The 1911 Revolution
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Background I. Names
Background I. Names 1. China It used to be thought that the name ‘China’ derived from the name of China’s early Qin dynasty (Chin or Ch’in in older transcriptions), whose rulers conquered all rivals and initiated the dynasty in 221 BC. But, as Wilkinson notes (Chinese History: A Manual: 753, and fn 7), the original pronunciation of the name ‘Qin’ was rather different, and would make it an unlikely source for the name China. Instead, China is thought to derive from a Persian root, and was, apparently, first used for porcelain, and only later applied to the country from which the finest examples of that material came. Another name, Cathay, now rather poetic in English, but surviving as the regular name for the country in languages such as Russian (Kitai), is said to derive from the name of the Khitan Tarters, who formed the Liao dynasty in north China in the 10th century. The Khitan dynasty was the first to make a capital on the site of Beijing. The Chinese now call their country Zhōngguó, often translated as ‘Middle Kingdom’. Originally, this name meant the central – or royal – state of the many that occupied the region prior to the unification of Qin. Other names were used before Zhōngguó became current. One of the earliest was Huá (or Huáxià, combining Huá with the name of the earliest dynasty, the Xià). Xià, in fact, combined with the Zhōng of Zhōngguó, appears in the modern official names of the country, as we see below. 2. Chinese places a) The People’s Republic of China (PRC) [Zhōnghuá Rénmín Gònghéguó] This is the political entity proclaimed by Máo Zédōng when he gave his speech (‘China has risen again’) at the Gate of Heavenly Peace [Tiān’ān Mén] in Beijing on October 1, 1949. -
History of China and Japan from 1900To 1976 Ad 18Bhi63c
HISTORY OF CHINA AND JAPAN FROM 1900TO 1976 A.D 18BHI63C (UNIT II) V.VIJAYAKUMAR 9025570709 III B A HISTORY - VI SEMESTER Yuan Shikai Yuan Shikai (Chinese: 袁世凱; pinyin: Yuán Shìkǎi; 16 September 1859 – 6 June 1916) was a Chinese military and government official who rose to power during the late Qing dynasty, becoming the Emperor of the Empire of China (1915–1916). He tried to save the dynasty with a number of modernization projects including bureaucratic, fiscal, judicial, educational, and other reforms, despite playing a key part in the failure of the Hundred Days' Reform. He established the first modern army and a more efficient provincial government in North China in the last years of the Qing dynasty before the abdication of the Xuantong Emperor, the last monarch of the Qing dynasty, in 1912. Through negotiation, he became the first President of the Republic of China in 1912.[1] This army and bureaucratic control were the foundation of his autocratic. He was frustrated in a short-lived attempt to restore hereditary monarchy in China, with himself as the Hongxian Emperor (Chinese: 洪憲皇帝). His death shortly after his abdication led to the fragmentation of the Chinese political system and the end of the Beiyang government as China's central authority. On 16 September 1859, Yuan was born as Yuan Shikai in the village of Zhangying (張營村), Xiangcheng County, Chenzhou Prefecture, Henan, China. The Yuan clan later moved 16 kilometers southeast of Xiangcheng to a hilly area that was easier to defend against bandits. There the Yuans had built a fortified village, Yuanzhaicun (Chinese: 袁寨村; lit. -
Chinese Modernisation
Munich Personal RePEc Archive Path of Chinese institutional modernization Sahoo, Ganeswar 15 November 2009 Online at https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/24825/ MPRA Paper No. 24825, posted 08 Sep 2010 07:32 UTC PATH OF CHINESE INSTITUTIONAL MODERNIZATION GANESWAR SAHOO Master in Development, Innovation & Change INTRODUCTION: The term ‘Modernization’1 is sort of competition for making modern in appearance or behavior. But in more concisely we can describe ‘Modernization’ is sort of modernity in many ways specially economical, social, scientific, technological, industrial, cultural and even more we can say political progress. As we are discussing the institutional modernization that cover all the above modernity, can be rural development , rationalization and even urbanization to add few. In my opinion, ‘Institutional Modernization’ is a process of development and a progress of various degrees of institutions in a society. If we see the progress today that China has developed a treasure of modernity in terms of its World figure both in economic development and its strong military power with countless path of ups and downs in the past. We are more concerned with the historical study of its institutional modernization than a mere philosophical debate over its development and can discuss its various levels of struggle for ‘Substitute Modernity’2 since mid-19th century(the two opium wars) to till date. FIRST MODERNIZATION: China’s Historical Background After the two opium war from 1840-1860, all high ranking mandarins Zeng Guofan, Zuo Zongtang, Zhang Zhidong and Li Hongzhang during the late Qing Dynasty actively predicated in country’s development what was known as self-strengthening movement. -
New Readings of Lu Xun
Review Essay China perspectives New Readings of Lu Xun: Critic of modernity and re-inventor of heterodoxy SEBASTIAN VEG ore than any other modern writer, Lu Xun remains at the heart of belled a communist writer, the first alternative readings of Lu Xun, building intellectual discussions in China today. There are several reasons on annotations and biographical writings by contemporaries such as Mfor this. One is that no sooner had Lu Xun breathed his last breath Cao Juren 曹聚仁 , who came to Hong Kong in 1950, began to emerge in than the Chinese Communist Party began to build him into its own narrative Western academia in the 1960s. The Hsia brothers, in particular T. A. Hsia’s of national revival, structured around the interpenetration of revolution and 夏濟安 seminal The Gate of Darkness , first published in 1968, played a major nationalism. Lu Xun’s biography, which spanned the crucial juncture from role in unearthing the aestheticism in Lu Xun’s works such as Wild Grass , late-imperial reformist gentry to nationalist revolution, the New Culture, as did the writing of Belgian sinologist Pierre Ryckmans (pen name Simon and finally to the rise of communism as a response to many of the problems Leys). Leo Ou-fan Lee’s 李歐梵 edited volume Lu Xun and his Legacy (1985) that had prevented China’s full transformation into a modern democracy, and his authoritative study Voices from the Iron House (1987) represent a began to serve as an explanatory model for the entire historical evolution culmination of scholarship undertaken in this perspective, in which psycho - of the first half of the twentieth century. -
Scanned Using Book Scancenter 5033
II DEMCHUGDONGROB’S EARLY YEARS 1902-1919 His Birth The sixty-four years of the life of Prince Demchugdongrob saw the devastation of two world wars. Invasion of Asia by imperialists was gradually checked by the rise of nationalism. Japan’s victory in the Russo-Japanese War of 1904 restored Asian self- confidence. But this victory also created strife within. The founding of the Republic of China in 1912, which ended monarchical rule, and the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 marked the beginning of a new era. The Mongols, roused by these great changes, strug gled to establish their own national identity. By the conclusion of World War 11, half of the Mongol people had achieved their independence, at least nominally, but the other half faced harsh and rigoroustrials. Prince Demchugdongrob, bom to a highly prestigious Chinggisid family, for a time assumed the position of national leader, but died in the custody of the Chinese Communists. His heroic but tragic life was entwined with the fate of his fellow country men, especially those Inner Mongols who struggled for the existence of their nation. Although his full name was Demchugdongrob, most Mongol people called him De noyan or De wangye, a polite form of address for an honorable person. In Mongolian tradition, it was not polite to speak the full name of an elder or a person of honorable position. It was courteous to take the first syllable of his name and join it with his title. Therefore, De noyan means De the noble and De wangye means Prince De. According to the traditional Mongolian lunar calendar, Demchugdongrob was bom on the day, month, and year of the tiger. -
The 1911 Revolution and the Korean Independence Movement: the Road to Democratic Republicanism
The 1911 Revolution and the Korean Independence Movement: The Road to Democratic Republicanism KIM Bong-jin 1. Foreword The Xing Zhonghui 興中会 (Revive China Society) started by Sun Yat-sen( 1866-1925) and Wang Zhaoming 汪兆銘( Wang Jingwei, 1883-1944) merged with the Hua Xinghui 華興会 established by Song Jiaoren 宋教仁 (1882-1913) and Huang Xing 黄興( 1874-1916) on August 20, 1905 in Tokyo to become the Zhongguo Tongmenghui 同盟会 (Chinese Revolutionary Alliance). Sun Yat-sen was selected to head the organization, and Huang Xing to run general affairs. Various documents were adopted, including the “mili- tary government proclamation,” “general articles of the Tongmenghui,” and “revolutionary strategy.” The Tongmenghui issued as their organizational publication the Minbao 民報, which adopted the general principles advocated by Sun of “expel the Manchus and restore China, establish a republic, and equalize land rights.” Subsequently, they fomented uprisings all over China, but all ended in failure. The Wuchang New Army successfully revolted against the Qing govern- ment on October 10, 1911. Other provinces followed suit by declaring inde- pendence from the central government. On January 1, 1912 the Provisional Government of the Republic of China was established in Nanjing, with Sun Yat-sen as provisional president. On February 12, however, Yuan Shikai (1859-1916) compelled the child emperor Puyi( 1906-1967) to abdicate. The next day Sun Yat-sen turned in his resignation as president and recommended to the provisional National Assembly that Yuan take the position. On February 15 the provisional National Assembly agreed on Yuan’s appointment and to designate Nanjing as the capital. -
Chinese Civil War
asdf Chinese Civil War Chair: Sukrit S. Puri Crisis Director: Jingwen Guo Chinese Civil War PMUNC 2016 Contents Introduction: ……………………………………....……………..……..……3 The Chinese Civil War: ………………………….....……………..……..……6 Background of the Republic of China…………………………………….……………6 A Brief History of the Kuomintang (KMT) ………..……………………….…….……7 A Brief History of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)………...…………...…………8 The Nanjing (Nanking) Decade………….…………………….……………..………..10 Chinese Civil War (1927-37)…………………... ………………...…………….…..….11 Japanese Aggression………..…………….………………...…….……….….................14 The Xi’an Incident..............……………………………..……………………...…........15 Sino-Japanese War and WWII ………………………..……………………...…..........16 August 10, 1945 …………………...….…………………..……………………...…...17 Economic Issues………………………………………….……………………...…...18 Relations with the United States………………………..………………………...…...20 Relations with the USSR………………………..………………………………...…...21 Positions: …………………………….………….....……………..……..……4 2 Chinese Civil War PMUNC 2016 Introduction On October 1, 1949, Chairman Mao Zedong stood atop the Gates of Heavenly Peace, and proclaimed the creation of the People’s Republic of China. Zhongguo -- the cradle of civilization – had finally achieved a modicum of stability after a century of chaotic lawlessness and brutality, marred by foreign intervention, occupation, and two civil wars. But it could have been different. Instead of the communist Chairman Mao ushering in the dictatorship of the people, it could have been the Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek, of the Nationalist -
Disciplining of a Society Social Disciplining and Civilizing Processes in Contemporary China
Disciplining of a Society Social Disciplining and Civilizing Processes in Contemporary China Thomas Heberer August 2020 Disciplining of a Society Social Disciplining and Civilizing Processes in Contemporary China Thomas Heberer August 2020 disciplining of a society Social Disciplining and Civilizing Processes in Contemporary China about the author Thomas Heberer is Senior Professor of Chinese Politics and Society at the Insti- tute of Political Science and the Institute of East Asian Studies at the University Duisburg-Essen in Germany. He is specializing on issues such as political, social and institutional change, entrepreneurship, strategic groups, the Chinese developmen- tal state, urban and rural development, political representation, corruption, ethnic minorities and nationalities’ policies, the role of intellectual ideas in politics, field- work methodology, and political culture. Heberer is conducting fieldwork in China on almost an annual basis since 1981. He recently published the book “Weapons of the Rich. Strategic Action of Private Entrepreneurs in Contemporary China” (Singapore, London, New York: World Scientific 2020, co-authored by G. Schubert). On details of his academic oeuvre, research projects and publications see his website: ht tp:// uni-due.de/oapol/. iii disciplining of a society Social Disciplining and Civilizing Processes in Contemporary China about the ash center The Roy and Lila Ash Center for Democratic Governance and Innovation advances excellence and innovation in governance and public policy through research, edu- cation, and public discussion. By training the very best leaders, developing power- ful new ideas, and disseminating innovative solutions and institutional reforms, the Center’s goal is to meet the profound challenges facing the world’s citizens. -
Appropriating the West in Late Qing and Early Republican China / Theodore Huters
Tseng 2005.1.17 07:55 7215 Huters / BRINGING THE WORLD HOME / sheet 1 of 384 Bringing the World Home Tseng 2005.1.17 07:55 7215 Huters / BRINGING THE WORLD HOME / sheet 2 of 384 3 of 384 BringingÕ the World HomeÕ Appropriating the West in Late Qing 7215 Huters / BRINGING THE WORLD HOME / sheet and Early Republican China Theodore Huters University of Hawai‘i Press Honolulu Tseng 2005.1.17 07:55 © 2005 University of Hawai‘i Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of Amer i ca Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data Huters, Theodore. Bringing the world home : appropriating the West in late Qing and early Republican China / Theodore Huters. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-8248-2838-0 (hardcover : alk. paper) 1. Chinese literature—20th century—History and criticism. 2. Chinese literature—20th century—Western influences. I. Title. PL2302.H88 2005 895.1’09005—dc22 2004023334 University of Hawai‘i Press books are printed on acid- free paper and meet the guidelines for permanence and durability of the Council on Library Resources. An electronic version of this book is freely available, thanks to the support of libraries working with Knowledge Unlatched. KU is a collaborative initiative designed to make high-quality books open access for the public good. The open-access ISBN for this book is 978-0-8248-7401-8. More information about the initiative and links to the open-access version can be found at www.knowledgeunlatched.org. The open-access version of this book is licensed under Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International (CC BY- NC-ND 4.0), which means that the work may be freely downloaded and shared for non-commercial purposes, provided credit is given to the author. -
BRIEF HISTORY of KOREA —A Bird's-Eyeview—
BRIEF HISTORY OF KOREA —A Bird's-EyeView— Young Ick Lew with an afterword by Donald P. Gregg The Korea Society New York The Korea Society is a private, nonprofit, nonpartisan, 501(c)(3) organization with individual and corporate members that is dedicated solely to the promotion of greater awareness, understanding and cooperation between the people of the United States and Korea. In pursuit of its mission, the Society arranges programs that facilitate dis- cussion, exchanges and research on topics of vital interest to both countries in the areas of public policy, business, education, intercultural relations and the arts. Funding for these programs is derived from contributions, endowments, grants, membership dues and program fees. From its base in New York City, the Society serves audiences across the country through its own outreach efforts and by forging strategic alliances with counterpart organizations in other cities throughout the United States as well as in Korea. The Korea Society takes no institutional position on policy issues and has no affiliation with the U.S. government. All statements of fact and expressions of opinion contained in all its publications are the sole responsibility of the author or authors. For further information about The Korea Society, please write The Korea Society, 950 Third Avenue, 8th Floor, New York, NY 10022, or e-mail: [email protected]. Visit our website at www.koreasociety.org. Copyright © 2000 by Young Ick Lew and The Korea Society All rights reserved. Published 2000 ISBN 1-892887-00-7 Printed in the United States of America Every effort has been made to locate the copyright holders of all copyrighted materials and secure the necessary permission to reproduce them. -
Religion and Nationalism in Chinese Societies
RELIGION AND SOCIETY IN ASIA Kuo (ed.) Kuo Religion and Nationalism in Chinese Societies Edited by Cheng-tian Kuo Religion and Nationalism in Chinese Societies Religion and Nationalism in Chinese Societies Religion and Society in Asia The Religion and Society in Asia series presents state-of-the-art cross-disciplinary academic research on colonial, postcolonial and contemporary entanglements between the socio-political and the religious, including the politics of religion, throughout Asian societies. It thus explores how tenets of faith, ritual practices and religious authorities directly and indirectly impact on local moral geographies, identity politics, political parties, civil society organizations, economic interests, and the law. It brings into view how tenets of faith, ritual practices and religious authorities are in turn configured according to socio-political, economic as well as security interests. The series provides brand new comparative material on how notions of self and other as well as justice and the commonweal have been predicated upon ‘the religious’ in Asia since the colonial/imperialist period until today. Series Editors Martin Ramstedt, Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology, Halle Stefania Travagnin, University of Groningen Religion and Nationalism in Chinese Societies Edited by Cheng-tian Kuo Amsterdam University Press This book is sponsored by the 2017 Chiang Ching-kuo Foundation for International Scholarly Exchange (Taiwan; SP002-D-16) and co-sponsored by the International Institute of Asian Studies (the Netherlands). Cover illustration: Chairman Mao Memorial Hall in Beijing © Cheng-tian Kuo Cover design: Coördesign, Leiden Typesetting: Crius Group, Hulshout Amsterdam University Press English-language titles are distributed in the US and Canada by the University of Chicago Press. -
The Taiwan Elections in Historical Perspective
University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln The hinC a Beat Blog Archive 2008-2012 China Beat Archive 2012 The aiT wan Elections in Historical Perspective Sebastian Veg French Centre for Research on Contemporary China (Hong Kong) Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/chinabeatarchive Part of the Asian History Commons, Asian Studies Commons, Chinese Studies Commons, and the International Relations Commons Veg, Sebastian, "The aiwT an Elections in Historical Perspective" (2012). The China Beat Blog Archive 2008-2012. 24. http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/chinabeatarchive/24 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the China Beat Archive at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in The hinC a Beat Blog Archive 2008-2012 by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. The Taiwan Elections in Historical Perspective February 21, 2012 in Tales from Taiwan by The China Beat By Sebastian Veg During a recent trip to Taipei to observe the January presidential and legislative elections, like many people with little first-hand knowledge of Taiwan, I was struck by the unique traits of Taiwan’s democracy. The elections also seemed relevant to many debates in China, not only because they were closely followed and tweeted by critical voices on the mainland, but also because of their significance against the broader historical and geographical context of the history of modern China, a connection which holds true even if one subscribes to the view that Taiwan had no previous connection with this history before 1945 and was drawn into against its will.