Zhang Taiyan's Buddhist-Daoist Response to Modern Politics
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> Research Equalisation as difference: Zhang Taiyan’s Buddhist-Daoist response to modern politics Since the late 1980s, scholars have viewed China’s progress towards market capitalism with great optimism, but in the last ten years intellectuals, both in China and abroad, have begun to voice reservations. Critics have pointed out China’s growing problems of income inequality, unemployment and environmental degradation. In this context of critical reflection, Viren Murthy argues that the work of the late Qing intellectual Zhang Taiyan is especially meaningful. Viren Murthy a series of defeats in wars during the he was able to get through his difficult a triumphant march of spirit is really a late 19th century, the Qing Empire and jail experience. When he was released degenerative disaster created by karmic uring a period in Chinese history late Qing intellectuals began to think of from jail in 1906, Zhang went to Tokyo seeds. He then combines Buddhism Dwhen most intellectuals were sup- ways to transform China into a nation- to edit the famous revolutionary jour- and Daoism to describe a world outside porting ideologies related to moderni- state that could compete in the global nal, The People’s Journal (Minbao), and of this karmic progression of history. sation, such as social evolution, Zhang capitalist system. The modern state and in this journal, he developed a new phil- constantly drew on Buddhism and Dao- economy entail a host of categories from osophical framework largely critical of Pushing language to its limits ism to express criticisms. Given that citizenship to equality and intellectuals dominant intellectual trends. Zhang develops this philosophical throughout the 20th century, and even began to re-orient their learning and alternative in a number of essays dur- today, both the Chinese government writing towards these new concepts. During the years 1906-1910, often ing 1906-1910, but he expressed this and Chinese intellectuals have gener- referred to as Zhang’s Minbao period, philosophy most completely in what ally endorsed some version of moderni- Until the late 19th century, Chinese he addressed both the reformers and many take to be Zhang’s masterpiece sation as a political and economic goal, intellectuals were largely trained in tra- the anarchist’s ideologies, claiming “An Interpretation of a ‘Discussion on Zhang’s writings have an uncanny con- ditional classics and they aimed prima- that they were insufficiently self-reflec- the Equalization of Things’,” published in temporary relevance. rily at becoming bureaucrats or func- tive. Following Kant, Zhang attempts to 1910. In this text, Zhang uses Yogacara tionaries in the imperial government. return concepts and the world of experi- Buddhist concepts to understand the Scholars have generally interpreted However, in the midst of national crisis, ence to their conditions of possibility; ancient Daoist philosopher, Zhuangzi. Zhang’s thought in terms of indig- they began to use their knowledge crea- Zhang Taiyan. however, he understands conditions of Zhang pushes language to its limits enous contexts, but I contend that tively to envision a passage from impe- possibility in Buddhist terms, namely to express an ideal that escapes the Zhang’s philosophy, and the late Qing rial to modern institutions. In this con- ethics. Thus, references to the “univer- as the karmic fluctuations of the seeds conceptual categories associated with ideology to which he responded, follow text, not only would intellectuals search sal principle of science,” “the universal in Alaya consciousness (the storehouse karmic history and points to a world a larger global pattern. Specifically, that outside of the canonical Confucian principle of morality” and the “univer- consciousness). By drawing on Yogacara of difference and a new affirmation Zhang’s thought has similarities with tradition and mine Buddhists and Dao- sal principle of evolution” are found in Buddhism, Zhang develops a vision of of singularity. In so doing, he brings that of critics of German idealism, such ist texts for resources, they would also late Qing texts. The principle of evolu- history as an unconscious process of Buddhist, Daoist and Western ideas of as Schopenhauer and Nietzsche, and invoke the philosophies of Kant and tion is particularly important, since, drives. According to Yogacara Bud- equality together in a unique manner. that we can explain such conceptual Hegel to create hybrid theories of mod- despite political differences, reformers, dhism, the storehouse consciousness, More specifically, Zhang constantly affinities with reference to the common ernisation. Late Qing scholars from a revolutionaries and anarchists often which is the highest level of conscious- gropes for a way to express something context of global capitalism. Georg number of different political perspec- presupposed some vision of history as ness, contains a number of seeds which beyond mundane concepts. Thus he Lukács links the principles of German tives often drew on Western philosophy progress. initiate a type of historical process. Dan contends that Zhuangzi’s conception of idealism to the social forms of capital, along with traditional ideas to create Lusthaus interprets the effects of karmic “equality” involves making distinctions and provocatively contends that mod- new concepts adequate to the task of Zhang Taiyan’s attitude to this principle seeds as historicality and stresses the without concepts: ern philosophers often mistake histori- modern nation building. changes depending on the period. From organic metaphor of seeds. He explains cally specific aspects of the structure of 1900-1903, he endorses the universal that just like plants, karmic experiences “Equalizing things” (qiwuzhe) refers capitalism for universal forms of con- One such new concept, which reform- principle and some type of evolutionary develop from unseen roots, which stem to absolute equality (pingdeng). If we look sciousness.1 German idealists posit a ers, revolutionaries and anarchists vision of the world in the context of his from seeds.2 As we act in these experi- at its meaning carefully, it does not simply transhistorical movement of conscious- generally endorsed, was the universal anti-Qing Dynasty writings. However, ences, we unconsciously plant new kar- refer to seeing sentient beings as equal ness that realises itself in modern insti- principle (gongli). The universal prin- in 1903 Zhang was convicted of writing mic seeds and so a cycle of the interplay … One must speak form (xiang, laksana) tutions such as the state. Nietzsche and ciple refers to a concept or movement, seditious essays defaming the emperor between past, present and future con- without words, write of form without Schopenhauer attack this structure of such as the ethical principle of citizen- and he was sentenced to three years in tinues. In his 1906 essay, On Separating concepts (ming) and think form without consciousness from an abstract per- ship or a process of social evolution, prison. In jail, Zhang avidly read the the Universal and Particular in Evolution, mind. It is ultimate equality. This accords spective. To counter Hegel’s idea of the which subsumes particular things or sutras of Yogacara Buddhism and later Zhang uses this framework to explain with the “equalization of things.”3 teleological movement of Spirit, they actions. Intellectuals applied this prin- claimed that it was only through recit- Hegel’s philosophy of history. In short, argue that consciousness and history ciple to both the realms of science and ing and meditating on these sutras that he claims that what Hegel describes as The above passage may seem opaque, is a wild interplay of drives or the will. but given that Zhang explicitly oppos- They eventually aim to overcome this es his philosophy of equalisation to blind progression of history and put for- Hegel’s teleological vision of history, it ward some type of alternative. There is is possible to interpret him as search- a similar antinomy between optimistic ing for a concept of difference free from and pessimistic visions of history in late conceptualisation, a gesture we may Qing China. Specifically, the majority of find in Gilles Deleuze’s philosophy. In intellectuals during the early 20th cen- particular, in Deleuze’s interpretation tury endorsed some version of history of his compatriot Henri Bergson, he as a progressive movement and Zhang distinguishes difference from determi- Taiyan developed a critique of this view nation. According to Deleuze, Hegel’s from Buddhist and Daoist perspectives. dialectic represents a linear movement Following Lukács, one can conclude because his idea of difference is exterior that both sides of this debate respond to the thing itself and hence inevitably a-historically to transformations of capi- involves both determination and con- talist modernity, since each group pre- tradiction. We see this in a number of supposes some type of transhistorical the antinomies that pervade his thought ontological movement, which becomes such as the opposition between being their foundational standpoint. and nothing, or between particular- ity and universality. Deleuze clearly From imperial power to attempts to draw on Bergson to think global player his way outside such oppositions and To understand the above philosophi- claims that in Bergson’s view “not only cal debate in the context of early 20th will vital difference not be a determina- century China, we must note how intel- tion, but it will rather be the opposite – lectuals