault Ste. Marie—A Scrap of Emly History in Connection Therewith and the 'Soo' Falls." Ashland Weekly Press, September 17 1881.

Shippee, Lester Burrell. "The First Railroad Between The Mississippi And L^e Superior." Mississippi Valley Historical Review. V. 5, September 1918, 121-142.

Smith, William R. "Milwaukee and Rock River Canal; Its History." The History OfiWisconsin; Historical, Documentary, And Descriptive. Madison: Beriah Brown, Printer, 1854. v. 1, pt. 2, 354-443.

Taylor, George Rogers. The Transportation Revolution, 1815-1860. New York: Hmper & Row, Publishers, 1968.

White, Peter. "The Iron Region Of L^e Michigmi." Collections ofithe Pioneer Society ofiMichigan. V. 8, 1885, 145-161.

Whittlesey, Charles. Geological Report On That Portion OfiWisconsin Bordering On The South Shore OfiLake Superior. Surveyed In The Year 1849. David Dale Owen. Report OfiA Geological Survey OfiWisconsin, Iowa And Minnesota, [etc.]. Philadelphia: Lippincott, Grambo & Co., 1852. c. 1, sees. 1-6.

261 Whittlesey, Charles. "Penokie Mineral Range." Fugitive Essays: No. 2. Geology and Mines. [Cleveland: 1875?] (Reprinted from: Proceedings OfiThe Boston Society Ofi Natural History, v. 9, July 1863.)

Winn, Bessie Sara. The Wisconsin Railroad Scandal, 1856. MA thesis. University of Wisconsin, 1928.

Statutes and Laws

US Statutes 1850, C61—An Act granting the Right ofi Way, and making a Grant ofi Land to the States ofi Illinois, Mississippi, and Alabama, in Aid ofithe Construction ofi a Railroad firom Chicago to Mobile.

US Statutes 1856, C43—An Act granting Public Lands to the State ofiWisconsin to aid in the construction ofi Railroads in said State.

WisLaws 1852, G, C198—An Act to incorporate the La Crosse and Milwaukee Rail Road Company.

WisLaws 1855, PL, C137—An Act to authorize the Railroad Companies therein named to consolidate their Capital Stock [Illinois and Wisconsin mid Rock River Valley Union].

Wis Laws 1856, G, C118—An Act to accept the grant and execute the trust confierred upon the State ofi Wisconsin, by an act ofi Congress entitled "an act granting public lands to the State ofiWisconsin to aid in the construction ofirailroads in said State, " approved June 3d, 1856.

Wis Laws 1856, G, C122—An Act to grant certain lands to the La Crosse and Milwaukee Railroad Company, and to execute the trust created by an act ofi Congress, entitled "an act granting public lands to the State ofi Wisconsin to aid in the construction ofirailroads in said State. " Approved June 3d 1856.

Wis Laws 1856, G, C137—An Act to execute the trust created by an act ofi Congress, entitled "An Act granting Public Lands to the State ofiWisconsin, to aid in the construction ofiRailroads in said state, " approved June 3d, 1856, by incorporating the Wisconsin and Superior Railroad Company, and granting a portion ofi said lands thereto.

WisLaws 1857, PL, C17—An Act to authorize the Chicago, St. Paul and Fond du Lac Railroad Company and the Wisconsin and Superior Railroad Company, to consolidate.

WisLaws 1859, PL, C108—An Act to fiacilitate and authenticate thefiormation ofi a corporation bythe purchasers ofithe Chicago, St. Paul and Fond du Lac Rail Road Company.

Railroads chartered to build to L^e Superior, in addition to the St. Croix and L^e Superior, included:

WisLaws 1852, PL, CI 51—An Act to incorporate the Green Bay and Lake Superior Rail Road Company.

WisLaws 1853, PL, C167—An Act to incorporate the Berlin andLake Superior Railroad Company.

WisLaws 1853, PL, C305—An Act to incorporate the Oshkosh and Lake Superior Railroad Company. 262 WisLaws 1854, PL, C132—An Act to incorporate the Portage City and Lake Superior Railroad Company.

WisLaws 1855, PL, C315—An Act to incorporate the Fond du Lac andLake Superior Railroad Company.

WisLaws 1856, PL, C79—An Act to incorporate the Milwaukee and Superior Railroad Company.

263 Superior Bibliography

Acts ofiLegislature ofiWisconsin and ofithe Congress ofithe United States, Relative to the St. Croix & Lake Superior Railroad Company. New York: Baptist & Taylor, Printers, 1865. (SHSW-PC)

Alanen, Arnold R. "The Rise and Fall of a Company Town." Profiessional Geographer. V. 29, February 1977, 32-39.

Alfton, John. Henry Mower Rice. Term thesis in history. University of Minnesota, June 1932. (MHS)

"Ancient History." Superior Sunday Leader, October 1 1899.

"The Ancient Hostelry." Superior Telegram, December 19 1895.

Andreas, A. T. "Douglas County." History ofiNorthern Wisconsin. Chicago: Westem Historical Co., 1881.

Armour, Robert E. Superior Wisconsin 1857-1885. Superior: Robert E. Armour, 1994. (SHSW-PC)

Armour, Robert E. Superior Wisconsin; A Planned City. Superior: Robert E. Armour, 1976. (SHSW-PC)

Ashton, Harry. "Old Settler Tells Of Emly-Day Travel." Superior Telegram, December 9 1908.

Ashton, Harry. "Traditions Ofthe Pioneer Days Recalled At Old Settlers' Meet." Superior Telegram, July 23 1910.

Bardon, John. "A Short Story Of 'Fond du Lac' Superior And Duluth." Recollections Ofi Early Days In Superior. Superior, WI: Douglas County Museum, 1939. (SHSW-MF)

Bardon, John A. "The First Building." John A. Bardon Papers. (ARC-S) 264 Bardon, John A. "The Military Road From Point Douglass to the Mouth ofthe St. Louis River." John A. Bardon Papers. (ARC-S)

Bardon, John A. "Pioneer Days of Superior, 'City of Destiny'." John A. Bardon Papers. (ARC-S)

Bardon, James. "Early Newspapers In Superior." Superior Times, July 18 1903.

Bardon, James. "Some Superior History." Superior Times, June 15 1901.

Bardon, James. "Tells Of Early Days In City." Superior Telegram, December 15 1906.

Bamett, John Morrison. "Annals ofthe Early Protestant Churches at Superior." Proceedings ofithe State Historical Society ofiWisconsin. 1907,217-243.

"Beginnings of Superior." Superior Telegram, August 20 1915.

Bertrmid, Achille H. "Recollections of Old Superior." Superior Evening Telegram, Centennial Edition, July 15 1954.

Bumham, Guy M. "The Bongos." Ashland Daily Press, July 11 1936.

Bumham, Guy M. "A Famous Negro." Ashland Daily Press, Mmch 17-18 1933.

Buttler, Henry S. "History's Archives Prove That Duluth Should Be Canadian Soil." Superior Evening Telegram, January 14 1905.

"Canal Contract Let in 1853." Sault Ste. Marie Evening News, June 18 1955.

"Canal Story Intriguing—A Century of History." DuluthNews Tribune, October 31 1971.

265 Cheney, D. B. "Uncovers Early-Day History Of Church-Movement In Superior." Superior Telegram, December 12 1917.

Chief Blackbird. "Indimi Chief Recalls Days When Superior Was Scene Of Bloody Battles Between Red Warriors." Superior Telegram, February 17 1915.

Cloutier, Philip R. "John C. Breckinridge, Superior City Land Speculator." Register ofithe Kentucky Historical Society. V. 57, January 1959, 12-19.

Description ofithe Copper Creek Mining Location In Douglas County, Wisconsin. Boston: Press of Geo. C. Rand & Avery, 1863. (SHSW-PC)

Duluth News Tribune—Centennial Edition. July 12 1970.

"First 'White' Child Bom at the Head ofthe Lakes Was City's First Pioneer." Superior Evening Telegram, March 30-31 1929.

Flower, Frank A. The Eye ofithe North-West. First Annual Report ofthe Statistician of Superior, Wisconsin (for 1889). Milwaukee: King, Fowle & Co., 1890. (SHSW-PC)

Folsom, W.H.C. "Ashland, Bayfield and Douglas Counties." Fifity Years In The Northwest. St. Paul: Pioneer Press, 1888.

Forney, John W. "Stephen A. Douglas." Anecdotes ofi Public Men. New York: Da Capo Press, 1970. v.l, pt. 3.

Gaboriault, Paul H. "Who Was Stephen Bungo?" Superior Evening Telegram, August 2 1982.

Gates, Clough- "Superior: An Outline of History." Superior Evening Telegram, Centennial Edition, July 15 1954.

Gates, Paul Wallace. "Southern Investment in Northem Lmids before the Civil War." Journal ofiSouthern History. V. 5, May, 1939, 155-185.

266 Glader, William. "Superior As It Was in'55." Superior Telegram, September 12 1916.

"Glimpses of Early Superior History; Reminiscences And Brief Biographies of Early Superior Pioneers." V. 1 1860-1891; V. 2 1892-1901. Superior, WI: Superior Public Library, 1941. (ARC-S)

Graber, Lois Carolyn. Henry M. Rice: Fur-Trader And Indian Agent, 1842 to 1849. Honors thesis in history, Hmiiline University, June 1949. (MHS)

Hamsberger, John L. "Lands, Lobbies, Railroads and the Origin of Duluth." Minnesota History. V. 37, September 1960, 89-100.

"Harvey, 400 Men Arrived In Soo On June 1, 1853." Sault Ste. Marie Evening News, June 18 1955.

"Harvey Saw Canal Potential During 1852 Visit To Sault." Sault Ste. Marie Evening News, June 18 1955.

Hayes, Hirmii. "Old Settler's Reminiscence." DuluthNews Tribune, July 18 1908.

History ofi George R. Stuntz. Douglas County Historical Museum (comp.). Superior, WI: Superior Public Library, 1941. (ARC-S)

Infiormation For Emigrants: The City ofiSuperior and the Lake Superior Region. Superior: Chronicle Book and Job Printing Office, 1858. (SHSW-A)

"Infusion of New Life." St. Paul Journal ofiCommerce, March 23, 1889. (SHSW-MF—bound with the Superior ff^ave between issues for January 4 and Jmiuary 11 1889.)

Johannsen, Robert W. Stephen A. Douglas. New York: Oxford University Press, 1973.

Kellogg, Louise Phelps. "The Rise and Fall of Old Superior." Wisconsin Magazine ofi History. V. 24, September 1940, 3-19.

267 Krueger, Lillian. "Social Life In Wisconsin; Pre-Territorial Through The Mid-Sixties." Wisconsin Magazine ofi History. V.22, September 1938, 156-175.

Lynch, Agnes. Pioneer Aspects ofiSuperior. BPh thesis. University of Wisconsin 1920. (UWM-TC)

"Made Home On Bank Of River In Old Town." Superior Evening Telegram, July 14 1939.

Mahaffey, Charles Gordon. "Superior: City of Destiny?" Changing Images ofithe Cutover: A Historical Geography OfiResource Utilization In The Lake Superior Region, 1840-1930. PhD thesis. University of Wisconsin, 1978. (UWM-TC)

McLean, R. B. Reminiscences ofi Early Days ofithe Head ofithe Lakes. 186? (SHSW-PC)

Merrill, J. A. "The Port of Superior." Journal ofiGeography. V. 12, April 1914, 289-296.

Meshart, Ronald V. Pioneers ofiSuperior, Wisconsin. Roseville, MN: Pmk Genealogical Books, 1996. (SHSW-PC)

"An Old Settler's Notes on Douglas Co." Ashland Weekly Press. January 24, 31; Febmary 7, 14, 21; March. 7 1874. Superior Times. Febmary 7, 14, 21, 28; March 7, 14, 1874.

Ormandy, Les. "Rails Gave Impetus To Growth of Duluth." DuluthNews Tribune, July 12 1970.

Patten, Robert. Report ofithe Locating Survey ofithe St. Croix & Lake Superior Railroad. Madison: Calkins and Proudfit, Printers, 1856. (SHSW-PC)

Peet, Rev. Jmiies. Diaries 1856-1859. (SHSW-A)

Pen and Sunlight Sketches ofiDuluth, Superior and Ashland. Chicago: Phoenix Publishing Co., 1892.

268 Phelps, William F. (ed.). A Vast Empire and Its Metropolis. Chicago: Rand, Mc Nally & Co., 1896.

Porter, Kenneth W. "Relations Between Negroes And Indians Within The Present Limits Of The United States." Journal ofiNegro History. V.17, July 1932, 287-367.

Primmer, George H. "Pioneer Roads Centering At Duluth." Minnesota History. V. 16, September 1935, 282-299.

Prospectus ofithe Wisconsin Copper Mining & Smelting Co. ofiWisconsin. Milwaukee: Daily News Book and Job Steam Printing House, 1863. (SHSW-A)

Relf, R. Map ofi a Portion ofiDouglas & La Pointe Counties, Wisconsin; Also St. Louis and a Portion ofi Lake County, Min. Ter., Situated on Lake Superior. Superior: MitcheU & Relf, 1856. (SHSW-A)

"Rest at Last." Superior Evening Telegram, January 26 1884.

Ritchie, James S. "City of Superior." Wisconsin and Its Resources. Chicago: Keen and Lee, 1857 (SHSW-A)

Ritchie, James S. City ofiSuperior, Lake Superior. Superior, Douglas County, Wisconsin and Philadelphia, May 1, 1859. (SHSW-A)

Roberts, Arthur. "Land Speculation In Superior." Talk at annual meeting of Douglas County Historical Museum, Superior, Wisconsin, April 29 1969. (DCHM)

Robinson, Alma Edith. History ofiDuluth. BA thesis. University of Wisconsin 1918. (SHSW-A)

Rochester, Richmond. Superior, Wisconsin. Report ofthe City Statistician For 1892. Superior: 1892.

Ruth, Edith Johminah. The History ofiSuperior Wisconsin. BA thesis. University of Wisconsin 1921. (SHSW-A)

269 Shaw, Reginald Mathison. Historical Geography ofiSuperior Wisconsin. PhD thesis. University of Wisconsin 1938. (UWM-TC)

"Sioux Wm of 1862 at Superior." Wisconsin Magazine ofi History. V.3, June 20 1920, 473-477.

Stewart, Lillian Kimball. A Pioneer Ofi Old Superior. Boston: The Christopher Publishing House, 1930.

Superior Evening Telegram. 75* Anniversary Edition, July 16, 1965.

Superior Evening Telegram. Centennial Edition, July 15, 1954. (Also see issues for July 16*, 17*, and 18*.)

"Superior Historical Society Uncovered Valuable Information." Superior Evening Telegram, December 26 1929.

Superior Telegram. "Pioneer Prophecy Made In Year 1859 Is About To Be Fulfilled." July 18 1914.

Superior Telegram. "Superior's First Semicentennial Anniversary Observed." November 9 1903.

Superior, Wisconsin Centennial 1854-1954. Official Historical Program, July 17-23, 1954. Superior: Superior Centennial, Inc., 1954.

Sweet, E.T. "History and Description ofthe Douglas County Copper Mines." Geology ofithe Western Lake Superior District. Geology ofiWisconsin. Survey ofi 1873-1879. v. 3, pt. 5, c. 3.

Trowbridge, John T. "Raihoad Route From St. Paul to Duluth in 1869." Minnesota History. V. 37, September 1960, 101-118.

Van Bmnt, Walter (ed.). "The First Years of Settlement At The Head of Lake Superior." Duluth and St. Louis County Minnesota, Their Story and People. Chicago: The American Historical Society, 1921. c. 6.

270 Wagner, Herbert. "The Mystery of Superior's Two City Charters." Superior Evening Telegram, January 26 1989.

"Whole County Was Town in 1854." Superior Evening Telegram, July 16 1954.

Wolner, Helen Marie. The History ofiSuperior, Wisconsin to 1900. MA thesis. University of Wisconsin, 1939. (UWM-TC)

Woodbridge, Dwight E. and John S. Pmdee (eds.). History ofiDuluth and St. Louis County, Past and Present. Chicago: C.F. Cooper & Company, 1910.

Laws

Wis Laws 1854, G, CIO—An Act to divide LaPointe county and create the county ofiDouglass.

WisLaws 1858, PL, C155—An Act to incorporate the City ofiSuperior.

Wis Laws 1859, PL, C32—An Act to incorporate the Superior and State Line Railroad Company.

WisLaws 1864, G, C411—An Act to Correct the name ofi certain counties [corrected "Douglass" to "Douglas"].

WisLaws 1889, C152—AnActto incorporate the City ofiSuperior.

271 Ashland Bibliography

See Ross 1960, Hmris 1976, mid other entries in the bibliography for Chequamegon Bay and La Pointe.

Aldrich, H.R. The Geology OfiThe Gogebic Iron Range OfiWisconsin. Wisconsin Geological And Natural History Survey, Bulletin 71, Economic Series No. 24. Madison: Published By The State, 1929.

"All Aboard! Regular Trains Commence Running December 11 th." Ashland Weekly Press, December 9 1876.

Andreas, A.T. "History of Ashland County." History ofiNorthern Wisconsin. Chicago: Westem Historical Co., 1881.

Annual Report OfiThe Secretary Ofi War For The Year 1880. Washington: GPO, 1880. v.2, pt. 3. (SHSW-GD)

"Ashland and Environs, Comprising Ashland, Bayfield and La Pointe." Neenah, WI: Art Publishing Company, 1888. (SHSW-A) (Includes excellent photographs of Ashlmid buildings mid waterfront.)

Ashland and Washburn Illustrated. Milwaukee: The Art Gravure & Etching Co., 1891. (SHSW-VA)

"Ashland County. A Brief Sketch of its Early History, and a Few of its Pioneers." Ashland Weekly Press, September 7 1878.

"Ashland, County Seat of Ashland Co." [plat] Historical Atlas ofiWisconsin. Milwaukee: Snyder, Van Vechten & Co., 1878. (SHSW-R&A)

"Ashland County, Wis." Ashland, WI: Browzer Books and Art Shop, 1974. (SHSW-PC)

"Ashland From 1900 to 1934." Ashland Daily Press, July 31 1935.

"Ashland Harbor. Report Of Col. J.W. Barlow, On The Preliminmy Exmiiination, To His Chief." Ashland Weekly Press, January 31 1885.

"Ashland—Map Of Ashland And Vicinity." Ashland Weekly Press, June 29 1872.

"Ashland Organized." Ashland Weekly Press, July 20 1872.

272 "The Ashland Press And Its New Office." Ashland Weekly Press, February 9 1884.

"Ashland Press Bom June 7, Year 1872." Ashland Daily Press, July 1 1954.

"The Ashland Springs." Ashland Weekly Press, August 3 1878.

"Ashland, the Future Manufacturing Center ofthe Northwest!" Ashland Weekly Press, April 21 1877.

"Ashland, The Gateway to the Apostle Islmids." Ashland Chamber of Commerce. Ashland, WI: Bowron-Murry Co., [192?]. (SHSW-PC)

"Ashland. The Town and Its Surroundings, Prospects Etc." Milwaukee Sentinal, September 18 1872.

"Ashland to the Front, With a First-Class Water Works." Ashland Weekly Press, February 7 1885.

"Austrian's Addition To Ashland." (plat) Surveyed by Charles H. Pratt, July 10 1872. (ACRD)

"Authentic History of Ashland From An Account Published In 1881." Ashland Daily Press, June 30 1954. (Reprinted from Andreas, 1881.)

Bardon, Thomas. "Reminiscences of A Third of A Century: Old Ashlandites who Used to Live Here mid are Dead and in Heaven. Others who are Alive, and Where They Reside." Ashland Daily Press, September 10 1904.

"Bay City, LaPointe County, Wisconsin." (plat) Surveyed by Henry Merryweather, June 30 1857. (ACRD)

"Bayfield and Ashland." Ashland Weekly Press, August 22 1874.

"The Big Hotel! Its Location, Plans and Surroundings!" Ashland Weekly Press, April 21 1877.

"The Big Hotel! Work To Commence At Once." Ashland Weekly Press, April 14 1877.

Borehmii, S.D. mid J.P. Fitzgerald (eds.). Ashland Boys At The Front In the Spanish-American War; A Record Ofi The Experiences Ofi Co. L, 2nd Wis. Vol. Infi Ashland, WI: Daily Press, 1899 (?). (SHSW-MF)

273 "Brief Medical History of Ashland and Some of Our Present Day Physicians." Chequamegon Region Who's Who Edition. Ashland Daily Press, February 9 1929.

"A Budding Boom. Hotel Chequamegon Sold." Ashland Weekly Press, August 13 1887.

Bumham, Guy M. The Lake Superior Country in History and in Story. Ashland: Browzer Books, 1974(1930).

Bumham, Guy M. "Street Cars In Ashland." Ashland Daily Press, January 19 1939.

Bumham, Guy M. (Emly vessels built in Ashland.) Ashland Daily Press, January 7-16 1939 (5 mticles).

Bumham, Guy M. "Rafts Pulled Through Sand Cut" (and other titles). Ashland Daily Press, November 2-7 1938 (3 articles).

Bumham, Guy M. (Emly docks in Ashland.) Ashland Daily Press, August 26-31; September 1-7 1938 (10 articles).

Bumham, Guy M. "Ashland's First Historical Society." Ashland Daily Press, August 18 1938.

Bumham, Guy M. "Naming The Streets." Ashland Daily Press, May 25-27, 31 1938 (5 articles).

Bumham, Guy M. "The Genesis Of Ashland." Ashland Daily Press, April 28-May 7 1938 (9 articles).

Bumham, Guy M. "A New Source Of Local History." Ashland Daily Press, February 23 1938.

Bumham, Guy M. "Source History Of Ashland." Ashland Daily Press, January 13-February 2 1938 (15 articles). Bumham, Guy M. "Equaydon." Ashland Daily Press, December 8 1937.

274 Bumham, Guy M. "The Daily Press Cmriers." Ashland Daily Press, October 29 1937.

Bumham, Guy M. (Street names) Ashland Daily Press, February 23 1937.

Bumham, Guy M. "How Ashland Was Named." Ashland Daily Press, February 18 1937.

Bumham, Guy M. "The First Vessel Buih In Ashland." Ashland Daily Press, November 5 1936.

Bumham, Guy M. "The 65-Year Old McElroy—Bicksler Building." (Ashland War) Ashland Daily Press, October 14 1936.

Bumham, Guy M. "The Dismemberment Of La Pointe County." Ashland Daily Press, October 7-8 1936.

Bumham, Guy M. "The Ashland-Bayfield Wagon Road." Ashland Daily Press, September 21-22 1936.

Bumham, Guy M. "The Fmiious Boyd Family." Ashland Daily Press, August 18 1936.

Bumham, Guy M. "The Founding Of The Daily Press." Ashland Daily Press, May 4-7 1936 (4 articles).

Bumham, Guy M. "Ashland In 1875." Ashland Daily Press, April 30 1936.

Bumham, Guy M. "The First Three Sawmills." Ashland Daily Press, February 22-25 1936 (3 articles).

Bumham, Guy M. "Webb Springs Mineral Water." Ashland Daily Press, February 20 1936.

275 Bumham, Guy M. "Local Cemeteries." Ashland Daily Press, July 23 1935.

Bumham, Guy M. "The Beaser Graves." Ashland Daily Press, July 16 1935. (Includes information on Ashland cemeteries.)

Bumham, Guy M. "A Historical Record ofthe Origin ofthe Counties of Northem Wisconsin." Ashland Daily Press, February 26, 28 1935.

Bumham, Guy M. "Cemeteries." Ashland Daily Press, August 21-24, 1934 (4 articles).

Bumham, Guy M. "Ashland's 80* Anniversary Today." Ashland Daily Press, July 5 1934.

Bumham, Guy M. "Saw Mills Of Ashland" by David Mowatt. Ashland Daily Press, June 18 1934.

Bumham, Guy M. "The First Church And Others." Ashland Daily Press, January 22 1934.

Bumham, Guy M. "History Of The Horse Cars And Electric Cms Of Ashland." Ashland Daily Press, September 27 1933.

Bumham, Guy M. "The First Steamboat At Ashland." Ashland Daily Press, July 7 1932.

Bumham, Guy M. "Sketches Of Pinery Days" by Joe A. Moran. Ashland Daily Press, January 29-February 19; February 29-March 14 1932 (33 articles).

Bumham, Guy M. "When The Chippewa Forks Were Driving Streams" by Joe Moran. Ashland Daily Press, January 22-28 1932 (5 articles).

Bumham, Guy M. "The First Burial." Ashland Daily Press, October 1 1931.

276 Bumham, Guy M. "From W.H. Wheeler" by W.H. Wheeler. Ashland Daily Press, April 30 1931. (Rev. Wheeler's son—information on early events in the townsite.)

Bumham, Guy M. "Ashland Division Of The C. & N. W. RY" by M.D. Weddel. Ashland Daily Press, January 22-February 16, March 2-13 1931 (31 articles).

Bumham, Guy M. "The Welcomes" by Ida Welcome. Ashland Daily Press, May 16 1930.

Bumham, Guy M. "Building the Wisconsin Central." Ashland Daily Press, October 1-4 1929 (4 articles). (Notes made by a surveyor—see Fay 1928.)

Bumham, Guy M. "Chequamegon." Ashland Daily Press, July 24 1929.

Bumham, Guy M. (Street names) Ashland Daily Press, July 23 1929.

Bumham, Guy M. "The Three Whittlesey Houses." Ashland Daily Press, July 2 1929; July 1-July 6 1932 (4 articles).

Bumham, Guy M. "Summary Of Ashland In Retrospect." Ashland Daily Press, July 2 1929.

Bumham, Guy M. "Early School Days In Ashland" by Mrs. Joe Woodhead. Ashland Daily Press, April 1 1929.

Bumham, Guy M. "Episode Of The Nineties" by J. A. Moran. Ashland Daily Press, Mmch 19 1929.

Bumham, Guy M. "Early Days" by J.A. Moran. Ashland Daily Press, Mmch 14, 16 1929.

Bumham, Guy M. "Old School Days" by J.A. Moran. Ashland Daily Press, Mmch 11-13 1929 (3 articles).

277 Bumham, Guy M. "The Days ofthe Lumberjacks" by J.A. Mormi. Ashland Daily Press, Mmch 9 1929.

Bumham, Guy M. (Letter from Mrs. P.J. Dullanty on Ashland in the 1880s and 1890s.) Ashland Daily Press, Mmch 7-8 1929.

Bumham, Guy M. "The Genesis of Ashland." Chequamegon Region Who's Who Edition. Ashland Daily Press, February 9 1929.

Bumham, Guy M. "The Township of Ashland." Ashland Daily Press, November 27 1928.

Bumham, Guy M. (Emly Ashland docks described by Anita Fisher.) Ashland Daily Press, May 18-19 1928.

Bumham, Guy M. (Ellis trip to La Pointe by Augusta Ellis Kennedy.) Ashland Daily Press, May 14 1928.

Bumham, Guy M. "Our First Docks." Ashland Daily Press, May 7 1928.

Bumham, Guy M. (Street names) Ashland Daily Press, Mmch 30 1928.

Bumham, Guy M. (Survey of Ashland site.) Ashland Daily Press, February 4 1928.

Bumham, Guy M. (Ashland sawmills) Ashland Daily Press, November 5, 7 1927.

Bumham, Guy M. (Ashland fires) Ashland Daily Press, September 29 1927.

"The Centennial. Ashland To Celebrate." Ashland Weekly Press, June 17 1876.

278 Chappie, John (comp.). "Some Gimits In North Wisconsin History." Ashland, WI: J. Chappie, [1977?]. (SHSW-PC)

Chappie, John (comp.). "Some Highlights In Ashland's History." Ashland, WI: J. Chappie, [1977?]. (SHSW-PC)

Chequamegon: A Pictorial History ofithe Lake Superior Region ofiAshland and Bayfiield Counties. Pmk Falls, WI: F.A. Weber & Sons, Inc., 1976. (SHSW-PC)

"Christmas! How it was Observed in Ashland." Ashland Weekly Press, January 2 1875.

"Christmas Tide At Odanah." Ashland Weekly Press, January 1 1876.

"The City of Ashland." Ashland Weekly Press, February 4 1888.

City of Ashland. Ordinance No. 33: To Change The Names OfiCertain Streets In The City OfiAshland, July 29 1887.

City ofiAshland Historical-Architectural Survey Report. Northwest Regional Planning Commission. Spooner, WI: Northwest Planning, 1983. (SHSW-PC)

"Close Connection With The United States!" Ashland Weekly Press, December 9 1876.

"Complete History of The Daily Press." Ashland Daily Press, Mmch 10 1926.

Culver, Edith Dodd. 610 Ellis and the Hospital Children. Ashland: Browser Books, 1979.

Culver, Edith Dodd. "610 Ellis and the Hospital Children." Wisconsin Magazine ofi History. V. 60, Winter 1976-77, 116-137

"Daily Press Expansion Has Made It Truly Chequamegon Region's Paper." Ashland Daily Press, February 9 1929.

Dexter, Nathaniel B. Northland College: A History. Ashland, WI: Northland College, 1968.

279 Dodd, J. M. "Ashland Then and Now." Wisconsin Magazine ofi History. V. 28, December 1944, 188-196.

Durfee, W.R. "Early Settlers." Diamond Jubilee Edition. Ashland Daily Press, July 2 1929.

Durfee, W.R. "First Meeting Of The Old Settlers Club." Diamond Jubilee Edition. Ashland Daily Press, July 2 1929.

"Early History of Ashland." Ashland Daily Press, May 3 1910.

"Edwin Ellis." Magazine ofi We stern History. V. 9, November 1888, 21-24.

"The Election In Ashland And Bayfield Counties." Ashland Weekly Press, November 8 1873.

Ellis, Edwin. "Ashland, Wisconsin: Its Early And Present Days." Magazine ofi We stern History. V. 9, November 1888, 12-21.

Ellis, Edwin. "Early RecoUections of Ashland 'Of Which I Was a Part.' " Ashland Weekly Press. June 16-October 27 1877 (13 articles). (Reprinted in part in bumham, Ashland Daily Press, March 3-11 1936—8 articles.)

"The Event Of The Week." (Ashland war) Ashland Weekly Press, January 11 1873.

"A Few More Days And We're Out Of The Wildemess." Ashland Weekly Press, December 2 1876.

Fifield, Sam S. "The Early Missions Of The Great Lakes." Ashland Weekly Press, May 16 1874.

"The First Steam Boat At Ashland." Diamond Jubilee Edition. Ashland Daily Press, July 2 1929.

280 Fisher, Anita. "Ashland's First Murder." Diamond Jubilee Edition. Ashland Daily Press, July 2 1929.

Fisher, Anita. "Whittlesey First, Then Beaser, Ellis." Ashland Daily Press, February 9 1929.

Folsom, W.H.C. "Ashland, Bayfield and Douglas Counties." Fifity Years In The Northwest. St. Paul: Pioneer Press Co.. V-

"The Fourth At Bayfield." Ashland Weekly Press, July 15 1876.

"Fourth Of July At Bayfield." Ashland Weekly Press, July 1 1876.

"From La Pointe Co.—A Man Shot." Superior Chronicle, January 26 1858.

"The Future Field For Enterprise In Wisconsin." Ashland Weekly Press, April 14 1877.

Gamich, Emil. "Talks Of Old Times." Ashland Daily Press, May 6 1908.

Geology ofiWisconsin: Survey Ofi 1873-1879. Published Under The Direction Of The Chief Geologist. Madison: Commissioners of Public Printing, 1877-1883. 4 v. and atlas.

"The Geological Survey of Ashland, Bayfield and Douglas Counties." Ashland Weekly Press, May 20 1876.

"Good News. Survey ofthe Wisconsin Central R.R. to the Northem Pacific to be made at once." Ashland Weekly Press, December 8 1877.

Goodwin, N.W. "Penoka Rmige And Incidents Relating Thereto." Ashland Weekly Press, January 25 1873.

"The Harbor Of Ashland." Ashland Weekly Press, June 7 1873.

"The Harbor Of The Lake." Ashland Weekly Press, November 23 1872.

281 History ofi George R. Stuntz. Douglas County Historical Museum (comp.). Superior, WI: Superior Public Library, 1941. (ARC-S)

"A History of Northland College From 1891 Up To The Present." Ashland Daily Press, December 31 1925.

"History of St. Joseph's Hospital." Diamond Jubilee Edition. Ashland Daily Press, July 2 1929.

"History Of Telephone Company." Ashland Daily Press, July 1 1954.

"History of The Lake Superior District Power Co." Chequamegon Region Who's Who Edition. Ashland Daily Press, February 2 1929.

Hogan, William T. Economic History ofithe Iron and Steel Industry in the United States. Lexington, MA: D.C. Heath and Company, 1971.

Holmes, Fred L. "Railway Growth After Civil War." Wisconsin: Stability, Progress, Beauty. Chicago: Lewis Publishing Co., 1946. c. 53.

"Independence Day! How It Was Observed In Ashland!" Ashland Weekly Press, July 15 1876.

Irving, R.D. "The Iron Range of Ashlmid County." Ashland Weekly Press, April 14 1877.

Irving, R.D. "Prof. Irving's Survey of and Report Upon the Penoka Range." Ashland Weekly Press, July 29 1876.

Knight, Eleanor. "This Happened Just 81 Years Ago This Very Week." (Ashland war) Bayfiield County Press, December31 1953.

"La Pointe And Ontonagon." Superior Chronicle, October 19 1856.

La Pointe Iron Compmiy. The La Pointe Iron Company OfiAshland County, Lake Superior, Wisconsin. Chicago: Evening Post Print, 1871. (SHSW-PC)

282 "Lower Town Items. The Manufacturing Interests Of Ashland!" Ashland Weekly Press, July 12 1873.

"Magnificent Masquerade!" Ashland Weekly Press, March 4 1876.

"Martin Beaser." Magazine ofi We stern History. V. 9, November 1888, 24-27.

Martin, Roy L. History ofithe Wisconsin Central Railroad. Boston: The Railroad mid Locomotive Historical Society, Inc., Bulletin No. 54, January, 1941. (SHSW-GC)

"The Milwaukee, Lake Shore & Westem Railroad Co.'s Ore Dock, Ashland Wisconsin." Ashland Weekly Press, July 24 1886.

"The New Ashland." Bayfiield Press, May 11 1872.

"The New Court House; Laying The Corner Stone." Ashland Weekly Press, October 13 1877.

"Occurrences Of Old Times Are Recollected." Ashland Daily Press, July 23 1932.

"Old Settlers' Day Unique In Our History." Ashland Daily Press, July 6 1929.

"Old Settlers Held Picnic Despite Rain." Ashland Daily Press, July 30 1934.

"On to the North Pacific. The Work Of Making The Preliminary Survey Commenced." Ashland Weekly Press, December 15 1877.

"Opening of The Chequamegon." Ashland Weekly Press, August 4 1877.

"Opening ofthe Great new Freight and Passenger Route." Ashland Weekly Press, June 9 1877.

Osborn, Mrs. Etta. "Early History Of Ashland." Ashland Daily Press, May 3 1910.

Ostrom M.E. "History ofthe Wisconsin Geological and Natural History Survey." The State Geological Surveys: A History. Association of American State Geologists, 1988.

283 Pen and Sunlight Sketches ofiDuluth, Superior and Ashland. Chicago: Phoenix Publishing Co., 1892.

Phelps. "The Lake Superior Country." Ashland Weekly Press, July 20 1872.

"Post Office Growth Reflects the Steady Development of This Region." Chequamegon Region Who's Who Edition. Ashland Daily Press, February 9 1929.

"Preliminary Examination of Ashlmid Harbor, Wis." Ashland Weekly Press, February 7 1885.

"Proceedings Of The Railroad 'Ground-Breaking' At Ashlmid." Bayfiield Press, April 20 1872.

Quaife, Milo M. Wisconsin; Its History and Its People. Chicago: S.J. Clarke Publishing Company, 1924.

The Railway and Locomotive Society, Inc. The Railroads ofiWisconsin, 1827-1937. Boston: The Society, Baker Librmy, Harvard University, August 1937. (SHSW-R)

Raney, Willimii F. "The Building Of Wisconsin Railroads." Wisconsin Magazine ofi History. V. 19, June 1936,387-403.

"Removal Of The County Seat." Ashland Weekly Press, September 20 1873.

Ruth, Henry S. (comp.). Ashland County, Wisconsin in the World War [1917-1919]. Ashland, WI: Chappie Publishing Company, 1928. (SHSW-MF & GC)

Smiborn Map Compmiy. Description And Utilization OfiThe Sanborn Map. New York: Sanbom Map Co., Inc., 1960.

Sanborn Maps. New York: Sanbom Map Co., Inc. The Sanbom Map Company was established in 1866 to prepare detailed survey maps of cities and towns throughout the United States for fire insurmice companies. Thousands of maps were prepared, constituting an invaluable resource for historians. Microfilm copies of these "fire maps" for Wisconsin are available through the microforms collection ofthe State Historical Society. The maps for Ashland include years (the figure after the dash is the number of separate sheets in the map set prepared for the indicated year): 1884-6, 1886-12, 1890-25. 1895-31. 1901-35. 1909-38. 1923-31.

284 "Sketch of Ashland's Early Legal History and Some of Present Attorneys." Chequamegon Region Who's Who Edition. Ashland Daily Press, February 9 1929.

Smith, E.C. "Old Time Ashland." Ashland Daily Press, February 10, 19 1906.

Smith, Jane S. and Michael J. Goc (eds.). Ashland: The Garland City OfiThe Inland Seas. Friendship, WI: New Past Press, Inc., 1987.

A Souvenir ofiBayfiield County, Wis. Iron Mountain, MI: CO. Stiles, 1904. (SHSW-V)

"The Story of Northland—The Chequamegon Region's Own College." Ashland Daily Press, February 9 1929.

"Take A Carriage And Look Over The City." Ashland Weekly Press, July 23 1887.

"Terrible Gale on the Lake. Dreadful Scene At Duluth." Ashland Weekly Press, November 23 1872.

Thomas, George Francis. "Pioneer Settlement of Ashland." Picturesque Wisconsin. V. l,no. 2, July 1899. Milwaukee: Thomas Publishing Co.

"Through To Ashland; The Resources Of The Country." Ashland Weekly Press, October 27 1877.

"To Be Connected With the World by Lightning." Ashland Weekly Press, April 1 1876.

"Town Of Ashlmid On L^e Superior, Wisconsin." (plat) Surveyed by G.L. Bmnsweiler, October 1854. (ACRD)

U.S. Congress (48/2), House. Letter From The Secretary Ofi War, Transmitting Report ofithe Chiefi ofi Engineers on surveys ofi Lac la Belle Harbor, Michigan, and Ashland Harbor, Wisconsin. January 15, 1885. (SHSW-GD)

U.S. Congress (43/1), House. Wisconsin Central Railroad Company. Report ofthe Committee on Public Lands, Report 261, March 20, 1874. (SHSW-GD)

285 U.S. General Land Office. Wisconsin Local Tract Books 1835-1909. (SHSW-A) (Cited as Tract Books).

"Vaughn Library." Ashland Weekly Press, July 16 1887.

"The Vaughn Libra'y." Ashland Weekly Press, November 17 1888.

"Vaughn's Division Of Ashland." (plat) Surveyed by Charles H. Pratt, December 7 1871. (ACRD)

Visocky, Robert. "Ashland, 1854-1966." (outline) Ashland County Teachers College, 1966. (SHSW-PC)

Wmren, Kenneth. The American Steel Industry, 1850-1970; A Geographical Interpretation. Oxford: Clmendon Press, 1973.

Washbum, CO. "A Proclamation." (county seat chmige) Governor's Proclamations 1866-1925. (SHSW-A)

Westaway, H.N. Autobiography OfiGeorge A. Fay; Arranged In Chronological Order From His Note Books. Duluth (?): September, 1928. Partly reprinted in Guy M. Bumham. "Building the Wisconsin Central." Ashland Daily Press, October 1-4 1929. (NMHC)

"White River." Ashland Weekly Press, October 12 1872.

"White River Bridge." Ashland Weekly Press, July 19 1873.

"White River Bridge." Ashland Weekly Press, March 8 1872.

Whittlesey, Asaph. "Whittlesey On 'Early Recollections of Ashland.' " Ashland Weekly Press. February 16-April 20 1878 (9 articles).

Whittlesey, Charles. Geological Report On That Portion OfiWisconsin Bordering On The South Shore OfiLake Superior. Surveyed In The Year 1849. David Dale Owen. Report OfiA Geological Survey OfiWisconsin, Iowa And Minnesota, [etc.]. Philadelphia: Lippincott, Grambo & Co., 1852. c. 1, sees. 1-6.

286 Whittlesey, Charles. "Mmangoin River Iron Property." Fugitive Essays: No. 2, Geology and Mines. Cleveland: 1875.

Whittlesey, Charles. "Property Of The Magnetic Iron Co." Fugitive Essays: No. 2, Geology and Mines. Cleveland: 1875.

Whittlesey, Charles. Report Upon The Bladder Lake [Magnetic] Iron Property, Ashland County, Wisconsin. Cleveland: Cleveland Herald Print, 1865. (SHSW-PC)

Whittlesey, Col. Charles. "Recollections of a Tour Through Wisconsin." Collections ofithe State Historical Society ofiWisconsin. V. 1, 1855, 64-85.

Whittlesey, Col. Chas. Fugitive Essays: No. 2, Geology and Mines. Cleveland: 1875.

"Wis. Central R.R. Its History And The Men Who Buih It." Ashland Weekly Press, June 23 1877.

The Wisconsin Central Land Grant. Letters And Decisions. Milwaukee: Cramer, Aikens & Cramer, 1887. (SHSW-PC)

Wisconsin Central Railroad Company. First Annual Report OfiThe Wisconsin Central Railroad Company To December 31, 1878. Milwaukee: Cramer, Aikens & Cramer, Printers, 1879.

Wisconsin Central Railroad Company. "Laws, Articles of Consolidation, Etc., Relating To Wisconsin Central Railroad Co." Miscellaneous Documents 1871-1902. v. 1.

Wisconsin Central Railroad Company. Summer Resorts On The Wisconsin Central Railroad. Milwaukee: Cramer, Aikens & Cramer, 1879. (SHSW-PC)

"Wisconsin's Future Lake City." Ashland Weekly Press, May 12 1877.

Wright, C.E. "The Penoka Iron Range." Ashland Weekly Press, August 26 1876.

287 Wright, Chas. E. "Penoka Iron Rmige West ofthe Gap." Ashland Weekly Press, December 23 1876.

Lake Superior-Mississippi River Canal

Bumham, Guy M. "The Lake Superior-Mississippi Cmial." Ashland Daily Press, May 25-June 1 1934 (6 articles).

Bumham, Guy M. [L^e Superior-Mississippi Canal] Ashland Daily Press, December 8 1927, December 10 1931, July 25 1933, March 13-16 1936 (3 articles).

Bumham, Guy M. "Questions And Answers." Ashland Daily Press, February 3 1939.

"Canal Connecting L^e Superior and the Mississippi River By Way ofthe St. Croix River, Minnesota and Wisconsin." U.S. Congress (61/2), House. H.R. Document No. 304, December 14 1909. (SHSW-GD)

"Lake Superior-Mississippi River Canal." U.S. Congress (56/1), House. H.R. Document No. 69, December 7 1899. (SHSW-GD)

"Lake Superior and Mississippi Canal." U.S. Congress (54/1), House. H.R. Document No. 330, March 30 1896. (SHSW-GD)

"A New Transportation Project." Winona Weekly Republican, October 30 1872.

"An Old Settlers Notes On Douglas Co." Ashland Weekly Press, January 24 1874.

"Proposed Ship Canal From the St. Croix River to L^e Superior." Stillwater Messenger, October 25 1872.

"St. Croix & Lake Superior Canal." Ashland Weekly Press, July 3 1875.

"St. Croix mid L^e Superior Cmial." Ashland Weekly Press, November 9 1872. "St. Croix Canal. Resuh Of The Survey Of The State Commission." (Minnesota) Ashland Weekly Press, December 25 1875.

288 Stuntz, George E. "Proposed Cmial to Connect the Mississippi River and Lake Superior." Superior Times, Janumy 25 1879.

"Waterway From Lake Superior To The Mississippi River." U.S. Congress (64/1), House. H.R. Document No. 1008, April 8 1916. (SHSW-GD)

Wisconsin and Lake Superior Mining and Smelting Compmiy and Ironton

Buck, John S. "The Survey ofthe Penoka Iron Range and Incidents Connected With its Early History." Ashland Weekly Press, November 10-December 22 1877; January 5 1878 (7 articles). (Reprinted in Bumham's "Chequamegon" column, February 25-March 15 1938.)

Bumham, Guy M. "The Forgotten Settlement of Ironton." Ashland Daily Press, Febmary 22-23 1938.

Bumham, Guy M. "The Ironton Trail." Ashland Daily Press, February 19 1938.

"Ironton." Bayfiield Mercury, September 5 1857, October 15 1857.

Laphmii, LA. "Map ofthe Penokee Iron Range Near Lake Superior Wisconsin." 1859. (SHSW-A)

Laphmii, LA. "Report Of LA. Lapham." Wisconsin And Lake Superior Mining And Smelting Company. The Penokee Range OfiLake Superior, With Reports And Statistics, Showing Its Mineral Wealth And Prospects. Milwaukee: Starr & Son, 1860. p. 22-37 (SHSW-PC)

Lindsay, Gerald E. "Wisconsin's Northeast Comer, Saxon Harbor." Milwaukee, WI: nd. (SHSW-A)

Techtmann, Catherine. "Map of Iron County, Wisconsin, Yesterday & Today." Rooted in Resources; Iron County, Wisconsin. Friendship, WI: New Past Press, 1993. (SHSW-PC)

Wackman, John F. mid Edgar S. Oerichbauer. "A Historical and Archaeological Reconnaissmice ofthe Saxon Harbor Area, Iron County, Wisconsin." Waukesha, WI: Great Lakes Archaeological Research Center, Inc., Report No. 57, April 1979. (SHSW-PC)

289 Wisconsin And Lake Superior Mining And Smelting Company. "Charter." The Penokee Range OfiLake Superior, With Reports And Statistics, Showing Its Mineral Wealth And Prospects. Milwaukee: Starr & Son, 1860. p. 5-9.

Laws Concerning County Organization

(See La Pointe bibliography/)

Statutes and Laws

US Statutes 1836-1845, C17—An Act fior the reliefiofithe citizens ofi towns upon the lands ofithe United States, under certain circumstances [townsite act].

US Statutes 1874, C82—An Act to extend the time fior completing the Wisconsin Central Railroad in Wisconsin.

WisLaws 1856, PL, C70—AnActto incorporate the Wisconsin andLake Superior Mining and Smelting Company.

WisLaws 1858, G, C151—AnActto authorize the inhabitants upon Government lands tofiorm themselves into bodies corporate to carry out the provisions ofian act ofiCongress, approvedMay 23d, 1844.

Wis Laws 1859, PL, C67—An Act to incorporate the La Pointe Iron Company.

WisLaws 1859, PL, C160—An Act to incorporate the Ashland and Iron Mountain Railroad Company.

WisLaws 1866, PL, C86—AnActto incorporate the Milwaukee Iron Company.

WisLaws 1869, PL, C257—An Act to authorize the Portage and Lake Superior railroad company to consolidate with the Winnebago andLake Superior railroad company, under the name ofithe Portage, Winnebago and Superior railroad company.

WisLaws 1871, PL, C27—AnActto change the name ofithePortage, Winnebago and Superior Railroad Company.

WisLaws 1871, PL, C197—AnActto incorporate the Phillips and Colby Construction Company.

WisLaws 1873, C292—An Act to provide fior a complete geological survey ofiWisconsin. . . .

WisLaws 1887, C127—AnActto incorporate the city ofiAshland.

290 special reports published by the Ashland Weekly Press

"The Ledger Balance. What has been done in Ashland During 1886." Ashland Weekly Press, December 25 1886.

"Ashland! Another Season Of Substmitial Progress." Ashland Weekly Press, December 5 1885.

"Ashland, The 'Metropolis,' Population 5,000." Ashland Weekly Press, December 27 1884.

"Ashland's Industries! What Our Saw Mills Will Do This Season." Ashland Weekly Press, June 14 1884, July 12 1884.

" 'The Metropolis' Of The 'New Wisconsin.' " Ashland Weekly Press, November 10 1883, November 17 1883.

"Ashland Mills." Ashland Weekly Press, May 12 1883.

"Ashland! The Metropolis Of The 'New Wisconsin.' " Ashland Weekly Press, November 25 1882.

"Our Industries. Ashland And Her Mills." Ashland Weekly Press, September 23 1882.

"The Season's Improvements." Ashland Weekly Press, October 22 1881.

"Improvements—1880." Ashland Weekly Press, October 2 1880.

"May Edition." Ashland Weekly Press, May 3 1879.

"Ashland's Commerce." Ashland Weekly Press, Febmary 22 1879.

"Improvements for 1877." Ashland Weekly Press, January 5 1878.

"Lower Town Items. The Manufacturing Interests of Ashland." Ashland Daily Press, July 12 1873.

"Ashland! Its Growth During The Year 1872." Ashland Weekly Press, January 4 1873.

291 special editions published by the Ashland Weekly Press and the Ashland Daily Press

AshlandMarks 125'^ Year, July 14 1979.

Centennial Edition, June 30—July 1 1954.

Chippewa Indian Edition, March 26 1951.

Memorial Edition, May 1 1947.

History ofiWorld WarIIEdition, December 31 1945.

Homecoming Edition, July 31 1935.

Diamond Jubilee Edition, July 2 1929.

Chequamegon Region Who's Who Edition, Februmy 9 1929.

Progress Edition, March 10 1926.

Annual Edition 1893, May 1894.

Ashland, GarlandCity Ofi Inland Seas,'January 15 1892.

Annual Edition 1885, June 6 1885.

292 Bayfield Bibliography

See: Ross 1960, Hmris 1976, Burnham 1974, and other entries in the bibliography for Chequamegon Bay and La Pointe.

Acts OfiLegislature Ofi Wisconsin And OfiThe Congress OfiThe United States, Relative To The St. Croix & Lake Superior Railroad Company. New York: Baptist & Taylor, Printers, 1865. (SHSW-PC)

Alfton, John. Henry Mower Rice. Term thesis. University of Minnesota, 1932. (MHS)

Andreas, A. T. "Bayfield County." History ofiNorthern Wisconsin. Chicago: The Westem Historical Company, 1881.

"As We Are: Bayfield as the Summer of 1890 Finds Her." Bayfiield County Press, June 28 1890.

Ashland and Environs; Comprising Ashland, Bayfiield, Washburn and La Pointe. Neenah, WI: Art Publishing Co., 1888. (SHSW-A)

Ashland Wis. Daily Press Annual Edition 1893. Ashland, WI: Ashland Daily Press, May 1894. (SHSW-MF)

"Bayfield and Ashland." Ashland Weekly Press, August 22 1874.

Bayfield Centennial. "Stories and Pictures About Bayfield's First 100 Years." Bayfiield County Press, June 28 1956.

"Bayfield, County Seat of Bayfield Co." (plat) Historical Atlas ofiWisconsin. Milwaukee: Snyder, Van Vechten & Co., 1878. (SHSW-R&A)

"Bayfield County's New Court House." Bayfield County Press, July 12 1884.

"Bayfield for 1885." Bayfiield County Press, January 9 1886.

Bayfiield, Lake Superior. Early History, Situation, Harbor, & c. Philadelphia: 1858. (SHSW-MF)

"Bayfield, LaPointe County, Wisconsin." (plat) Surveyed by William McAboy, April 22 1856. (BCRD)

293 "Bayfield street Names." Bayfiield County Press, January 19 1884.

"Bayfield's Fiftieth Birthday." Bayfiield County Press, Mmch 16, 23, 30; April 6 1906.

Benton, Marjorie F. (ed.). "Chequamegon Bay and Apostle Islands." The Golden Days ofiLa Pointe, Bayfiield, Ashland, Washburn. Ashland, WI: The American Association of University Women, Chequmiiegon Branch, 1972.

Bumham, Guy M. "The Naming of Bayfield." Ashland Daily Press, February 16 1937.

Bumham, Guy M. "The Dismemberment Of La Pointe County." Ashland Daily Press, October 7-8 1936.

Bumham, Guy M. "The Ashland-Bayfield Wagon Road." Ashland Daily Press, September 21-22 1936.

Bumham, Guy M. "A Historical Record of The Origin of The Counties of Northem Wisconsin." Ashland Daily Press, February 26, 28 1935.

Bumham, Guy M. "The Bayfield Observatory." Ashland Daily Press, January 16-19 1934 (4 articles).

Bumham, Guy M. "The Naming Of Bayfield." Ashland Daily Press, August 9 1933.

Bumham, Guy M. "Bayfield's First Brownstone Courthouse." Bayfiield County Press, June 22 1933.

Bumham, Guy M. (Letters from Delia Whittlesey Chapman on Bayfield.) Ashland Daily Press, April 17-19 1929 (3 articles).

Bumham, Guy M. "Harvey Nourse Reminiscences Of Bayfield." Ashland Daily Press, Mmch 26-30 1929 (5 articles).

Carlson, Laurie E. "Laurie E. Cmlson Scrapbook." (Newspaper mlicles about Carlson as a state legislator, 1936-early 1940s.) (SHSW-MF)

294 Chequamegon; A Pictorial History ofithe Lake Superior Region ofiAshland and Bayfiield Counties. Pmk Falls, WI: F.A. Weber & Sons, Inc., 1976.

"C[hicago], St. P[aul], M[inneapolis], & 0[maha] R[ailroad]." Ashland Daily Press, June 30 1883.

"Community Center Dedicated With Fine Program Tues. Eve." Bayfiield County Press, June 22 1933.

(Courthouse cornerstone laid.) Bayfiield County Press, September 15 1883.

Dalrymple, John Stewart. Oliver Dalrymple; The Story OfiA Bonanza Farmer. Minneapolis: Privately Printed, 1960.

"Dedicated. The Soldier's Monument Attracts a Large Crowd." Bayfiield County Press, June 21 1890.

"Dedicated. The New State Fish Hatchery." Bayfiield County Press, September 11 1897.

Deniston, John H. "The 'Farthest North' City of Wisconsin." Chequamegon Region Who's Who Edition. Ashland Daily Press, February 9 1929.

"A Disastrous Fire! Bayfield's Court House Gone up in Smoke." Bayfiield County Press, February 17 1883.

Drache, Hiram M. The Day ofithe Bonanza. Fmgo: North Dakota Institute for Regional Studies, 1964.

"Duluth's Harbor." Bayfiield County Press, August 25 1883.

"80* Anniversary of Bayfield Town Site." Bayfiield County Press, Mmch 19 1936.

Folsom, W.H.C. "Ashland, Bayfield and Douglas Counties." Fifity Years In The Northwest. St. Paul: Pioneer Press Co.. L

Gould, Whitney and Stephen Wittman. Brownstone and Bargeboard; A Guide to Bayfield's Historic Architecture. Madison: U.W. Sea Grant Institute. 1980.

295 Graber, Lois Carolyn. Henry Mower Rice: Fur Trader And Indian Agent; 1842 to 1849. Honors thesis, Hamline University, 1949. (MHS)

Haines, C.J. "A Souvenir: Bayfield County, Wisconsin." Minneapolis: CI Haines [1919?]. (SHSW-PC)

"History of Bayfield." Chequamegon Chronicle. Washburn-Bayfiield County Press, Special Supplement, July 1976.

Industries OfiBayfield Wisconsin. St. Paul: Compiled And Published By The Pacific Publishing Co., October 1883. (MHS)

Knight, Eleanor. The History ofiBayfiield. Compiled by Kathie Knight Bemico; transcribed from the original typed manuscripts by June Olsen. Cleveland, WI: August 1999. (These 109 vignettes of Bayfield history by Eleanor Knight were published in the Bayfiield County Press from June 18 1953 through September 4 1958 (242 articles); they are not cross-referenced to the newspaper mticles, however.)

Knight, Eleanor. "Logging Industry in Bayfield Area Was Big Operation." Bayfiield County Press, August 14 1958.

Knight, Eleanor. "William Knight." Bayfiield County Press, April 3-June 19 1958 (12 mlicles).

Knight, Eleanor. (Nellie Hall Tate, wife of Andrew Tate—extracts from the diary.) Bayfiield County Press, August 22 1957-January 20 1958 (26 articles).

Knight, Eleanor. (Rev. William B. McKee, Presbyterian minister.) Bayfiield County Press, June 28 1956 (5 articles).

Knight, Eleanor. "Methodists Had l'^ Church in Bayfield." Bayfiield County Press, June 28 1956.

Knight, Eleanor. "The Actual Building of Bayfield Was Started March 24, 1856—100 Years Ago This Saturday." Bayfiield County Press, Mmch 22 1956.

Knight, Eleanor. "Bayfield Fmiious in Earlier Years as Port of Call." Bayfiield County Press, September 15 1955.

296 Knight, Eleanor. "Place and Date of First Settlement Are Unknown." Bayfiield County Press, July 28 1955.

Knight, Eleanor. "A New Minister Comes to Serve the Presbyterians" [Rev. Willimii B. McKee]. Bayfiield County Press, April 14 1955.

Knight, Eleanor. "Pioneer Minister Gave His Life in Line of Duty" [Rev. T.R. Elder]. Bayfiield County Press, April 7 1955, June 28 1956.

Knight, Eleanor. (Boutin family). Bayfiield County Press, January 13-February 17 1955 (6 articles).

Knight, Eleanor. (Pike family). Bayfiield County Press, August 5-November 4 1954 (12 articles).

Knight, Eleanor. "None ofthe Early Bayfield Settlers Was Afraid; There Wasn't a Scared Looking One in the Bunch." Bayfiield County Press, July 29 1954.

Knight, Eleanor. "The First 50 Years as Related by Nazaire LaBonte." Bayfiield County Press, Mmch 18, 25 1954.

Knight, Eleanor. "This Happened Just 81 Years Ago This Very Week" [Ashlmid Wm]. Bayfiield County Press, December31 1953.

Knight, Eleanor. (Rev. Jmiies Peet, Methodist minister—extracts from the diary.) Bayfiield County Press, July 16-September 3 1953 (8 mlicles—reprinted June 28 1956).

Knight, Eleanor. "An Account ooff ;30 * and 50* Anniversaries." Bayfiield County Press, July 2 1953.

LaBonte, N[azaire]. "Bayfield's Emly Days." Bayfiield County Press, April 6 1906.

"Last Log Cut At The Wachsmuth Mill." Bayfiield County Press, September 10 1924.

Map Showing Proposed Location ofiBayfiield Transfier R. 'Y Co. 's Docks At Towns OfiBayfiield & Dalrymple. Philadelphia: E. W. Smith & Co., Map Publishers, 1892. (SHSW-A)

297 McCloud, Joseph. "Early History ofthe Lake Superior Region." Bayfiield Press, March 11, 18 1871.

McKee, W. B. "Some Emly History." Bayfiield County Press, April 27 1906.

McKenzie, Ruth. Admiral Bayfiield; Pioneer Nautical Surveyor. Ottawa: Fisheries And Marine Service, 1976.

"Mill Changes Hands." Bayfiield Country Press, July 6 1906.

"The New Court House at Bayfield." Ashland Weekly Press, July 19 1884.

Nourse, Harvey. "The Fountain City." Guy M. Bumhmii. The Lake Superior Country In History And In Story. Ashland, WI: Browzer Books, 1974. Pp. 281-295.

Nourse, Harvey. "Harvey Nourse Tells of Emly Days Here." Bayfiield County Press, April 4-July 4 1929 (12 articles).

Quaife, M.M. "The Panic of 1862 In Wisconsin." Wisconsin Magazine ofi History. V. 4, 1920-21, 166-195.

Railway mid Locomotive Society, Inc. The Railroads ofiWisconsin, 1827-1937. Boston: The Society, Baker Librmy, Harvard University, August 1937. (SHSW-R)

The Renewal OfiThe St. Croix & Lake Superior Land Grant. Hudson, WI: Stm and Times Office, 1872. (SHSW-PC)

Sault Ste. Marie Evening News. Centennial Edition 1955. June 18 1955. (Numerous articles on the history of westem Lake Superior, the Upper Peninsula, and the canal.)

Smiborn Map Compmiy. Description And Utilization OfiThe Sanborn Map. New York: Sanbom Map Co., Inc., 1960. Sanborn Maps. New York: Sanbom Map Co., Inc. The Sanbom Map Company was established in 1866 to prepare detailed survey maps ofthe cities and towns throughout the United States for fire insurmice companies. Thousands of maps were produced, constituting an invaluable resource for historians. Microfilm copies of these 'Tire maps" for Wisconsin are available through the microforms collection ofthe State Historical Society. The maps available for Bayfield include years (the number after the dash is the number of separate sheets in the map set for the indicated year): 1886-3, 1892-5, 1898-5, 1904-5, 1911-6, 1923-6.

Sheridan, Charles M. (comp. & ed.). "The Story of Bayfield County, Wisconsin: Its Agricultural and Recreational Advantages." Washbum: Bayfield County Board of Supervisors, 1930. (SHSW-PC)

A Souvenir ofiBayfiield County, Wis. Iron Mountain, MI: CO. Stiles, 1904. (SHSW-V)

"Town of Bayfield." Bayfiield County, Wisconsin: Its Past, Present and Future. [n.p., 1905?]. (SHSW-PC)

Vaughn, S.L. Record Book, 1873, Listing Freight Received At The Vaughn Dock, Bayfiield, Wisconsin. (SHSW-MF; ARC-A)

Washbum-Bayfield Homecoming August 4-11, 1929. Bayfiield County Press, Mmch 14, 21; August 4-August 8, 1929. Laws Concerning County Organization

(See La Pointe bibliography.)

Statutes and Laws

US Statute 1856, C43—An Act granting Public Lands to the State ofiWisconsin to aid in the Construction ofi Railroads in said State.

WisLaws 1854, PL, C74—AnActto incorporate the St. Croix and Lake Superior Railroad Company.

WisLaws 1874, C126—AnActto confier certain lands upon the North Wisconsin Railway Company, and the Chicago and Northern Pacifiic Air Line Railway Company, and to execute the trusts assumed by the State ofi Wisconsin by its acceptance ofithe grants ofiland made by congress by acts approved June 3, 1856 and May 5,

WisLaws 1880, C300—An Act in relation to the annual inspection ofithe Bayfiield rifles.

WisLaws 1881, C 186—An Act authorizing the governor to execute and deliver patents to the Chicago, Saint Paul, Minneapolis and Omaha railway company, its successors and assigns.

WisLaws 1882, CIO—AnActto revoke, annul and resume the grant ofi lands made . . . to the Chicago and Northern Pacifiic Air Line Railway Company. . . . and to confier said grant ofi lands upon the Chicago, St. Paul, Minneapolis & Omaha Railway Company.

Bayfield County Press—Special Editions

Centennial Edition—June 28 1956.

125^^" Anniversary—My 2 1981.

Chequamegon Chronicle—July 1976.

Also see Ashland Daily Press special editions, particularly the Chequamegon Region Who's Who Edition, Febmary 9 1929.

300 Introduction 1860-1870 Bibliography

Bartlett, Richard A. The Gilded Age: America, 1865-1900. Reading: Addison-Wesley Publishing Co., 1969.

Carnegie, Andrew. The Gospel Ofi Wealth; And Other Timely Essays. Cambridge: The Belknap Press Of Harvmd University Press, 1969.

Carnegie, Andrew. Triumphant Democracy; Sixty Years' March OfiThe Republic. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1893.

Current, Richmd N. The History ofiWisconsin: The Civil War Era, 1848-1873. Madison: State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 1976.

Fish, Carl Russell. "Phases of Economic History of Wisconsin, 1860-70." Proceedings ofithe State Historical Society ofiWisconsin. 1907,204-216.

Garraty, John. The New Commonwealth, 1877-1890. New York: Hmper & Row, Publishers, 1968.

Garraty, John A. (ed.). The Transfiormation OfiAmerican Society, 1870-1890. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1969.

George, Henry. Progress and Poverty. New York: Robert Schalkenbach Foundation, 1955.

Martin, Lawrence. "Progressive Development Of Resources In The L^e Superior Region." Bulletin ofithe American Geographical Society. V. 43, 1911,561-572,659-669.

Merk, Frederick. Economic History OfiWisconsin During The Civil War Decade. Madison: State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 1916.

Morgan, H. Wayne (ed.). The Gilded Age. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1970.

301 Nesbit, Robert C The History ofiWisconsin: Urbanization and Industrialization, 1873-1893. Madison: State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 1985.

Nevins, Allan. "The Industrial Boom In The North (1865-1873)." The Emergence ofi Modern America, 1865-1878. New York: The MacmiUan Co., 1935.

Nevins, Allan. "The Moral Collapse Of Govemment." The Emergence OfiModern America, 1865-1878. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1935.

Trachtenberg, Alan. The Incorporation ofi America; Culture and Society in the Gilded Age. New York: Hill and Wang, 1982.

Twain, Mmk mid Charles Dudley Warner. The Gilded Age; A Tale Ofi Today. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1968 (1873).

Statutes and Laws

US Statutes 1864, C80—An Act granting Lands to aid in the Construction ofi certain Railroads in the State ofi Wisconsin.

US Statutes 1864, C79—An Act making a Grant ofiLands to the State ofiMinnesota, to aid in the Construction ofithe Railroad firom Saint Paul to Lake Superior.

WisLaw, 1863, PLC243—AnActto incorporate the Tomah and Lake St. Croix railroad company, and to repeal and annul a portion ofi a grant ofiland heretofiore made to the La Crosse and Milwaukee railroad company.

WisLaw 1865, G, C174—AnActto aid the St. Croix and Lake Superior railroad company, in reaffirming the grant ofiland by act ofi congress, approved June 3d, 1856, and other purposes.

WisLaws 1865, G, C175—AnActto confier upon the St. Croix and Lake Superior railroad all the rights and privileges granted and confierred to the state ofiWisconsin, by acts oficongress approved June 3d, 1856, and May5'^, 1864.

WisLaw 1865, G, C232—AnActto confier upon the Tomah and Lake St. Croix railroad company all the rights and privileges granted and confierred to the state ofiWisconsin, by the acts oficongress approved June 3d, 1856, and ofi May 5'^, 1864.

WisLaw 1866, PL, C285—An Act to legalize the organization ofithe Tomah andLake St. Croix railroad company, with leave granted to change the name ofi said company.

302 Wis Laws 1866, PL, C314—An act to incorporate the Winnebago and Lake Superior railroad company, and to execute the trust created by section 3 ofithe act oficongress entitled "an act granting lands to aid in the construction oficertain railroads in the state ofiWisconsin, " approved May 5', 1864.

WisLaws 1866, PL, C362—An Act to incorporate the Portage andLake Superior railroad company, and to execute the trust created by an act oficongress entitled "an act granting lands to aid in the construction ofi certain railroads in the state ofiWisconsin, " approved May 5' 1864.

303 Railroad Land Grants Bibliography

"Aids To Railroads And Related Subjects." Public Aids To Transportation. Federal Coordinator Of Transportation. Washington: GPO, 1938. v. 2. (SHSW-GD)

Bain, David Howard. Empire Express; Building The First Transcontinental Railroad. New York: Penguin Putnam, Inc., 1999.

"Canal, Wagon, and Railroad Grants." The Public Domain. Its History, With Statistics, [etc.]. Public Land Commission. Washington: GPO, 1881. c. 20. (SHSW-GD)

Carstensen, Vernon (ed.). The Public Lands; Studies In The History OfiThe Public Domain. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1968.

Chicago, St. Paul, Minneapolis & Omaha Railway Company. (Lmid commissioner's reports in annual reports for 1882 through 1890.) St. Paul: The Pioneer Press Co., 1883-1891.

Donald, W.J. "Land Grants For Internal Improvements In The United States." Journal ofiPolitical Economy. V. 19, May 1911,404-410.

Ellis, David Maldwyn. "The Forfeiture Of Railroad Land Grants, 1867-1894." Mississippi Valley Historical Review. V. 33, June 1946, 27-60.

Ellis, David Maldwyn and Others. "Comment on 'The Railroad Land Grant Legend in American History Texts.' " Mississippi Valley Historical Review. V. 32, March 1946, 557-576. Reprinted in Carstensen 1968.

Gates, Paul Wallace. "The Railroad Lmid Grant Legend." Journal ofiEconomic History. V. 14, Spring 1954, 143-146. Reprinted in Carstensen 1968.

Goodrich, Carter. "National Planning Of Internal Improvements." Political Science Quarterly. V. 63. March 1948. 16-44.

304 Goodrich, Carter. "The Revulsion Against Internal Improvements." Journal ofiEconomic History. V. 10, November 1950, 145-169.

Henry, Robert S. "The Railroad Lmid Grant Legend in American History Texts." Mississippi Valley Historical Review. V. 32, September 1945, 171-194. Reprinted in Carstensen 1968.

Morgan, Charles S. "Problems in the Appraisal ofthe Railroad Land Grants." Mississippi Valley Historical Review. V. 33, December 1946, 443-454. Reprinted in Carstensen 1968.

Puter, S.A.D. Looters OfiThe Public Domain. New York: Da Capo Press, 1972.

Rae, John Bell. The Development Ofi Railway Land Subsidy Policy In The United States. New York: Amo Press, 1979.

Rector, William Gerald. Log Transportation in the Lake States Lumber Industry 1840-1918. Glendale, CA: The Arthur H. Clark Company, 1953.

Robbins, Roy M. Our Land Heritage; The Public Domain 1776-1936. New York: Peter Smith, 1950.

Robinson, John R. The Octopus; A History OfiThe Construction, Conspiracies, Extortions, Robberies and Villainous Acts OfiThe Central Pacifiic, Southern Pacifiic ofiKentucky, Union Pacifiic, And Other Subsidized Railroads. New York: Amo Press, 1981 (1894).

Sakolski, A.M. The Great American Land Bubble. New York: Hmper and Brothers, Publishers, 1932.

Smiborn, John Bell. Congressional Grants OfiLandlnAid Ofi Railways. Bulletin Of The University Of Wisconsin, No. 30. Madison: August 1899.

Statement Showing Land Grants Made By Congress To Aid The Construction OfiRailroads, Wagon Roads, Canals And Internal Improvements, Together With Data Relative Thereto. Compiled From The Records Of The General Land Office. Washington: GPO, 1915. (SHSW-GD)

305 Wisconsin Central Railroad Company. (Lmid commissioner's reports in annual reports for 1882 and 1885.) Milwaukee: Cramer, Aikens & Cramer, Printers, 1883, 1886.

Wisconsin Central Railroad Company. A Farm in Wisconsin Will Make Money fior you firom the start. Crops Never Fail. Milwaukee: Westlake, Dela Hunt & Smith Co., 1897. (SHSW-PC)

Wisconsin Central Railroad Company. Gazetteer OfiWisconsin, Especially That Portion Contiguous To The Wisconsin Central Line. Milwaukee: Maher & Eckstein, Publishers, 1885. (SHSW-MF)

Wisconsin Central Railroad Company. How To Get A Home And A Farm OfiYour Own. Milwaukee: Evening Wisconsin Co., 1890. (SHSW-PC)

Wisconsin Central Railroad Company. An Illustrated Guide To Noted Pleasure And Summer Resorts ofiWisconsin andLake Superior. Milwaukee: Wisconsin Central Railroad, 1880. (SHSW-PC)

Wisconsin Central Railroad Company. Lands OfiThe Wisconsin Central Railroad Company. Milwaukee: 1877 (SHSW-PC)

Wisconsin Central Railroad Company. Summer Resorts On The Wisconsin Central Railroad. Milwaukee: Cramer, Aikens & Cramer, 1879. (SHSW-PC)

Wisconsin Central Railroad Company. Testimony Concerning The Wisconsin Central Railroad Lands. Milwaukee: The Company, 1875. (SHSW-PC)

Wisconsin Central Railroad Company. The Wisconsin Central Railroad And Its Lands. Milwaukee: Milwaukee News Company, Printers, 1875. (SHSW-PC) (Includes map showing the lands by section.)

Wisconsin Central Railroad Company. The Wisconsin Central Railroad Lands. Milwaukee: Lawrence Miller, Printer, 1881. (SHSW-PC)

Wisconsin Central Railroad Company. The Wisconsin Central Railroad Lands In Northern Wisconsin; A Farm For Every Industrious Man. Milwaukee: Land Department, Wisconsin Central R.R., 1880. (SHSW-A)

306