Dramatic Features in Dinka Padang Oral Traditions

A thesis submitted to Graduate College/University Of Khartoum for the degree of M.A. in English

By: Mayen Dow Guem B.A. University of Upper Nile

Supervisor: Dr.Thuraya Hassan Hamdoun Department of English Language Faculty of Education

March 2010

Dedication

To my dear son, WÉã `tçxÇ WÉã

Tv~ÇÉãÄxwzxÅxÇà

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Abstract (in English)

This dissertation aims at investigating the elements of drama in Dinka Padang oral literature. It is a sociological study that brings Dinka Padang rites of passages, initiation, and marriage, myths, legends, folktales, traditional songs, proverbs, riddles, and dirges in a literary context for appreciation of aesthetic concepts and literary criticism.

For the study to achieve its objective, the researcher discerns into this oral traditions to decipher the elements of drama and to assess the dramatic structure. The study covers part of the eastern Nile Dinka, known as Dinka Padang whose territory stretches from Renk, north of Upper Nile downward to the Central Upper Nile including Ruweing and Abyei Dinka in the west of the Nile.

The methodology adopted in this study has been sociological and formalist methods using first and secondary sources as well as observation in data collection.

The results and findings have, so far, proved the existence of the elements of drama in Dinka Padang oral traditions though weak in dramatic structure and in some elements of drama, such as complicated plot or concrete dialogue. Hence, the researcher recommends employing these tales as plays

III

ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺨﺺ اﻟﺒﺤﺚ

ﺗﻬﺪف هﺬﻩ اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ ﻟﻠﺒﺤﺚ ﻋﻦ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ اﻟﺪراﻣﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻘﺎﻟﻴﺪ دﻳﻨﻜﺎ ﺑﺪاﻧﻖ اﻟﺸﻔﻮﻳﺔ _ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺘﻄﺮف ﺑﺈﺳﻠﻮب ﺷﻜﻠﻲ واﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ اﻟﻲ ﻃﻘﻮس ﻣﺎﺑﻌﺪ اﻟﻄﻔﻮﻟﺔ وﺑﻠﻮغ ﺳﻦ اﻟﺮﺷﺪ اﻟﻲ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ اﻟﻄﻘﻮس اﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ.وﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺰواج واﻻﺳﺎﻃﻴﺮ واﻟﺤﻜﺎﻳﺎت اﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ واﻻﻏﺎﻧﻲ اﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ واﻻﻣﺜﺎل اﻟﻤﺘﺪواﻟﺔ واﻻﻟﻐﺎز اﻟﻤﺨﺘﺎرة وزﻟﻚ ﻟﻠﺘﺬوق اﻟﻘﻴﻢ اﻟﺠﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ واﻟﻨﻘﺪ اﻻدﺑﻲ .

واﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ هﺬﻩ اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ ﻓﻘﺪ ﻟﺠﺄ اﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻟﻠﺘﻤﻌﻦ ﻓﻲ هﺬﻩ اﻟﺤﻜﺎﻳﺎت واﻻﻏﺎﻧﻲ ﻟﻠﻜﺸﻒ ﻋﻤﺎ ﺗﺤﺘﻮﻳﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻀﺎﻣﻴﻦ أدﺑﻴﺔ وﺻﻮﻷ ﻟﻌﻨﺎﺻﺮ اﻟﺪراﻣﺎ .

وﺗﺮﺗﻜﺰ اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ ﺣﻮل دﻳﻨﻜﺎ اﻟﺸﺮق اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺘﺪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺮﻧﻚ ﺑﺸﻤﺎل أﻋﺎﻟﻲ اﻟﻨﻴﻞ ﻧﺰوﻻ اﻟﻲ اواﺳﻂ ﺟﻮﻧﻘﻠﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ دك..

وﻃﺮﻳﻘﺔ اﻟﺒﺤﺚ اﻟﺘﻲ أﺗﺨﺬت ﻓﻲ هﺬﻩ اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ هﻲ اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ اﻟﺸﻜﻠﻴﺔ واﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪة ﻓﻲ ذﻟﻚ ﻋﻠﻲ اﻟﻤﺼﺎدر اﻻوﻟﻴﺔ واﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻳﺔ ﺑﺠﺎﻧﺐ اﻟﻤﺸﺎهﺪة ﻓﻲ ﺟﻤﻊ اﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت .

وﻟﻘﺪ اﺛﺒﺘﺖ اﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ واﻻﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎﺟﺎت وﺟﻮد ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ اﻟﺪراﻣﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻘﺎﻟﻴﺪ اﻟﺸﻔﻮﻳﺔ ﻟﺪﻳﻨﻜﺎ ﺑﺪاﻧﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺗﻬﺎ وذﻟﻚ ﻳﺮي اﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ إﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ إﺳﺘﻐﻼل ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﺤﻜﺎﻳﺎت آﻤﺴﺮﺣﻴﺎت .

TABLE OF CONTENT Content Page

Dedication I

Acknowledgement II

Table of Contents III

Abstract IV

Abstract (in Arabic) V

Chapter One: Study Plan

1. Introduction 1

1.1 Statement of the Problem 2

1.2 Objectives of the Study 2

1.3 Significance of the Study 3

1.4 Questions of the Study 3

1.5 Hypotheses of the Study 3

1.6 Purpose of the Study 4 Chapter Two: Literature Review

2.0 Introduction 5

2.1 Rites of Passage and Initiation 8

2.2 Religious rites 13

2.3 Marriage Rites 22 Chapter Three: Methodology

3.0 Introduction 26

3.1 Dinka Padang Myth 26

3.2 Dinka Padang Legends 33

3.3 Dinka Padang Folktales 37

3.4 Dinka Padang Traditional Songs 60

3.4.1 Ox Songs 64 3.4.2 Initiation Songs 66

3.4.3 Age-set Insult Songs 74

3.4.4 Hymns 76

3.4.5 Folktales Songs 80

3.4.6 Women’s Songs 81

3.4.7 Children’s Songs 83

3.4.8 Dinka Proverbs 85

3.4.9 Dinka Riddles 87

3.4.10 Dinka Dirges 88 Chapter Four:

4.0 Introduction 91

4.1 Results 91

4.2 Discussion 94 Chapter Five:

Summary,Findings, Conclusions, and Recommendations

5.0 Introduction 97

5.1 Summary 97

5.2 Findings 97

5.3 Conclusions 101 5.4 Recommendations 102 Bibliography 103

Chapter One: Study Plan

1.0. Introduction Like other Nilotic languages of the Sudan , Dinka language has an oral literature that deserves attention, although it is an endangered species. The danger stems from the fact that the verbal vernacular literature is left to die out without documentation of any kind. Nowadays, some few writers have attempted to shed light on Dinka folk drama using English or Arabic as a medium. In the meantime, no one tries to encourage the use of Dinka as a medium of writing, so as to preserve its seemy forgotten, oral literature. Among these writers is G.Lienhardt, on Dinka myth and religion, O’Sullivan, C.G. and B.Z. Seligman, and Audrey Butt on Dinka law, traditions and customs, and Francis Mading Deng on Dinka religion, folktales and traditionanl songs, and others.These writers have generally covered the eastern Dinka on religion and traditional administration but said very little about their folk drama. Hence, this study is wholly on the eastern Dinka known as Dinka Padang. The necessity to carry out this study has been to find out if elements of drama exist in Dinka Padang rituals, folktales, and songs, and whether such prose can be put on the stage as plays. The study has applied the descriptive method using primary and secondary sources as well as direct observation in data collection. Finally, the recommendations have been to encourage scholars to do a lot of translations in Dinka folktales to discover the hidden literary treatures.

1.1 Statement of the Problem The problem tackled by this study is whether there are dramatic elements in Dinka Padang rituals, folktales and songs, and if so, can this prose be made use of as plays or not. In fact, such elements of drama manifest themselves in folk drama although drama is the weakest of the major literary forms in Africa especially in plot construction, dialogue, characterization, and dramatic structure, as the case with Dinka Padang tales. In these tales, themes reveal harsh realities of life in which dignity and righteousness merge with human vices, while other themes deal with the myth of creation and the occurrences of the past events. The attribution of human traits to certain animals in these stories is, also, indicative of the use of impersonation, among other literary techniques employed in the songs such as imagery, ridicule and similes. By discovering hidden dramatic elements in Dinka Padang rituals, dramatists will be able to make use of these stories on the stage. 1.2 Objectives of the study The primary objective of this study is to bring to the surface the essential elements of drama that exist in Dinka Padang oral rituals, and what can be their contribution to drama. These objectives are as follow: 1. To demonstrate the aesthetic values in Dinka Padang rituals. 2. To shed light on the seemingly forgotten rituals. 3. To highlight the dramatic features of Dinka Padang rituals. 4. To enable the young generation get acquainted with their ancestors’rites. 5. To provide the general reader with this prose for literary appreciation and criticism.

1.3 Significance of the Study The significane of this study can be drawn as follows:

1. To enrich the national reservior of drama with such folk drama that can be made into plays. 2. To highlight the traditional oral rituals, tales, and songs so as to discover the hidden literary resources that may deserve attention. 3. To preserve these already fading oral rituals from extinction. 4. To give room for literary appreciation and criticism of such folk drama. 1.4 Questions of the Study This study has set the following questions to investigate the above-mentioned problem. 1. Do Dinka Padang rituals demonstrate the elements of drama? 2. How do Dinka Padang rituals, folk tales, and songs conform to the elements, and structure of drama? 3. What themes are imbeded in the tales, songs and rituals? 4. In what way can such prose be a contribution to drama? 5. Are there any previous studies dealing with Dinka dramatic rituals? 1.5 Hypotheses of the Study The main hypothesis of this study is that although drama is structurally weak in Dinka Padang prose, it still incorporates the elements of drama. The following assumptions give answers to the previous questions: 1. In most Dinka Padang tales there are harsh realities of life in which dignity and righteousness merge with human sins, therefore, the Dinka create a world of cosmic totality whereby human beings, animals, and objects ineract and perform deeds alien to their nature.

2. In fusing fantasy with reality, the darkness of the night in which strories are told provides a setting.

3. Dialogue is virtually absent, since it is essentually an individualizing device, with the tales being told in the third person. 4. The fantasy, found in these tales, overlooks the incoherence encountered since the latter bolsters their fabric of rationality, and is accepted as the Dinka want to entertain themselves with these made upstories to enhance cultural mores.

1.6 Purpose of the Study This study has the following purposes: 1. To introduce dramatists to Dinka Padang rituals and if possible to make these stories into plays. 2. To guage the aesthetic values of Dinka Padang oral literature. 3. To contribute to better understanding and appreciation of Dinka Padang values.

Chapter Two: Literature Review 2.0 Introduction This chapter gives the literature review and investigates the theoretical background of such terms as ritual and drama, as well as the background of Dinka Padang, their rites of passage, initiation, religion, and marriage. The two basic terms in this study, ‘ritual’ and ‘drama’ are the underlining key words in the study of Dinka oral folk drama. Kluckhohn defines ritual as follows: “Ritual is a potent form of action. It is religion in action, and, as such, ritual is the means by which religion achieves what it sets out to do. In short, ritual is primary for religion. As the most important phenomenon of religion, ritual is an orderly means by which one participates in the simulation, and sometimes the investigation, of reality. Ritual is differentiated from, though linked to, mythic and belief structures.” [Kluckhohn (1942),p:79].Within anthropology, however, ritual is delineated almost always with respect to its instrumental character. Klukhohn, also, gives a psychological definition of ritual as follows: “Ritual is an obsessive repetitive activity often a symbolic dramatization of the fundamental ‘needs’ of the society, whether ‘economic’, ‘biological’, ‘social’, or ‘sexual’.”[Ibid.p:78]. Since drama, work performed on the stage and classified as tragedy or comedy, originated from ancient Greece, developing from religious ceremonial festivities, Owomoyela(1979).p:113] argues that ‘traditional African festival incorporate many elements that are dramatic featuring such elements as customing, impersonation and the representation of past occurrences.’.

Yet in one of his treatises, ‘The Poetics’ Aristotle oulines the Six Elements of Drama, based on the ancient Greek belief that tragedy was the highest form of drama. He defines tragedy as ‘the imitation of an action that is serious and also, as having magnitude, complete in itself; in appropriate and pleasurable language … in a dramatic rather than narrative form; with incidents arousing pity and fear, wherewith to accomplish a catharsis of these emotions.” His six elements of drama are: 1. Plot – what happens in a play; the order of events; the story as opposed to the theme; what happens rather than what it mean. 2. Theme – what the play means as opposed to what happens (plot); the main idea within the play. 3. Character – the personality or the part an actor represents in a play, the role played by an actor in a play. 4. Diction/language/Dialogue – the word choice made by the playwright and the enunciation of the actors delivering the lines. 5. Music/Rhythm – by music he meant the sound, rhythm and melody of the speeches. 6. Spectacle – the visual elements of the production of a play; the scenery, consumes, and specific effects in production. Other writers argue that writings on African drama usually begin “with elaborate descriptions of dramatic elements of traditional festivals, presumably to prove that traditional Africa did not lack that artistic medium. Likewise, anthropologists consider traditional evening tales sessions the equivalent of modern schooling.” (Ibid.p:113). Although such dramatic elements exist, drama, as an independent form, was not developed in Africa , a fact which leaves no room to doubt the ability of the African mind to develop drama. Graham-White, (1974).p:21] for example, tries to define traditional African drama as follows: 6

“The most basic destinction between ritual and drama lies in the belief that a ritual will have consequences beyond itsef. A ritual is functional: it is expected to produce results in the future. In dramatic performance, on the other hand, expectations stop when it ends. In drama, cause and effect are linked only within the performance, in ritual the performance is the cause of an effect, and if performances begin to be appreciated more for themselves than for their future effects then one is moving from ritual toward drama.”[Graham-White,. To this argument, Owomoyela[Ibid.p:114]. says, ‘if one accepts this art for art definition of drama, one will have to conclude that there is no drama in traditional Africa because all these performances have consequences beyond themselves.’ Generally, drama is largely the weakest of the major literary forms in Africa in spite of the existence of several dramatists whose output has hardly been impressive in quality. For example, in folktales, such weaknesses are observable in plot construction, dialogue and charaterization which are fundamental to the medium. However, in the strictest sense, folk drama means the dramatic activities of the ordinary folk, particularly those dramatic events connected with festivals and religious rites. In this concern, a background of Dinka Padang is vital. Despite their disunity, the Dinka show stiking cultural uniformity. The fact that they have maintained such uniformity notwithstanding centuries of contact with other people is evident of their culture. The Dinkas call themselves ‘Monyjang’ or ‘Jieng’, which, for them, has the connotation of the people. Dinka society comprises territorial groups, descent groups, sex groups, age groups, the individual, the ancestors and the spirits, all of which are illustrated in the subsequent chapters respectively. There are some twenty-five tribal sections of Dinka, each with its own name, territory and distinctive cultural variations despite their homogeneity. Among these tribal sections is the Dinka Padang section whose territory stems from Renk, 7 on the eastern bank of the Nile, downward to the Central Upper Nile including Panaru and Abyei on the western bank of the Nile, which is the case of this study. Ethnically and culturally, the Dinka are Nilotic, akin to Luo-speaking people of the Sudan and Uganda , but with close affinities to the Nuer. It has been argued that the Nilotics are an admixture of Negroid elements Hamitic-Caucasian, according to Prof.C.G.Seligman (p:53): “Although being such a big tribe, the Dinka demonstrate a striking homogeneity: cultural uniformity, physical appearance, and their pride in their race, been considered among the less influenced by modernization, being ethnocentric conservatives in culture and origin”. This judgement, however, is somewhat logical, but given the post-colonial trends, these communities are adapting themselves to changes remarkably as a result of modern education. No doubt, traditional society may wither away in the long run with the passage of time, yet the Dinkas are certain to retain some of their values, sentiments and traits which are fundamentally unshadable. The researcher hails from this Padang Dinka section, mainly from Ngok de

Juk, popularly known as Ngok de Lual Yak, a sub-tribe in Upper Nile, in the clan of Ngar at Abwong, a small village on the western bank of river Sobat. My household is Pan Amoc and my father, Dow Guem, was the chief who had married nine wives among whom my mother was the fourth.

2.1 Rites of Passage and Initiation Being such a conservative society, much concerned with continuity, age enhances status bringing the Dinka people close to the ancestors as they increasingly acquire wisdom and experiences. Hence, respect for age is characterized by a system of age- setting with objectives almost covering all aspects of Dinka life. As Deng [Deng, (1974),p: 41] states, “children are introduced to age stratification through both informal and organized activities. While herding , boys provoke fights ( ‘riec’ in Dinka ) to determine age-sets not so much on the basis of age as of courage and strength, largely determine by wrestling and fighting. A boy may be sent on an errand and, upon returning, be falsely informed that during his absence another boy had insulted him; a quarrel ensues, wrestling beating each using long stalks of wild grass and hitting with bare-hands.” Not only do these activities provoke fights, and offer training in war-fare but they also foster family relations and solidarity as well. As children grow up, they are gradually familiarized with characteristics of adult age-set. Then, a mock initiation is applied on boys. Between the age of elevent and fourteen, boys and girls alike undergo the process of extracting the lower teeth, (known in Dinka as‘outh’). It is to be noted that Dongjol, Ager, Niel, and Abilang sub-tribes do not apply this ritual. The Dinka give aesthetic reasons for extraction of lower teeth on both sexes mainly that these teeth disfigure the shape of the mouth, therefore, degrading the human quality. One of the most significant experiences in Dinka life is the formal initiation, carried out traditionally around the ages of 16 to 18 mainly on boys, though Abilang, Nyel, and Ager clans apply it on both sexes. Prior to initiation, a man is considered a boy, (‘dhol’), and is to perform all the duties assigned to a non- initiate. These duties include herding goats, sheep, and cattle, in addition to milking the cows, and cleaning the kraal. A boy is not to join initiates, be it in eating, conversation, parading oxen, public dances, or in

9 dating girls. He must always obey the initiates or else be subjected to severe corporal punishment. A non-initiate, however, has privileges. For example, the milk of all divinity cows is entitled for his use only. In other words, initiates are forbidden to drink milk of divinity cows. Likewise, the first roasted meat of a sacrificed animal, (known in Dinka as ‘amuic’) is given solely given to the non-initiates by the elders. Moreover, in the advent of war, a non-initiate does not take part, nor is he to be targeted by the adversary in the due course. Because of such subordination, Deng believes, “initiation is one of the greatest ambitions as well as ordeal of Dinka youth.” (Ibid, p: 43). Covering a period of two to three years or so, initiation rites start with the designation of the next age-set’s father, ( known in Dinka as bany de rem), who is usually a member of the leading lineages of the sub-tribe. His duties are to name the age-set and to form the corporate spirit of the age-set through various social activities in consultation with the parents of would be initiates, the chiefs of the sub-tribe. A couple of months before the initiation, the would-be initiates approach their father, the sub-tribe chief and the Head Chief imploring for consent to be initiated. The elders’ permission always depends on whether or not the atmosphere is conducive for the performance of the occasion. The would-be initiates’parents make sure that provisions are all in tact and abundant before giving their consent. Once the permission is granted, an expert on cutting initiation marks, (known in Dinka as ‘gaer’), is invited. The few nights preceding initiation day are marked with festivities: singing, dancing, and playing during which the would-be initiates are often armed with whips and a bundle of sorgham stalks. With the girls taking part such dances continue till dawn. In the eve of initiation day, many relatives and friends attend. Having been morally

10 prepared for the occasion, the boys come out from the huts determined and self- confident to face the ordeal with courage and firmness as they begin to lie down on their back. Six well-ordered cuts are marked across the forehead, while other Padang clans exceed the cuts to twelve, such as Abyei Ngok, or reduce them to only one cut on both sexes as the case with Abilang, Nyel, and Ager, whereas Dongjol abstain from it. To quote Deng, “initiation is conceived of as a war of emancipation, a current theme in initiation songs. To have endured the pain of initiation is to give joy to relatives and friends, with whom association is otherwise not permitted.”[Ibid, p: 44]. A period of recovery then ensues as the new initiates are put in special huts. They are not allowed to leave their vicinity or go near cattle since they are still considered impure. It is at this period that they make long, beautiful designs of head dresses. With their unusual dignity and pride of bearing, the initiates compose beautiful initiation songs and start training how to perform acrobats in jumping, (known in Dinka as ‘tuk’). Through such dance practices and competitions, the initiates begin to acquire adult skills and codes of behaviour. Then, the time for release, (known in Dinka as ‘luny’), comes as the termination of the initiation rites. This occasion is marked by dancing and singing all night. While unarmed and unaware, the new initiates are suddenly and mockingly assaulted at dawn, beaten by the older age-set before they are driven and chased towards a stream where they emerge as full adults. Feeling a fully fledged adult, an initiate begins by decorating himsef. As Deng (Ibid, p: 45) puts it, “he uses such objects like beads and shells worn on the waist, neck and forehead; the skin of the serval cat, (‘pot’ in Dinka), with its leopard-like colours, from which outfits for dancing are made; ivory bangles, (known in Dinka as ‘apiuk’), worn on the upper arm or the wrist; and long coiled wire bracelets worn on the arm.”.

Having been released, the initiates retire with their fathers and are given instructions in both war and ethics. For example, any war should only be fought on the righteous cause and after having received the blessing of members of chiefly clan so that God and ancestors may be on their side to ensure victory. The initiates, however, continue to wage wars without consulting their chiefs and elders as many war songs circulate around demonstrating pride in defiance of elders’orders prohibiting aggression. In most conflicts, wars are instigated by deformatory age-set songs, violation of territorial grazing boundaries and rivalries over girls. It is considered cowardice for an age-set to wait for any peaceful settlement once provoked. As Deng puts it, “a war is, then, fought by the young and the old alike, because abstinence from it is one of the shameful things a Dinka can do.” (Ibid, p: 46). An age-set always resorts to punitive action when a member commits a serious moral offence. In such cases, like theft, even if the object is trivial, the wrong is considered grave and injurious to the reputation of the whole age-set. Therefore, in case of Paweiny, one of Padang sub-tribe, the members seize the wrongdoer’s personality ox and ceremonially skewer it with spears in revenge against the owner. In other Padang groups, the wrongdoer is grossly defamed in songs. Apart from violent practices, many peaceful celebrations take place. The age- set groups during weddings, in ceremonies and in courtship, sing, dance, and flirt with girls. Also, when they modestly share in bride wealth are given a bull or an ox for their consumption as meat known as ‘biol’ (literally meaning the animal for feasting), and another bull for the bride’s family, known as ‘akuath thiek’ (literally meaning the animal for driving the cattle of marriage). Deng [Ibid, p: 46] believes “the importance of these activities is the symbolic

12 significane of their shares and the occasion they create for social intercourse with corresponing female age-set.”. Though not divided into sub-age-sets, Padang women, too, have age-sets, as corresponding women age-sets participate alongside with men in various activities. For example, during wars, women follow their husbands only to give first aid to the injured, including protecting them exposing themselves as human shields since it is ethically forbidden to use violence against women or non-initiates during wars. Also, a fallen enemy who is protected by a woman or an enemy who enters into a hut for protection are not killed or hurt as an ethic. Identifying themselvs with their corresponding male age-sets, who theoratically are their spouses, female age-sets compose collective and individual songs in praise of their husbands and other relatives. As the initiates restore their life as family men, age-sets activities become less and almost fade away when they become elders, though the concept, ‘age-set’, remains permanent throughout one’s life and enlarges one’s circle of associates, a concept embodied in age-mateship. The various age-sets of Dinka Padang section correspond to one another in all the 15 sub-tribes, though an age-set is initiated at the interval of twenty-five years. For example, the sub-tribe, Ngok Lual Yak, thought to have migrated to its present day settlements on Sobat basin in mids of 18thcentuery, has 13 age-sets: Malieth, Cidok, Awiec, Korol, Boloc, Thut, Micar, Kuac, Miyom, Malieth, Korol, Mabok, and Jungarum. Nowadays, initiation seems to be fading away as no one practices it any longer.It is worth-mentioning that Dinka Padang adapted initiation marking from their cousins, the Nuer, because the early age-sets who came to Sobat basin were not initiated.

2.2 Religious Rites Dinka believe in a superme being call ‘Nhialic’ and a deity call ‘Deng-dit’. Apart from this, they worship totems (yieth, sing. Yath) such as snakes, plants, animals etc, which they associate with Nhialic or Dengdit, and thought to be the causes of human suffering on the earth. Besides, they believe in evil spirits, (jok), which is the soul of the dead person, believed to be within a person when alive and which deserts him/her at death remaining lingering around the grave or home vicinity. Such phenomena, like dreams, sickness, misfortunes or death are attributed to it. For example, in cases of illness or misfortune, a witch doctor, (tiet), is consulted to foretell the cause of the incident and to provide a remedy, which can be a cow , a goat, or a mere chicken to be sacrificed or given to the witch doctor. It is believed, therefore, that jok or spirit is embodied in the totem which is to protect the cult. The Dinka are deeply concerned with spirits, ancestors, and other dead, as Lienhardt illustrates: “the Dinka believe in a complex of spirits, yeth and jok tends to blur their monotheistic conception of God.” [Lienhardt, (1961), p: 46]. For this reason, every Dinka has his/her own god/s which is/are kept in sacred places and out of reach of external elements save during ritual ceremonies. To the Dinka, there is only one Nhialic, but in their practical life they are more concerned with ancestral spirits and what Lienhardt (Ibid, p: 47) calls “clan-divinities and free divinities than with one Nhialic, God.. Associated with divinities are the dead. According to Deng, “the demands of the dead have priority over those of the living, which is the immortality that gives meaning to Dinka religion.” [Deng, (1974), p: 49]. For example, sacrifices must be given annually to appease the dead and any revelation through dreams must be fulfilled at once so as not to provoke them. Dinka fear to die without issue, in whom the survival of their names—the only kind of immortality they

14 know—will be assured. The Dinkas, as Deng.”[Ibid, p: 46] asserts, “acquire immortality through the institutions levirate and ghost-marriages “The former is a system by which a widow goes on to bear children to her dead husband with his living kinsman as the genitor, while the latter is an institution by which a man who dies unmarried is married to a woman who bears children with a kinsman in the dead man’s name.” [Lienhardt, op. p: 26]. This system of ghost-marriage is called ‘thwom’ among Dinka Padang. An Abliang chief, Deng Ngor Jok, at Renk Town , in northern Upper Nile , traces the origin of ghost-marriage phenomenon as follows: “Once, a man borrowed a hammer from a blacksmith. Shortly after, the man fell sick, but before he died, he buried the hammer under ground near a long wooden pole in front of the kraal. When the blacksmith came looking for the object, nobody knew its whereabout although the deceased’s belongings were thoroughly inspected! To solve the riddle, the deceased’s relatives offered to compensate for the lost object, but the blacksmith was adamant reiterating his demand of the hammer. The matter was left pending. In the following night, the deceased appeared to his brother in a dream and revealed to him the whereabout of the hammer. In the morning, the deceased’s brother relayed the dream to the people who went to the spot at once, dag up under the pole and the object was found. At that moment, the living brother became deeply convinced that his late brother though physically dead, he was spiritually alive since they were able to communicate. As his brother had died bachelor, he decided to marry a woman in the name of his late brother to immortalize him, which the Dinka call ‘koc e nom’ (literally meaning to stand the head).” Apart from consecration of animals and inanimate objects as clans’ totems, the Dinka concepts of illness and well-being involve a lot of magic

15 wonders. Not only can a black magician victimize the wrongdoers, but he/she can also inflict harzards on innocent people by means of symbolic action basically on the contention that a wish is achieved, which they call ‘waey’. While using the same mode, a benevolent magician removes evil spells. For example, he/she may return sight to a person blinded by a black magician, remove bones cast into a victim’s stomach, and save a dying child whose heart has been pierced. This practice extends even to animals. The functions of the divinities and ancestral spirits are the protection of the people, but they may sometimes tend to injure the very people they claim to protect. For instance, the paternal clan-divinity is called upon to reconcile between a man and another divinity. Other divinities are, also renowned for incurring certain sorts of illness or pain on their victims. Lienhardt poits out, “when these divinities fall upon a man and possess him, they can be identified by the particulr aberrational behaviour they induce in him. The relationship between a clan and a particular clan- divinity may be traced to mythological incident in the history of the clan. In this sense, divinities represent specific aspects of human experience. [Ibid.p:13] Sometimes, a single experience gives birth to a divinity. The following story tells the origination of a clan-divinity of Ngar. Long ago, Ngar acquired a divinity call ‘Nyanatong’ through a man by the name of Mac Akol who hailed from the household of Patuot. At nights, Mac Akol would dream. In such dreams, a fox, (known in Dinka as Awan), would reveal to him secrets pertaining to the well-being of his community. The dreamer was able to differentiate between the distinctive barks of the fox, that was when it barked ‘guek’, then a looming omen was ahead, and when it cried ‘kut, kut’, then a period of tranquility and prosperity reigned. The elders

16 put Mac’s deity to a test and it proved right, so Ngar consecrated the fox to be their foreteller of future events and gave it the name of Nyanatong. The same notion is, also, applicable to the family and individuals. In this concern, a man who was about to starve to death lost in the jungle, and miraculously brought home by an animal, say, a lion, would conscrate it to be his totem. Likewise, a man who has recovered from a fatal disease after a long suffering may be recognized as having a spiritual power to cure diseases of the same kind. A pastrolist who has lost his herds as a result of a disease may acquire a power of treating domestic animals from similar disease. Since the supreme divinity, Dengdit’s sherine is located at Wurieng, at Baliet in Upper Nile a diagram showing Ngok’s elevent clans deities is relevant because these deities are looked upon as emanating from Deng-dit: Clan Deity 1. Balak Deng-Kur 2. Ngar Deng-Piol, Kerjuk, and Nyan-Atong 3. Dhiak Arenk-dit and Deng-Luat 4. Abie Agok and Wieu 5. Awier Deng-Pabol and Abial-dit 6. Adong Deng-Jur 7. Baliet The seat of Deng-dit 8. Duot Deng-Athony 9. Ajuba Akong and Deng-Arop 10. Diing Deng-Atharjak and Deng-Aguek 11. Ashaak Deng-Kor, Deng-Men, and Ashuang

The same hymns are chanted in inducing the divinity Deng-dit, the deities and sub-deities. Of course, there is a correlation between the divinitiy Deng-dit and the rain, also known in Dinka as ‘Deng’, and the suffix, ‘dit’,

17 means great, therefore, the word ‘great rain’. It is to be understood that the various deities by the name Deng originated from the overall divinity Dengdit whose mother is Abuk, daughter of Apiny de Dieng. Dengdit’s father is Garang and his uncle is the red viper, Lual-dit. The rituals of inducing a deity begin ad hoc whenever a community finds it necessary to ask a deity to intervene to avert, say, a disaster, an epidemic, or a war. The elders set out to the hut where the magician stays. Upon arriving, they sit on the left side of the hut, while the magician, in whom the deity speaks, sits in the back behind a sacred place call ‘gaeng’, which is in the shape of an oval mound built of mud. Then, the cohort begins to serve the magician. He/She is given a long pipe call ‘tuong’ filled with a tobacco of recent, annual yielding, and some wine if he/she drinks. The elders begin singing hymns while the magicitian smokes. The singing goes on and on till the spirit falls upon him/her. He/She, then, yells vague words which mean the spirit has got hold of him/her. Then, he/she gets in contact with the audience posing the question: ‘You, ants, have you believed?’ which means whether the audience has accepted the dialogue or not. The audience responds saying‘it is your wish, father’. The magician, then, leads the occasion reheasing the hymns before asking them: ‘ants, what have begiled you?’ Having been told what had befallen them, then, a process of cross- questioning follows to ascertain the problem, before a prescription is given. This often takes the form of orders, such as, assigning individual(s), clan(s), or household(s) to carry out some duity, like fetching a cow, or a bull etc. Failure to fulfil these orders the consequences can be disasterous.

Among the Dinka, a magician is always a respectful, humble gentleman or a gracious, decent, old woman, whose burial rituals differ from that of ordinary human beings. At his/her death, a bull or an ox is sacificed. The cohort prepares the dead body, while the grave is dug inside the hut. The skin of the slain animal is cut into long ropes by which the reeds surrounding the walls of the hut are tied up. Then, the dead body is buried before sealing up the whole hut externally. In the third day, the elders remove the hut over the grave in what they call as ‘yak’, (literally meaning ransacking), scattering the reeds along with the skinned ropes in different directions. Finally, the elders put burnt dungs ashes on the grave forming a mound which they call ‘keng’, surrounded with long wooden poles. Religiously speaking, the Dinka are divided into two categories: ‘kiec’ (literally meaning ordinary or common people), whose lineage is traced back to their great ancestral father ‘Dieng’. The second category is called‘wet-dior’, (literally meaning the owners of the fishing spear who possess magical powers), whose lineage hails from the mythic Ayuel. According to Dinka, divinity covers all aspects of life with God, as a unifying factor over divinities. For instance, if someone falls ill, it is attributed to the whims of spirits. Therefore, if he takes oath falsely, and he or a relative becomes sick, he will believe the illness to be a curse for his guilt, a matter that can only be lifted through confession followed by purification rites. The same thing can be said of a woman who has betrayed her husband by committing adultry will only lessen the physical pain she feels as a result of her guilt if she confesses. An explained variety of cosmic phenomena the Dinka associate with divinity are thunder, lightning and rain. To them, the solar system is a guide to

measure time and seasonal changes as well as the movements, appearance and disappearance of stars, comets and other interplenitary bodies. The sun is said to 19 travel at daytime from the east to the west only to rush back to the east in mid- night, a deathly incident if seen by human eye, and the victim can only be saved through the application of purification rites. Ritually, such a victim is often isolated being enclosed in a windowless room, where he could not hear the bellowing of a cow or see a ray of the sun for almost a period of seven days. Then, a bull is sacrificed at evening, while the purified is brought out at dusk, made to sit in front of a big fire, which he must put off.Then, he washes up and goes home. As previously mentioned, divinity has the power of revealing truth and falsehood thus providing a sanction for justice between people. Such incidents of swindling, cruelty, cheating, lying, and back-biting are deplored by divinity which is the guardian of justice capable of confrontation if needs be. Of course, it is a serious matter when a man calls on divinity to judge between him and another, because this entails bad consequences. Also, when a Dinka falls sick he/she explores the depths of his/her inner self or that of an intimate relative expecting to discover the cause of the illness. This concept of attributing the mishap to a supernatural force works if divinity’s legitimate expectations are met. It gives results, therefore, ridding man of evil. The family and the kinship always are very careful of the well being of their members. Lienhardt reports a ritual procedure associated with healing: “The patient is led to focus upon one among possibly many latent elements in his experience or the experience of his kin which give rise equally to bodily sickness and uneasy conscience. Confession, by which the wrongful acts of the self are made present to it and to the community, is therefore often part of the Dinka way of dealing with sickness. When the affective condition is imagined in Power, both its grounds and the reason for it become manifest not only to him but to those who care for him, and his experience is represented in a form in which it can be publicly understood and shared.” [Lienhardt, (1961), pp.152-153]

Once the grounds for this patient’s suffering are recognized, the Dinka work to separate or cut the power from the sufferer by placing the sufferer’s guilt upon the back of a sacrificial victim. This power or divinity is cast off and the sufferer, through the symbolic or ritual dramatization of his problem, is, relieved of his burden and begins his healing or restoration. There are, however, evil practices targeting life which are acquired or inherited. Among these is the evil-eye, (known in Dinka as ‘peeth’), which is a magical power to inflict harm on others and their property out of jealousy by the use of symbolic action. Another phenomenon is of evil- medicine, (known as ‘wal’ in Dinka), which is the power contained in fetish bundles other than herbs used for curative purposes. It is the practice of some misfortune to a person it is directed against. Though these evil practices can help a genuine victim in revenging for a wrong done against him, they are loathed and deplored since they work against justice and achievement. The inheritance of evil practices through lineage members has led to the avoidence of the deceased relatives by outsiders and vice versa. The taboo is that they are not allowed to drink or eat in outsiders’s homes nor mix with them socially. A person in mourning is noticeable. A woman leaves her body dusty, does not oil it, and cuts her skirt short and untrimmed with beads. Men and women do not wear any ornamental objects or bleach their hair. Lasting for months, the mourning period ends ceremonially when the mourners head towards a stream or a nearby river to wash up after which they resume normal life. Normally when a woman passes away, the mourning ritual, (known as “coul” in Dinka), continues till the fourth day, while for a man, this ritual is done on the third day. Having revisited the grave at dawn for formality of beating a plant call ‘apabong’, i.e., kalotropis shrub on the tomb, the elders sacrifice an animal as the famliy resumes its normal life. 21

Finally, there is lack of predictability associated with the behaviour of divinity that makes it impossible to explain his harshness or to appease him. A divinity naturally displays both harshness and gentility. For instance, a Dinka will say that, ‘Divinity’s eyes have no tears,’ indicating that he is inconsiderate so as to sympathize in critical situations where his intervention is needed. To conclude, Deng believes that “Dinka are a submissive people in a world they can not control, and subject to the will of God they do not fully understand. [Ibid.p:55]

2.3 Marriage Rites Lienhardt points out that “Dinka family loyalties are highly valued. Members of a kin-group help one another against outsiders, and act together with little or no submission to any external control… and the freedom from domination which every Nilote expects as his birthright is largely assured by the strength of such bonds of common descent.” [Lienhardt,(1973),p:828]. Nevertheless, family loyalties control the individual who may praise the family or the group in songs. Such a relationship is very much observable in marriage, an inclusive occasion which combines the couple with their families as well as friends. A marriage can only be conducted with the consent of the bridegroom’s elders, more importantly, the father, if not, uncles or other closest relatives. This is often preceded by the preliminary ‘seeing’ of the choice, that is (ting e duet), initiated by the groom or a relative. The most important relatives should

see the girl, be satisfied with her physical appearace before making a thorough investigation of her background in terms of social standing and reputation. Having exhausted these social formalities, delegates will start negociations with the girl’s relatives who usually show some reluctance, though happy in principle, so as not to 22 be taken at face value. Once accepted by the relatives concerned, the bridegroom’s relatives release cattle of betrothal, (amec luc), to the bride’s family. Such marrital formalities may normally last for three years, or more. The second stage is known as ‘kuen e thiik’, (literally meaning counting of marriage), in which the two parties have to reach a consensus on the number of cattle to be paid as bride-wealth. This occasion often takes place in a kraal, which is packed by the bridegroom’s kin and friends who are served with beverages, food, and tobacco. This occasion is, also, known as ‘lo luek’, (literally meaning entering the byre), a frequent phrase in songs, and one of the most commercialized of Dinka aspects. Upon reaching a compromise, a payment is made in full or in part. Of course, bride-wealth differs among Dinka Padang’s sub-tribes, some, like, Ngok Lual, pay 15 cows as the legal limit, while Abilang will go to 25 cows. The final stage of marriage is the bride’s departure to her husband’s new home. This happens usually after some time relapses from the delivery of dowry. Again, the occasion is festive with a lot of sacfrices offered to bless the newly-wedded couple. Throughout these stages, the role of the group, especially of the elders from both materal and paternal sides is virtually important to the groom even if he is wealthy, because bride-wealth has a sigificant social value, if donated by the kin-group, not by the groom’s family alone. For this reason, Deng argues that “the bride-groom is expected to mobilize the help of his paternal and maternal kin. For both him and his

relatives this is a test of how much they mean to each other, since to be asked to help gives one the pride of being sigificant, and to be refused help indicates the unreliability of the kin.” [Deng, op.(1973),p19]. O’Sullivan reports that “legally, the consent of the immediate parties is unnecessary, and in most cases they conform to the wishes of their seniors.”

[O’Sullivan,(1910),p.177]. What they actually do is to conduct their courtship, (‘thuot’ in Dinka), a formal process in which their friends and age-mates participate. There are many occasions in which the Dinka youth often come together, such as dances and weddings. The Dinka youth formally approach girls en route escorting them while flirting along. In due course, they may date to meet somewhere, usually a hut, built near a kraal especially for girls to welcome their male friends at night. With or without the intention of marriage, girls and initiates entertain themselves chatting, discussing matters of mutual importance. Eventually, they may share the same beds in the hut without reprobation. Hence, Deng points out that “while there are occasional breaches; certain norms of sexual restraint are expected and generally observed. To understand how much material investment there is in a girl quite apart from her sense of honour and the honour of her family is to appreciate something of the principles behind such restraint. Although the family of a seduced or pregnant girl may be compensated with cattle, her material value declines drastically and usually she is presented to someone for reduced or even nominal bride-wealth.” [Deng, op.cit (1973), p: 20]. Dinka prohibit relative inter-marriages as they trace their blood links to the fifth generation upon which a marriage can be allowed. In the wake of incest, (known in Dinka as ‘alaraan’), such breach is considered a social disgrace that may endanger the life of both culprits unless they are ritually purified. In carrying out the incest ritual, the male-side of the offender brings a bull which is, then, killed by a diviner. After performing some rituals calling on the deities and chanting some hymns, the diviner orders the male offender to hold the head of a bullock while the female offender holds the tail. Then, the diviner takes the spear and cuts the animal into two halves from the head to the rear part. Then, he mixes the seeds of gourd with the animal blood and forces the offenders to drink the mixture. If any of them fails to vomit, then the prospects of death remain high for one of them or both. 24

Concerning the formalities of marriage, the social ones are carried out by the individual with the help of age-mates, while the legal ones are the functions of the elders, who instil to the young the reverence and observation of courtesies, such as, respect and avoidance of relatives-in-laws. Though the family’s choice is often respected and arranged marriages take place, men have full freedom to choose the girls of their choice while the girls sometimes insist on their own choice or give in.

Chapter Three: Methodology 3.0 Introduction This chapter offers a brief account of the methodology the researcher has applied to justify the hypotheses already mentioned. The researcher has applied descriptive approach in collecting the data using primary and secondary sources. The primary sources include the native Dinka speakers, chiefs, and some local civil administrators, while the secondary ones consist of records, journals, periodicals, and books. The chapter deals with the Dinka Padang prose reflecting their mythical and social life. As to Emile Durkheim (1895) project of establishing sociology as a positive social; science. Durkheim distinguishes sociology from other sciences and justifies his rationle. Sociology is the science of social facts. Durkheim suggests two central theses, without sociology would not be a science: 1. It must have a specific object of study. Unlike philosophy or psychology, sociology’s proper object of study is social facts. 2. It must respect and apply a recognized objective scientific method, bringing it as close as possible to the other exact sciences. This method must at all cost avoid prejudice and subjective judgment. As the study of social facts, Durkheim (1985, p.10) defined them as follows: ‘A social fact is every way of acting, fixed or not, capable of execising on the individual an external constraint; or again, every way of acting which is general throughout a given society, while at the same time existing in its own right independent of its individual manifestation’.

The definition of social facts illustrates the holistic paradigm in which Durkheim’s (p.2) social facts are defined by two main features they are external to and coercive to individuals. They not only represent behavior but also the rules that govern behavior and give it meaning. Social facts are external to individuals, they predate them and survive them. Social facts can be constraining: if individuals, do not do act as they dictate, they may face social penalties. The binding nature of social facts is often implicit, because the rules of society are internalized by individuals in the process of education and socialization. Durkheim (p.12) distinguished two types of social facts: normal social facts-which, which, within a society, occur regularly and most often-and pathological social facts – which are much less common. According to Durkheim (pp.4.13), sociologists, without preconceptions and prejudices, must study social facts as real, objective phenomena. He wrote: the first and most fundamental rulel is: Consider social facts as things. This implies that sociology must respect and apply a recognized objective, scientific method, bringing it as close as possible to the other sciences. This method must at all avoid prejudice and subjective judgment. Theory of the ‘Formal Method’ (translated in Lemon and Reis) provides and economical overview of the approach the Formalists advocated, which included the following basic ideas: 1. The aim is to produce ‘a science of literature that would be both independent and factual’, which is sometimes designated by the term poetics.

2. Since literature is made of language, linguistics will bew a fundamental element of the science of literature. 3. Literature is autonomous from external conditions in the sense that literary language is distinct from ordinary uses of language, not least because it isw not (entirely) communicative. 4. Literature has its own history, a history of innovation in formal structures, and is not determined by external, material history. 5. What a work of literature say cannot be separated from how the literary work says it, and therefore the form and structure of a work, so far being merely the decorative wrapping of an isolable content of the work.

3.1 Dinka Padang Myth The term myth, as Owomoyela [Ibid.p:118] defines it, “is often used in an elastic sense to embrace all the non-factual products of folk imagination. Its use is limited to the accounts of the creation of the universe and events that purportedly took place in primodial time. Myths explain the interrelationships of all things that exist, and provide for the group and its members a necessary sense of their place in relation to their environment and the forces that order events on earth.”.

Thus, Ayuel’s myth narrates the origin of Dinka Padang section. Lienhardt reports: “Ayuel’s father was one by himself ‘jiel’. Ayuel’s mother was ‘Acuei’ nand she conceived him from the river. Divinity made some people and he made Ayuel in the river. Ayuel told the people, “I will be your chief, (bany)”. Ayuel sent men to the country of the sun to bring some food. When they arrived at the coutry of the sun to bring him food, the wife of the sun told them to get into the hut because the sun would burn them if they expose themselves to its rays. Two men went into the hut, one man stayed outside the hut. When the sun came out from the river, it burnt up the man who had stayed outside, but then showed its power and revived the man who had been burnt by sprinkling him with water. The sun called the two men from the hut and gave them a small pot of porridge which the sun said would not be finished no matter how much of it was eaten. The sun told the men to take the food to Ayuel on earth. Ayuel complained that the food was much and non-consumable. Ayuel was tired of the food and threw it into the river. Ayuel put a fence of reeds into the river and he called the people and when they tried to cross the river to reach him, he speared their heads with a fishing spear. Ayuel’s daughter, Atong, had a lover among those people who were trying to cross the river. She told her lover: “take a cicular ring made of grass, (kuoc), and place a stone into it, and hold it before you in the reeds. My father will bend the point of the fishing spear.” The man did this and the man came out of the water and seized Ayuel. He then called other people to cross the river. Ayuel was released. He asked his captor who taught him the trick. The man said, “I thought it myself.” Ayuel said, “No that is impossible.

You have learnt it from my daughter, Atong.” Ayuel took Atong and killed her and told her lover to bury her, saying, “if some day evil befalls you, you will call upon the help of my daughter, saying, Atong, daughter of Ayuel, help us.” And he gave the man the spear with which he had killed his daughter, Atong to “curse, kill, and bless.” A man from Bor abducted Ayuel’s daughter. Ayuel followed him and on the way, there was a great drought, and his followers complained of thirst. Ayuel pulled a sort of grass, (awar) and water flowed from beneath them and his followers drank the water. Ayuel then left his followers and turned himself into a small boy and went into the cattle camp of the Bor people where his daughter was. He then grew up quickly and his hair grew long because he was the master of fishing spear. Rain fell very heavily and the people of Bor used him to sweep away mud from the cattle camp and gave him bad milk to drink. When Ayuel arrived home, he said to the people, ‘I will be your chief, (bany); I will not stay in the open for the sun will kill me throwing away his food.’ So he stayed in the hut by day and came out by night. The sun spoke to the moon and gave the moon a fishing spear saying, ‘he hides by day and so I can not injure him. You spear him when he comes out by night.’ The moon did so and Ayuel was speared on the head. The sight where Ayuel was killed is Pom.” [Deng op.cit (1974).p:4]. To his sons, Ayuel left the ability to invoke using the fishing spear and gave them clan divinities. His sons were Goy, Ayong, Kur, Gol, Kerjuk, Padang , and Akuei. Another version of Ayuel’s myth is retold by Timothy Twong Wal, an administrative officer in Malakal. It runs as follows: “Long ago, the Dinka lived in what is now the areas inhabited by Lau-Nuer up to the areas around Zeraf river (formerly called Pieu River in

Dinka), and southwards up to Bor area. This land was called Panmeen before the birth of Ayuel Jiel, alos known as Ayuel Longar. Jiel, who was living in this area, married a woman who bore him a daughter by the name of Acuei. Then a man from Bor called Gaal married Acuei. After the death of her father, Acuei and her husband moved to Bor leaving her ageing mother at Panmeen. While fetching water at the river, Acuei’s mother got conceived by means of foams (apiok). That is why the Dinka called the child born, thereof, Ayuel Apiok or Ayuel kok-bong. Having been pregnant for eight years, the old woman eventually gave birth to a baby-boy but of unusual nature. He was a magician and was named Ayuel. Since his birth, many extraordinary events took place. Whenever his mother came home after short errands, she would not believe her eyes. She would find everything done: food cooked, water pots filled, and the compound cleaned. Ayuel was ten, when his mother told him once that she was setting out for a long trip. The mother left and hid somewhere nearby with her eyes on the compound. Soon after, she saw Ayuel busy doing the houseworks. When his mother returned, Ayuel knew, by means of his magic, that his mother had discovered his trick. He told her, ‘because you hid yourself to watch me, you won’t see me again, nor will I see where you will be buried.’ Then, he set out guided by his spirit. He headed to the region of Nyarweing, where he met a boy, who was his peer, called Lual. Lual’s father welcomed Ayuel in his kraal and the two boys began to go after cattle in shifts. As the land was short of water sources during the dry season, water was drawn from wells for animals to drink. During Lual’s turns, the cattle would come home from grazing thirsty and half-fed. When it was Ayuel’s turn, the animals would return at dusk fully fed. It

was afterwards discovered that Ayuel, at time, made artesian wells by pulling up a type of grass called ‘awar’, causing water to spring on the surface. Furthermore, when milking cows, Ayuel would bring gourds full with milk, while Lual would not. Lual’s father realized that the boy must have been possessed by some spiritual power. Having spent some years in Nyarweing, Ayuel left, once again, this time farther south, to Bor. At his arrival, his magic took him immediately to Acuei’s home, where he sat down in front of Gaal’s kraal. He told Gaal that he was Acuei’s brother, but Gaal distrusted him, and called out for his wife. The couple could not believe that the boy was Acuei’s brother because Acuei’s mother was too old when they departed. Acuei took Ayuel to a runaway boy, so he was systematically mistreated being used to sweep mud and dungs during rainy days. Thus, he acquired the nickname of ‘Ayuel gith bor atiop’. In the face of this gross mistreatment, Ayuel escaped back to Nyarweing, whom he convinced to raid Bor. Filled with revenge, Ayuel ordered the mass killing only to spare his sister’s life. The raid took place and Acuei was brought home. Later, Ayuel moved to Panmeen accompanied by Acuei. At Panmeen, Ayuel became the supereme magician and built a holy byre for divinity, Deng-dit. Ayuel’s sons were: 1. Marbeik, from whom Thoi and Rut originated. 2. Duar, from whom Dou and Ric originated. 3. Dingkoro, from whomTol orignated including Paweiny, Panaru, Alor, and Abyei Ngok. 4. Acuei’s Goc, the Ayong-dit’s father. To punish Acuei, Ayuel isolated her by building her hut outside the village. It was not too long when Ayuel was at loggerheads with Acuei

because of her constant appeals to him to stop the brutal killing of his subjects. Ayuel called three men from the cannibals’clan, and gave them a bribe to get rid of Acuei. When the men arrived at Acuei’s, she became worried, so she hurriedly made up her mind to give them a feast. She slaughtered a big ram, cooked it, diced the meat into lumps and quickly presented the food to the guests. They ate and were thoroughly satisfied that they could not resist divulging Ayuel’s plot to Acuei, who, on her part, relayed to them her brother’s misdeeds. Then, the men left. Later, they returned to give Acuei a little girl as a gift in return to her warm welcome. Acuei brought up the girl till she became an adult. As Ayuel was used to marrying every year, Acuei agreed with Ayuel’s new bride to make shift with Acuei’s daughter in Ayuel’s bed at nights. So, the two ladies would exchange their ornaments at dusk before going to bed and restore everything at dawn. Eventually, Acuei’s daughter became pregnant. Faced with reality by Acuei, Ayuel was reluctant to admit that he had conceived Acuei’s daughter. To investigate the claim, Ayuel summoned Acuei’s daughter before him, took his sacred spear and mockingly hurled it towards the pregnant girl’s womb. Strangely enough, the baby reacted by moving to the safe side of the womb. Reservedly, Ayuel told Acuei to wait till the birth of the child. As the time lapsed, Ayuel’s wife and Acuei’s daughter gave birth both to baby-boys. When the boys were four years old, Ayuel killed a bull and told the people to remove the thigh and legs meat from bones. Then, he took the two bones, threw them at a distance and ordered the two boys to fetch them on run. As the boys ran for the bones, Ayuel’s son caught the legs bone while Acuei’s grand-son got hold of the thigh

bone. Ayuel threw the bones again and thrice, but the results were the same. Eventually, Ayuel accepted his paternity of Acuei’s grandson. 33

Ayuel told Acuei to take as many cows as she wished. Acuei, however, declined the offer; she demanded Ayuel’s magic believed to be in the river in form of ephodes, eight in number. Having been given the permission, Acuei went in search of the magic. It took her a long time before she could find one which prompted the other seven to emerge on the surface. Contented and elated, Acuei killed a bull as a sacrifice for the magic she had taken from the river. Finally, Ayuel met his tragic end killed by the moon at night in execution of the sun’s orders. Dissatisfied with the life at Panmeen, Acuei took her daughter, the grandson and her followers in an exodus northward. The grandson was given the name of Goc, (literally meaning the cause of the problem). In their constant quest for more fertile lands and pastures, Goc moved northward till they settled at Dongjol.” Another myth is that of Thoi sub-tribe who waged a war against Deng, which has the connotations of divinity and rain. It was told by Kuol Deng Diu, an administrative officer in Baliet County of Upper Nile. He said: “Thoi people were cattle herders and cultivators. The year prior to war yielded good harvest and the farmers could not complete transporting their crops to stores when it began to rain heavily day in day out. Thoi rain makers were consulted to halt the precipitation but in vain. As a result, the kraals and huts were flooded, and the cattle were dying in big numbers.

Finally, Thoi elders decided to declare war on Deng. As it started to form clouds over head, Thoi warriors began preparing themselves, and taking positions in the fields. Soon, the rain poured down in torrents and the Thoi, while singing war songs started hurling waves of spears and clubs into the air. Suddenly, there was a deafening sound of thunder followed by lightning with devastating effects. Three quarter of the fighters was struck dead on the ground and the remaining few were unconscious. Seeing what had befallen their warriors, the rest of the population sought refuge among neighbouring tribes. It was hard for thoi people to change overnight from prosperity to poverty.”

3.2Dinka Padang Legends A legend, according to Cambrdge International Dictionary of English, can be defined as a very old story or set of stories from ancient time, or the stories, not always true, that people tell about a famous events or person. Owomoyela, on the other hand, argues that legends differ from myths in two respects: “they deal with humans rather than divinities and the activities they describe are supposed to have occurred in a less remote past. They occupy a realm half way between myths and actual occurrences, and the characters who replace the divinities in these legends are themselves larger than life, and, in fact, perform supernatural feats.”[Ibid.p:113]. Among Padang Dinka, legendary figures emerge evolving events emanating back to their ancestors and divinities. From these legendaries is Lual Yak of Ngok sub-tribe. Timothy Twong Wal, an

administrative officer at Malakal gives a detailed account of Lual Yak’s legend: “Long ago, Ngok de Juk inhabited the Central Upper Nile, but becoming dissatisfied with hardship of life, the pastrolist Ngoks moved northwards led by Lual Yak, a sorcerer and a warrior, commanding an army of Korol age-set, a huge mobile force recruited among the sub-tribes of Thoi, Luac, and Ruweing. Arriving at the Sobat basin, the Ngok found Anyuak tribe settlements on the western bank of the river, while Dongjol, one of Padang sub-tribe, was residing on the eastern bank. Lual made friendship with the Anyuak’s king, (Nyeh), and gave him girls as brides in marriages in lieu of being granted a brief stay in the basin, before resuming his journey to the east. Becomong more familiarized with the Anyuaks and the topographical features of the land-scapes, Yak dishonoured his agreement with the Anyuak king demanding the Anyuaks’ departure on the pretext that the land was not enough for both of them. As the Anyuaks were reluctant to leave, a war broke out. Defeated, the Anyuaks were driven out of the area. With the western bank under his control, Yak was still discontented. He demanded that Dongjol evacuate the eastern bank to provide a good fishing ground and pasture. Dongjol, however, turned a deaf ear to his warnings, ridiculing him as ‘the leader of boys’, an offensive remark Yak could not tolerate, so he declared war on his cousins. At first, Yak chased them away from the river-side northwards, but, as a result of Yak’s strategam of ‘that jump can’t go to Goy’, things fell apart militarily, since he was ironically favouring his Yom army not to go to war so as to get rid of superior Diing warriors. In due course, the Dongjol army of Ayong-dit regrouped and made a good show at Goy exterminating the most powerful bulk of Ngok fighting force, the Diing warriors. Thus, Yak’s campiagn failed. 36

Having become the master of the basin, Yak could not hitherto give up his expansionist tendencies. Therefore, he mounted a new conquest to invade his southern cousins, mainly of Hol and Nyarweing. This time, things did not go well; although he defeated them, he paid his life as a price. His left hand was amputated and the ivory bangle taken away. Before his death, Yak blessed his men, ruled out any attempt of revenge and ordered them to return home. The warriors obeyed and mourned their great leader at home.” Despite the wrong done to them by Yak, hundreds of thousands of the Hols migrated, in the subsequent years, to settle in Ngok. The following is the legend of Monyjong Ajong Sem, from Pan de Padiet in Luac, retold by his great grand-son, Ajong Ajang who resides at Khor-Fulus: “During the reign of Monyjong Ajong as chief of Luac, slaves raids were rampantly harassing people in all villages along the Nile and across the rivers. These inhuman practices coincided with the appearance of a comet at nights. To avert the disaster, chiefs and elders gathered and offered a lot of sacrifices to their deities but nothing changed. The raids and killings went on unabated throughout nights only to cease at dawn. Also, the comet remained constant in the sky. Amids growing discontentment, wide-spread fear, and confusion, Padang elders came to the chief, Monyjong Ajong imploring his intervention to rescue the people. He was believed to possess extraordinary powers in dealing with every problem. Enchanted, he

brought a white ox, performed some rituals and ordered the burying of the ox alive. Then, he swore that if the ominous comit did not disappear, he would not live.

Couple of days later, the comit vanished and the notorous slave-raids came to a halt. Since then, the household of Padiet was believed to have supernatural powers in averting calamities, natural disasters, and sending away aggressive foreign invasions from the land.” With regard to the legend of Dengdit, no one knows exactly the origin of the divinity, Dengdit, which many Dinka would trace back in different versions. Seligman [Ibid.p:20]. reports Dengdit legend as follows: “Long ago he became angry with his wife, Abuk and in his wrath sent the bird atoc to sever the path between heaven and earth which had existed until then. This belief was found by Lyle Cummings among the Ngok Dinka of Bahr el Ghazal Province with Dengdit figuring as a god without beginning and with no expected end, but among the Niel Dinka he appears as a less remote being that at one time ruled his tribe in human guise, and so approximates to the superhuman ancestors.” Another legend, reports by Seligman, (p.21) explains the reason why rain is the totem of Adeo clan of the Niel Dinka bringing Dengdit into relation with ancestral spirits: “The first ancestors of the clan appeared from the sky as a young woman pregnant with her first child. The people reverently formed a circle round her, killed bullocks and then rubbed her from head to foot with the belly fat. Next they built a hut for her, but because of their fear they made it unlike other huts, so that she could not leave it. After a month her child was born, yet no one came to help her. Then she called to the people, who brought one white cow, one spotted cow, and one bullock; she told them to sacrifice these and then to come back to her. They found her nursing a marvelous babe, whose teeth were adult, and whose tears were blood. Then the mother said to them, ‘this is your bany, (literally meaning chief), look after him well, for I can stay with you no longer.’ As she spoke the rain came down in torrents, and therefore the boy was called Deng, (rain), or Dengdit

(great rain). He ruled over them for a long time, and when he was very old disappeared in a great storm.

3.3Dinka Padang Folktales Certainly, the most popular elements of folklore are the tales of humans and animals, with which the Dinka entertain themselves during their leisure time. Such tales are set in a world in which the existentual barriers between humans and animals (even inanimate things) are dispensed with so that all interact on the same plane. Even when the characters are non- humans, they are endowed with human qualities and are for practical purposes to be taken as surrogates. The characters are largely consistent in all parts of Dinka Padang land; among the human characters, for example, will be found the jealous wife/co- wife or the jealous mother/step-mother, the hateful uncle, the envious step- brother or step-sister, and the disobedient child. The animal characters are such well-known stereo-types that their very names have sometimes gone into current usage as synonyms for the qualities they represent. Thus, Monkey is renowned for stupidity, Fox for cunning raccality; Elephant and Hippo for much strength and little brain; Dog and Hyena for greed; and, of course, Lion for vigour and ferosity.

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Lual’s Mother and the Lion One upon a time, there was an old woman who was living in a village with her sons, among whom Lual was the eldest. Summer was approaching and the households in the villages were preparing to go camping far away in the swamps. Lual’s wife, however, was not in good terms with her mother- in-law. Although Lual was aware of his wife’s bad mood towards his mother, he could not do anything fearing to make his wife angry. As a result, the old mother’s mode suddenly seemed to change for the camping. Lual sought advice from the elders to restore relations between his mother and his wife and to help persuade his mother of accompanying them in camping. The mother, though seemed to have been appeased, still she was adamant to go camping. When it was the time for camping, Lual told his mother to pack up, but she refused preferring to be left alone. Since no one was remaining behind in the whole village, Lual insisted to take his mother, yet she could not be persuaded. The villagers started evacuating their residences and setting out towards the swamps. Soon, the surrounding villages came passing by on their way to the camps, but the old mother still could not give in. At last, Lual became impatient, so he told the household to leave. The poor, old woman was left alone in the village, open for wild beast to scavenge freely. Feeling satisfied with the decision she had taken, the old woman put her provisions and belongings in the hut, prepared a meal, and went to bed. A week went by as usual, save for howling and roaring sounds at a distance away. Lual, however, came back in the week inspecting his mother, but she was still at her decision. A few days later, a hungry lion turned up in the village at mid day. It was roaming about scavenging for any edible remains, when it came across Lual’s mother. 40

The lion asked (startled): “Old woman, what are you doing in the village alone?” Lual’s mother replied: “I always like to be alone, especiailly this season!” The lion once more asked: “What are you going to do if attacked?” Lual’s mother answered, (firmly): “My sons are ready to rescue me.” Although the lion did not like her last words, it felt grief and pity for this old being but fearing the unknown, it tried to test her credibility. The lion decided to spare her life for while, so it carried her to the cattle camps. Passing by the first camp at night with closed gates, Lual’s mother called to the campers in a song: “My household, my household, open the gate for me.” The campers enquired: “Why have you abandoned your family, aunt?” Luat’s mother retorted: “The beast has put a human on its back?” The campers enquired: “Who is carrying our mother?” The lion replied: “It is me, yourdit, (lion nick name in Dinka), if You have power to rescue her!” The campers would reply: “Oh! Carry yours, Yourdit!” Then, the campers backed away assuring the beast to take its prey along with it. Upon hearing the campers’reaction, Lual’s mother would cry: “ Ayow, is this the end of Lual’s mother?” The lion would, then, take her to another camp looking for her sons but in vain. There was no response from Lual to his mother’s appeal for rescue. Eventually, the lion broke her neck and ate her.

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A Clever Man and a Lion

Once upon a time, a man set out in a journey.While walking along the road, it started raining heavily but there was no shelter to go under. So, the man walked till he came to a deserted byre, in which a lion was lying near a fire that was burning in the hearth.Unfortuately, he was seen by the lion before entering the byre, so the beast hid behind the door.While inside the byre, the man spotted the beast through the corners of his eyes, so he plucked up a courage to surprise it. The man said: “Oh, I wish I got hold of a lion in this byre just to kill, burn it in this furnace and eat it for some days ahead.” Hearing this statement, the lion was scared as the man added: “Perhaps I should look around the byre for I may get one.” The lion remained motionless, while the man started searching from the left to the right side where the lion was. As the man got near to the door, the lion, startled, darted away in terror, while the man was calling God to help him catch his prey. Seen fleeing away, the other felines nearby ran away too. (3) A Blind and a Cripple There was once a famous chief, whose farms yielded a good harvest that year, so he decided to make a feast as thanks-giving. He invited the surrounding villages for this occasion in which many oxen were slaughtered. All people flocked to the chief's village except the two disabled men: the healthy, blind man and the naughty cripple who were left in the village.They began deliberating between themselves. The cripple lamented: “Now, that I don't have legs, I won't be able to reach the chief's and enjoy the delicacies of the feast!” The blind retorted: “Had I the gift of sight, I would have gone there since I have legs.” Eventually, the two men made up their mind to attend the occasion by all means.What they did was to make use of the abilities endowed to them.The blind

42 suggested: “What if I carry you on my back to the chief's, while you guide us along the way?” In fact, this was what the cripple was aiming at, so he quickly accepted the idea.They went along the path till they reached the chief's house. At arrival, the chief and his guests could not believe their eyes that these two disabled managed to attend the feast, in spite of threir plight. Once again, a famine stuck and people were starving as a result of supplies' shortages. People used to go fishing in a stream nearby and would come back with little fish for the disabled to roast. As the fish, brought to them was always insufficient, the two men became dissatisfied with the situation, so, they decided to venture going fishing by themselves. At the fishing site, the blind was the fisherman, while the cripple collected the fish.They went on catching fish, and a snake was lancinated and the cripple put it in the basket.Then they lit a fire and the cripple was roasting the fish including the snake, which was, later, given to the blind who ate it with the rest of fish. Suddenly, the blind began vomiting heavily till he regained his sight. Seeing that he was given a poison, he took the spear, hurled it at the cripple, who leaped very high only to come down standing on his feet. Eventually, they both learnt that not every error is turned folly, and he who desires to eat a nut must break its shell.

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Lual Koor and Lual Jieng Long ago, there were two men: Lual koor and Lual Jieng, who both have two Dinka girl-friends by the same name of Akuac. The girls were step-sisters: one Akuac had a mother, while the other Akuac's mother was dead. At evenings, Lual koor would beat drums at a distance and the two girls would attend the dance, known as 'Lordit', which always took place far away from home.The girls would then spend the nights away. At night, Lual koor would creep towards the girls' hut intending to prey on them. Fortunately, a little girl accompanying them, would always stay awake throughout the night. As the beast approached the hut, the little girl would ask: 'who is there?' Whenever Lual koor attempted to break into the hut.Then, a reply would come,' it's me, Lual.' 'What do you want in the night as people are asleep?' inquired the little girl. 'I am thirsty, and want some water,' Lual would answer. Then, he would be given a gourd which he pierced on his way to the stream, and the gourd began leaking each time he filled it with water till dawn.Then, he would disappear. In the morning, the girls would set out for their villages. At home, the motherless Akuac would advise her step-sister that they should stop attending the dances lest they may be preyed on by wild animals. Upon hearing this, Akuac's mother would maliciously rebuke her step-daughter throwing outrageous slurs on her and would encourage her daughter to continue going to dances.Whenever beats of drums were heard, Akuac's mother would start preparing her daughter before letting her off to join neighbours' girls. Left

alone, the motherless Akuac would have no alternative but to catch up with the girls on their way to, 'Lordit', the dance. Lual koor's friendship with Akuac lasted for years during which he conceived her. As a result, Akuac was dismissed by her parents and was accommodated by her aunt until she gave birth to a child. Unfortunately, the child would devour the food prepared for his lactating mother, and Akuac grew weak and weak until her aunt became alerted.When asked to tell the cause of her debility, Akuac concealed her secret. Determined to find out Akuac's problem, the aunt made a big meal to her niece. The aunt presented the food to Akuac, left, and hid herself behind the hut while peeping through a window. As Akuac started eating, her little baby cropped in, changed its nature into a beast and began devouring the food while the poor mother was just watching. Unable to believe her eyes, the old aunt was completely shocked seeing such a scene as she became quite sure of her niece's dilemma. At that very night, the cub woke up his mother and told her to pack up to look for the whereabout of his supposed-to-be father. As they set out amid the bushes, the cub told his mother to compose a song comemorating her conception from Lual, his father.They walked at day-time, and let his mother climb up a tree at night before going hunting. He would go and bring meat and water to his mother. After walking for long distances, he saw a pack of hyenas, so Akuac sang: Lual has concieved me A handsome Lual koor like Lual Yak Lual remained behind in the bushes Lual would be like my mother Abuk Lual would be like my mother Abuk Amayo!

Then, the beasts, fearing Lual's vengeance, let them proceed till they met another pride of lions, and Akuac uttered her usual song of Lual koor, the famous singer and dancer and directed towards Lual's village. Drawing near the village, the cub hid his mother in a nearby bush before proceeding alone to his feline relatives whom he got sitting under an oak tree.Turning up among them, and not cognizant of who was his real father, plunged himself in his grandfather's thighs, but was instantly dropped, so he proceeded to sit on his uncles's thighs and was again rejected. Out of breath, he sat on the nearby man's thighs, who happened to be his real father, but he was, alos, pushed aside. The annoyed cub, then, posed a question: “Would you conceive others' daughters and push their children aside?” To this comment, Lual asked: "Whose daughter that I conceived?” The cub replied,"Haven't you conceived a Dinka girl?" Lual said, "Yes, I did."

The cub reiterated,"So, this is her son standing in front of you!" Swept off his feet, Lual enquired,"Who is that girl and from where is she from?” The cub said," She is from Dinkaland, and I brought her along with me.”

The cub told his father that he hid his mother somewhere in the bush, so they went and brought Akuac home.They were, however, reminded of Paduit, a very ferocious lioness which would not dare even to eat other felines. Notwithstanding, Paduit heard about the new comers, so she visited the hut where Akuac put up. It was at dusk that she came to Akuac's hut intending to eat her and her son. Arriving at Akuac's doorstep, she sang: It's not mine! It's not mine! I, Paduit Juk Ayom Ager, my sister has brought Juk Ayam, I have tethered my Mabeik afront of cattle.

Then, Akuac's son would reply: Isn't it me, my cousin and nephew? The sun won't set down, set down, The calf has jumped into cow's womb The fight sought by a friend, The war waged by Paduit against human! The two contenders went on singing for several nights with none of them trying to take the initiative to attack. In an attempt to end the challenge, Akuac's son resolved to confront the terrific Paduit in a duel that night. Having come out face to face, the cub asked: “How many times do you strike?" Paduit answered," I strike only twice." Akuac's son, instead, said,"I strike only once and for all." Paduit, then, volunteered first. He jumped and jumped high but missed the cub twice. In his turn, Akuac's son leapt high breaking Paduit's neck dead.Then, he returned to his hut. As the custom had gone on in the village due to Pauit's attacks, the cattle were brought out of byres late in the mornings. In that particular morning, Akuac's son broke the silence calling out the frightened villagers only to find out that Paduit had been killed.The news of Pauit's killing ran like wild fire along the villages. The villagers showed their gratitude to Akuac's son by contributing many cows to him. On his initiative, Akuac's son demanded that his mother's marriage be completed, so Lual and his relatives paid the bride-wealth, one-tenth of which was given to Akuac's aunt as a reward for her accommodating Akuac and her son.

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Luat and His Four Oxen

Luat, also, called, Deng, had four yellow oxen, to which he was too much attached, therefore, his ox-name was 'ambusher of the animals,' symbolizing a lion. One day, Luat set out to fetch wooden posts for tethering of his oxen. He walked for several hours in the bushes looking for suitable branches to cut. Finally, he felled a tree, but it bled. Luat went and cut other two trees which bled too.Tired and surpised, Luat took the posts and headed home. After Luat left the bush, the trees gathered and marched protesting the destuction by the surrounding villages on them.Trees were looking for Luat. Arriving at the first village, the trees enquired about Luat's village in a song: "Those of the village, those of the village, Where is Deng's village?" They were asked: "You are enquiring about Deng, Are you trees of which bush?" The trees replied: "We are the trees of Shierjieng's bush, We have suffered a great deal! Deng has cut us down." They were told to proceed to other villages. They passed through many villages, before they arrived at Luat's village and sang their song. Luat came out of the byre very frightened, so he gave the wooden posts back to the trees.The trees demanded compensation, and Luat was compeled to give two of his favourite oxen. Then, the trees returned back to the bush.

Having lost two of his oxen, Luat became demoralized and grew more dissatisfied with the life in the village, as he no longer heard the bellowings of his oxen. He decided to leave the village accompanied by his younger sister, Anyyom. As they set out, they came across a big village inhabited by beasts. To avoid being preyed on, Luat told Anyyom to beat the drum of their deity. They sang: "What a big thing! Ki dim dim dim, Let me go, how does drum cry? Looking for Anyyom, Anyyom my sister, Anyyom, the product of my mother, Stand, afar there; A dance you shouldn't join A dance which involves death" Then, they were left free, as they went on their journey till they reached a village at evening.They were tired, so they decided to spend the night there. They called at a hut and a woman welcomed them in the guests' hut. Having served the guests, the woman who was called Achol advised them not to welcome anyone approaching or giving them anything while she was away because the village inhabitants were cannibal. She told them that she was married to the lions' chief and was the only human being in the village. After a couple of days, Achol narrated to her guests how she had been captured in childhood from the village by lions and that she could not recognize her parents or relatives. Luat, on his part, told Achol that they had left their father, Shierjieng in the village because he was dissatisfied with life after he had lost two favourite oxen. Hence, Achol became aware that Luat and Anyyom was her brother and sister respectively since Shierjieng was their father. So,

Achol revealed to them that she was their lost sister as they embraced themselves. Their happiness, however, did not last so long, since they were under the threat of the predators, so they decided to return home. Luat relayed his story to Achol's husband, who offered him two oxen. Luat, also, requested that Achol should accompany them home and to be returned soon.The chief accepted Luat's request and assured them of road safety, but that was a ploy. They walked for several weeks without any interception, but they were suddenly attacked by a pride of lions, including Achol's husband. So Luat beat the drum and sang: "What a big thing! Ki dim, dim, dim, Let me go, how does drum sound? Looking for Anyyom, Anyyom my sister, Anyyom the product of my mother, Stand afar there. A dance you shouldn't join; A dance which involves death" Then, Achol's husband would reply: The big thing saw a cow; Turned its back Bellowing of Agonbake And the back of cripple girl, the head of an ox, An oiled girl with a red neck I erected a palm tree The tree broke down into four, Catch a man in our village; For no power was left on me;

To go watching, unable to reach a girl, I want to catch by locks!" Eventually other lions were scared and went away but Achol's husband was persistently adamant. Instead, he attacked Luat. Though bearing the brunt of the fight, Luat managed to kill Achol’s husband, and criminated its body. Then, he headed home accompanied by his two sisters. Arriving home, their father told them to stop at a distance, killed an ox and welcomed them. Shierjieng's family was very happy to have recovered Achol.

(6) Fox and His Uncle, Hyena

Once upon a time, Hyena, hungry and tired, came across Fox, his nephew, who was eating plenty of fish, of Nile local type known technically as fynodontis, to Dinka as 'Ngok'. Having been given some fish to eat, Hyena was pleased. Hyena asked: “Where did you get them, my dear nephew?” Fox said: “I got them in a pool near the valley.” Hyena: “Really, but how did you catch them?” Fox, cunningly, said: “It's just very simple. All you have to do is to stand over the pool waiting for the big school of them to pass swimming, then you plunge yourself on them over a tree, there you are.” So, Hyena went to the pool, climbed up the tree and waited till a good school of the fish was passing.Then he threw himself over the species. It was maddening: the fish's fins pierced nearly every part of Hyena's body. Crying in agony, Hyena pulled itself out of the pool bleeding terribly. He started snaching the fish around his body, ate them, and set out looking for Fox to avenge.

Some time passed before Hyena spotted Fox eating a fish called' Luth', (technically known as protropetrus, a Nile fish, i.e. land fish). Upset and furious, Hyena said: “Now that I have got hold of you, I'm going to teach you a terrible lesson!” Fox, knowing how to please his greedy uncle, said: “O.K. Uncle, but you have to taste this roasted 'Luth' first”. So, he was given the fat part, which he found very delicious. After he ate it, he asked his nephew: “Alright, where did you get this one, too?” Fox said: “You will find holes in dried swampy ground, then just insert your male organ through one of these holes and pull it when 'Luth' has swallowed the bait, there you are.” Hyena did likewise, but at first recoiled, however, his avarice lured him to catch the fish though he suffered greatly. Hyena resolved to punish his nephew this time, so he went about searching for him. Suddenly, Hyena found Fox eating honey under a tree. Hyena assaulted him, however, Fox begs: “No, uncle, don't hurt me before tasting this sweet thing!” He gave him a honeycomb which he quickly swallowed and asked for some more, so Fox hurriedly served him. Finally, Hyena asked: “My dear nephew, where did you get it?” Fox said: “The worst thing with you is that you always turn on your rescuer!” Hyena assuring him, said: “Don't worry, my nephew, I won't harm you anyway.” Fox said: “You take some ropes along to a hive, then, look for someone to tie you on the branch where the hive is. Afterwards, puff in the honeycomb several times, there you are.” Hyena went hurriedly looking for a tree on which the bees have erected their wasp's nest. He got the tree, called someone to tie him on the tree, and

52 began puffing air into bee hive. No sooner had he started harassing the insects, then, he was swamped by hundreds of thousands of swarm and was stung all over the body. Hyena untied himself and went to look for Fox, whom he cornered collecting firewood.When Hyena confronted him, he said: “Haven't I told you that day, that you blamed others for your own mistakes?” lamented Fox. Then, he remembered what his mother was doing at home, as he suggested: “Now, will you overlook that incident since my mother is cooking butter at home?” Hearing this, Hyena agreed to go, but since he was at loggerheads with his sister, Fox hid him in the firewood as they went home. Fox was given food, of which he ate part and gave the rest to Hyena, still tied in the firewood. Unfortunately, Hyena swallowed the spoon along with food. Later, Fox’s mother enquired about the spoon, so Fox told his mother: “There are ants among the firewood.” The mother took a long stick and started hitting the firewood, breaking Hyena's thigh as he howled. From that time, Fox ran into wilderness, and Hyena remained recovering at his sister's, though he was left with a lame thigh for life.

(7) A Mother-in-Law and Her Son-in-Law Once upon a time, there were two step-brothers: Kon, whose mother was dead, was ten years old, and Yut’s mother brought them up.The boys had been very intimate for years when the orphan boy was told by his maternal relatives that his step mother was not his real mother, and that his mother had died during delivery. Kon couldn't believe the story because his step-mother was too generous with him, so he just kept it secret. Approaching initiation, the boys

53 were prepared for the occasion, and they were both initiated and released together. One summer morning, the boys were summoned in the byre, and Kon was given the bangle, the green light to marry. Strangely enough, Kon declined the offer demanding that he and his step-brother be given permission to marry simultaneously.The demand was accepted, so the two young men start courtship with girls in search for the best would-be wives.They would date, sometimes spend nights away and would come to the byre early in the morning.

One night while on rendezvous, and carrying some meat to his in- laws, Kon overheard his mother-in-law talking to her daughter, the fiancee. She told her that: “Now that you are being married, when you arrive in your husband's home, and he dies instantly, you have the privilege of enjoying yourself. Alot of things will be brought to you by the late's paternal and maternal kin being a widow. A husband is deliberately killed. For the day he comes home from a journey at night, prepare food for him, and bury a burnt axe under the thrushold before he crosses into the hut. Soon he will get sick and die.” Having overheard this pale advice, Kon, immidiately changed his direction towads Yut's in-laws. Again he spotted the mother-in-law giving an advice to her daughter that:

“When you go to your new home, remember always that a wife is the servant of all people in the household, their relaives, kin and the guests passing by. For you will be visited by the kinsmen, their wives, and children, calling you 'the guest wife'. If you find your mother-in-law still alive, you become her mother.”

Afterwards, Kon called out, the girl came, took the meat into the hut before returning to take him to the girls' hut. After conversing for a long time,

Kon changed his mind not to marry the former girl as he substituted her with the one who was to be married by his step-brother. Their marriages took place and their wives came home. A few days passed, when Kon called the people and relayed to them what he had heard from the mother-in-law of the girl he had desired to marry, who was then his step-brother's wife. Eventually, Kon brought a white cow chanted some words as the animal fell dead before people. He told the mother-in-law, in question, that if she fell sick and was visited by her son-in-law, she would die, and vice versa. This became an oath.

(8)

Deng, the Heartless Once there were two boys by the same name, Deng. The elder Deng had lost both parents and was staying with his uncle, the father of the second Deng, whose parents were generously taking care of the orphan Deng. Deng's mother took the responsibility of rearing the boys in good faith, yet the orphan boy came to acquire the name of the Bad Deng, while the other Deng was known as the Good Deng. It happened that the two boys often would go tending goats and calves, there the orphan boy would beat his junior brother for no reason.This beating process went on unchecked untill Deng's mother became aware of the scares and bruises on her boy's skin. Hence she decided to talk to her husband about the incident. Deng's mother said: “Dear husband, Deng's been molesting and beating his younger brother for several times, and as such, I'd like him punished due to his misconduct, just now.” Deng's father said: “Listen, dear wife, I can't

55 differenciate, both're my kids; for both're my sons!” Unable to confront her husband, she concealed her anguish and went on decently serving her sons without prejudice or malice. The orphan Deng would always go out hunting, caught ample animals, which he'd distribute to all villagers; hence, he became very popular among them. He could hunt deers, gazalles and bufaloes. One day, he set out for hunting, came across a buffalo stuck in mud, helped remove it from the mud to a dry ground, where it took rest as he headed home. Meeting other Deng, he told him that he had killed a heifer bufalo and that what was needed were some spears to do the job as quickly as possible. Approaching the site of their prey, the Bad Deng pretended that a thorn had pierced his foot, sat down to get it out while he directed Deng towards the animal inside a nearby grass. He told Deng to pull out the knife from the spear pole so as to skin the heifer. He retained the knife and Deng went into the grass. Meanwhile the buffalo had regained strength as it was alert. Coming face to face with the animal, Deng was surprised to find a living bull.The buffalo attacked ferociously, Deng tried to move back, but it was in vain. Deng's thigh and shoulder were pierced by the buffalo, before the Bad Deng came and killed it. Although Deng's wounds were bleeding his companion forced him to carry the meat to the cattle camp. Having arrived first, the Bad Deng went straight to the camp chief. He told him that Deng foolishly sustained wounds unable to defend himself from a buffalo, that without his intervention, Deng could have been killed. As Deng approached, he was aided by the camp youth, to whom he relayed his plight.The youth immediately decided to punish the Bad Deng but they were stopped by the chief.

As night fell, the Bad Deng, fearing the youth's revenge, escaped far away. After a walk of two days, he came to a village at night.The villagers were in a dance, so no one saw him. Under the cover of darkness, he hurled a spear into the dancing crowds, killing a girl. Seeing their girl killed, the relatives thought the heinous act was done by the youth who was dancing with the girl, so they killed him as the crowd turned against themselves fighting.The Bad Deng made his way to another village unnoticed.There he was accommodated in a byre by two young initiates for three days.Then he suggested to his hosts to go for courtship in another village. The initiates accepted his proposal, so they set out at evening.They arrived at a hut, where a little girl welcomed them having been ordered by her father to do so.There were a night dance nearby. As the bed-time came, the guests were told to spend the night in the byre. Deng asked the girl: “On what shall we sleep?” The girl said: “You're going to sleep on ‘agen.’” (a bed made of reeds hang high and tied on wooden poles in the kraal). Deng said: “But how to climp over?” The girl said: “You're to climp up the trunks.” Deng said: “Can you show me how to climp it?” As the little, poor girl climped up Deng Climped too, and there he raped her.The father, at the hut, heard her daughter's screams, so he enquired about the incident. Upon learning of the rape, the father sent for men in the dance, who came hurriedly. As it was night people feared entering the byre, so they told the culprits to come out, but Deng refused revealing himself to them.

He said: “I'm Deng the heartless, haven't you ever heard of me?”

The crowd responded: “Then we're going to kill you?” Deng said: “And so what!” He slaughtered the girl, amputated her arm, made an opening in the ceiling, and threw it at the crowd, who took positions around the byre. At dawn, Deng came to the door, and threw a long giraffe shield outside, which the crowd pierced with spears injuring each others.The crowd started fighting amongst themselves, a chance Deng and his companions took to escape unhurt under the cover of darkness. Then, Deng made his way to his maternal uncle's. His uncle welcomed him. Deng, however, kept on asking his uncle to allow him kill his aunt, but the uncle would always refuse. This nephew would not cease demanding to kill his aunt. Deng posed the usual question: “Uncle, what if I kill your wife?” His uncle: “kill her if you wish!” The nephew took his spear and killed his aunt.Then, he left to another village which was terrorized by Ajak Holow, a ferocious lion that would eat a girl every year from every village, and if denied his offer would just eat as many people as he want.The ritual was that the girl offered to him would be washed clean, oiled, and placed on a leather carpet.Then, he would come to serve himself. Deng headed to a hut, found a girl sitting on a carpet, asked for water and sat down.The girl told the stranger that she had been given to Ajak Holow and it was dangerous for him to be there. Deng insisted that she bring water to him. He drank and rested for while. At dusk, Ajak Holow took Deng and the girl by surprise. Ajak asked: “Where is my little girl?” Deng answered: “She's here in the hut.” Ajak asked: “And who are you to answer my question?”

Deng said: “I'm Deng the heartless; I won't give her to you!” Ajak retorted: “Well, man, I won't fight you now before seeing your face.” So Ajak returned to his den, and Deng slept in the hut. Before dawn, Deng came out of the hut, then Ajak Holow turned up asked whether Deng was ready, Deng affirmed his readiness. At that moment, Ajak ran away, changed into a four- legged lion and came back roaring.They clashed, fought and fought until Deng managed to kill Ajak after hard struggle. Not believing her eyes, the little girl went and broke the news to her father, who decided to burn his byre so that the entire villages could come to see Ajak Holow dead. They set the byre on fire and smoke covered the sky as people came from all directions. Seeing Ajak Holow dead, the villagers were very happy, so they made contributions ( girls and cattle) to Deng, who only took eight girls and eighty cows.Then he headed back to his uncle's.To compensate his uncle, Deng told him to choose four among the girls as his wives. He, too, gave him forty cows, as they settled peacefully. Some years passed, as their children grew up and cows multiplied. Deng declared himself the supreme cheif of the land. He gave his orders that no one ever to burn the grass in dry edges of swamps. Later he ordered the pastralists and their relatives to go camping and that no single soul to remain behind. He told them he was going ahead of them to prepare green pastures for them. He took his family and that of his uncle to the camp. Having prepared his camp, the people set out in streams toward the chief's camp. Deng saw clouds of dust high in the sky and knew that the people were coming. Suddenly, he set fire on the grass, and the wind carried the smoke along as the fire went fast towards the coming population.The fire burnt down the people and their cattle.

Back in the camp, he told his uncle that he wanted only their families to inherit the earth. So the generation that survived the fire was Deng's, the Heartless, descendants.

(9) A Human Skull Spoke Once a man was coming back from his farm at evening when he came across a human skull lying beside the path. Seeing such thing for the first time, the man stopped, stared at it gazingly.Then he pushed it with his stick studying it as if he wanted to recognize its owner. He saw some cracks at the front and rear, which made him to observe that the owner must have been a trouble maker. He said (thrusting it mockingly with stick): “It must be your tongue that had killed you!” Suddenly, the skull retorted: “Even you, your tongue will kill you!” Unable to believe what he heard, and terribly scared to death, the man ran home. Seeing him running at full speed, the village chief ordered his guard to find out what had befallen the man. He told the chief court that while he was coming back from his farm, he found a human skull beside the path, and that when he talked to himself that it had been the skull owner’s tongue that had killed him, it retorted that it would be my tongue, too, that would kill me. To gauge the man's credibility, the chief gave orders to his guards to accompany the man to the site of the skull, and confirm whether it could speak, otherwise they deal away with him. So, they set out towards the whereabout of the skull. The man posed his rhetorical question: “It must be your tongue that had killed you?” There was, however, no answer, so, he asked again and thrice but

60 no reply. Seeing that nothing to help him, the man collapsed and was beaten to death by the guards. Eventually, the skull spoke, and the men caution themselves not to tell their chief that the skull had spoken.

3.4. Dinka Padang Traditional Songs

Songs play an important role in all aspects of Dinka life, and there is hardly any occasion or any occupation that does not involve singing.To a Dinka, songs provide a graceful and memorable means of celebrations, mourning and incantation.They are used in engagements, weddings, funerals, and in inducing and invoking the spirits.They are composed and sang before going to wars, in praise of lovers, the deceased’s relatives, warriors, and the deities as well. Age-groups compose songs for the occasion of their initiation, workers, in their so-called ' thuer', or communal work, sing songs to ease their chores, competing initiates use songs as ammunitions to hurl at their opponents, and, of course, no festival or communal ceremony is thinkable without singing, drumming and dancing. Obviously songs can be composed at any time, even on the spur of the moment, and any person with any imagination or any cause may compose songs. Once composed and popularized, however, certain songs remain virtually unaltered for long periods and therefore, function as sanctified entries in the communal treasury. To quote Dr.Deng, (p.7] “songs are intimately associated with all aspects of Dinka life.This is very clear in universal traditional tenets of Dinka which are orally vested and coded in their songs and have lived up to the times as expressed by the contemporary songs, which have already entered the realm of current experience to articulate the deep sentiments connected with the social, economic, polical and other aspects of their accelerated change"

Beside being a mirror of Dinka social structure and its dynamics, Dinka songs can be classified according to social context in which they are presented and the accompanying activities. Based on Dinka Padang sub-tribes, songs can be classified into ox-songs, (diet ke mior), age-set insult songs, (diet ke ket), initiation or war songs, (diet ke rem/tong), women’s songs, (diet ke diar), folktales songs, (diet ke kohr), children’s songs, (diet ke thuec), and hymns (diet ke yath). Most initiation songs, hymns, and other kinds of songs are passed on from generation to generation as tribal treasury. A good song is usually characterized by the use of metaphor, touching in tone, hilarious, and rich in words. While group of songs have names, Dinka identify songs not by title but by some descriptive or possessive terms. Thus, an ox song is referred to by the ox about which it was composed. Initiation or war songs and women’s songs are identified by reference to the individual or the group which owns them and their subject-matter. For example, the age-set about which the song was originally composed. Dinka Padang’s dance is characterized by its various types: danj, lordit, and adilo. It is a group activity in which bodily movement accorded with rhythm is vital. Each territorial unit is given the stage to perform reciting its own songs and might be joined by other friendly groups or units in their choral singing. Unity and harmony of the dancers are manipulated by the rhythm of the drums. The participants form circles around the drums, with the fair sex in the first circle next to the drums. After having performed ‘ariwa’, (constant circling of the drums while dacing and singing), the dancers withdraw back to their former circles where they are approach by girls.

Several names, metaphorically denoting oxen colours, appear in songs referring to specific individuals for praise. Therefore, the multiplicity of such oxen colours may not necessarily pose a problem. As Deng puts it, “while the Dinka is capable of knowing all this, it is the total situation that counts the most.”[Ibid.p:87]. A typical ox song is the following in which the singer compares his personality ox to a giraffe: A giraffe's head is thrice in composition, A yellowish, brownish speckled heifer Head is thrice with protruded top; Divinely joined, giraffe horns Have grown hair! Thus, happy, happy with a distinguished girl, That excels in dancing embracing The speckled song; fluttering her outfits Like a hippo en case in a swampgrass, A swampgrass en case a hippo' Looks like swampgrass en case a hippo. Another song in which a hippopotamus is compared to a personality ox is as follows: A hippo resting on an island, A dark, grayish bull hippo's sleeping It has slept, slept, and slept. As white as it emerges from depths; My greyish ox stays at swamps. The very colour of my sister, Aluel; The girl that brought dark, grey ox,

She, who transcends all girls! Among the songs that have passed into tribal treasury of Ngok Lual Yak is the song which was composed by the late Wuor Deng Chol, praising firmness, perseverance, and patience: An old man from Nuer milks Deng's Cow, In full gourd risking the curse; While Deng hatches the eggs. Let him take the Cow; For the disaster is ahead. Largely molested by ethnicities; Even Dinka of the sunset encroached The land in which greed is unknown! A roamer comes with his mouth wide open; Notwithstanding that fyndonotis (Ngok) isn't swallowable. Attempt to, suffocates as all fins stuck in throat. It's defied all big fish, for none can break its fins. The ability or power of word to destroy even an inanimate thing, or a plant is evident in Koryom Angue's song rebuking a tree that had stood in the moors for more then hundred years. Yey, yin ca ket ke yee kuoc, o, o Yin ca ket ke yee kuoc, tim e wut Anok, yin dieu! Tim e wut Nyiel, yin tau ku yen ca pieu nyong Go ngyin e ci thaw wut lom. Than ageer angin e ba lo wek e dul wan; Kua cin rem kok kun nee! Angin e ba cath yin e tok wan,

Yin tim ther e kwar Yin bi lo ku bi roor dang be'a lok nyuk! The English version is as follows: I'm not rebuking you while not knowing you, I'm not rebuking you unaware, you, tree of wasp, But suspicious, The tree of python sub-clan, though present My heart has pulsed; Afraid that the tree has taken over the land! Curved tree, I thought you had gone with the last group; Though you don't have any age-set! I thought you might have walked alone; You, the old tree of my ancestors, Perish, and another bush replace you.

3.4.1 Ox Songs Ox songs present a general panorama of the social process involving cattle, in general and oxen, in particular, which is the central theme for a variety of references. In each household, priority for choosing personality ox, as to colour patterns, is ritually given to the elder son with regard to his mother's seniority and after initiation. He is, therefore, to hold the colour-patterns of his personality ox, and the metaphorical names derived from it, in addition to his personal name. For example,'Pollen Grabber' for a man whose ox-colour is that of bees;'The Dancing Head' after the colour-pattern of the crested crane which as the Dinka believe will dance when sung to; ‘The Swimmer Over the Reeds' after the colour-pattern of the pelican; ‘The Shining Stars' for a man whose ox-

65 colour is dark spotted white; ' Ambusher of the Animals' after the colour-pattern of the lion;'Respecter of the Cattle-byre' after the elephant which does not pursue its victims to the cattle-byre as does the lion or the hyena.There is no limit to such ox names, as Evans illustrates: “As a matter of fact, ox songs represent their owners and their social status.The owner will shape and shade his ox, recognize the distinctive sound of its bellowing, curve its horns in early age .Such qualities are frequently referred to in a song.”[Evans, B.S.O.O.(1934), ]. As Dr.Deng [Ibid, p. 97] puts it, “the ox is usually decorated with tassels on its horns and a large bell hanging from a collar tied to the neck. A person may ask a girl to make tassels for his ox or to tan the collar-leather for the bell. These objects are delivered with ceremony.The girl is praised in subsequent songs.The piercing of the horns to make a hole for the tassels is also greatly celebrated and often described in the songs. How the ox sounds the bells and waves the tassels is a matter of pride.” . Returning back from the camps, mostly over-weight and attractive, men exert a great impact on society as they move around in a group exhibiting their recently composed songs as they dance along, without drums or women participating. They make a large circle,the owner of song in the centre singing and dancing.The addressees in the songs are visit first, with the owner of the song leading, the group raise and drop one leg simultaneously.The following songs are typical of these: I tethered my ox at evening ready to fight Aban's, Its collar loose, let it enjoy Abwong's esteem. Tem's girl oiled its collar, It's your right, Athieng: Things have fallen apart, Take care Areng, Junior, Ngok is full of curse. Guc's village affairs are at stake, 66

Must be silent during Mabeik's epic, For I don't have anything to say, Aban's tassels are put on Mawar's horns; Looking like an elephant's tusks. As an elder, Mijonk de Chol; The celebration won’t be without you! Sure, Bol will bring an ox.

3.4.2. Initiation Songs Initiation songs essentially relate the introduction of the initiate to the warring periods ahead, his ascent to a more respected social status and his ensuing battle for emancipation with the older generation. Such songs reflect the intended physical courage emphasized as manly virtue, the bloodiness of the occasion, the recognition of its pain and the pride in endurance are symbolic of ordeals and feats to come. According to Deng [Ibid, p: 203] puts it, “despite its physical pain, the occasion of initiation is characterized by pride, joy, and lavish festivities.”. These songs are sung during initiation dance, and the dancers begin with 'took', in which performers jointly lift, jump, and drop their legs with jerks accompanied by exclamations,'mioc', such as ' my bull has killed a bull'.Once their sons are initiated and daughters married, Dinka women stop bearing children or having sexual relationship for it is not considered decent for a mother of a gentleman (adheng) to continue doing so. Having made a break with the boyhood era to adulthood through initiation, the initiate acquires a high standard of individual dignity allowing

67 him to lead a matured life.The following song belongs to an age-set called Mabok of Awier clan: A greenish ox of Deng Blowing a horn in Tubu, Leaving, wielding spears Molesting Weiny from home; A red-white bottomed ox, That grazes at Yak-dit stead; Obsessed to conquer Weiny-land Setting the hearth blazing, Trotting on overshadowed by smoke, As it reaches the sky! I tether my droves in Lual's land, Offering bodies to eagles at borders; Let chiefs hear Abiok's ferocity, Who have become elated on earth! The settlers have rearched a consensus; We, the axis, will drag them with deciet, Murdered one by one, Mabok has set a plan by winter, Celebrating the piecing horns of crazy age-set The ancient ox of Adung, a renowned horn, The Pastel made a feat to reach the horn, Tolbok's ox, intransigent and determined! Father asks about his future plans; Guided by (bilrial) Bumblebee, replied: None can perdict his secret plans;

May revenge for autumn's incident, If not for fear of a fine, While reserving old triumphs, As clans are terrified at summer From the crushing hand!

The following song belongs to Micar age-set of Ngaar clan: My heart has felt asunder with my home; Under auspices of Nyanatong one is serene, In this land of mine, of Bol-dit, of my ancestors, Bol, the curved horns, esteemed in Ngok, The pioneers to erect the super flag! Those who mistake me to be a maternal-kin: The orphans, I reared long ago, Are the original Mangaar-dit One thing is clear of which our people are dissatisfied: Let me not hear of Dolbek. If someone dares to show me, I must let him tell me his father. Collect your triumphs in the river, Mangaarjuk will skewer a man. Let the news be heard by Panyang and Luangwien Adong; Let it be heard by Lony and Dieng de Akiel,

Ashak is the cousin of mine. Silent and persevering, the crowd moves to river And back to the big byre once more. Budieng's advice not to cross to other bank; What Kir's son said became the truth. Kongak, the two persons, who united the people Bojook, the big ox, occupying the land by river; We were convicted in absence, And the land will be conquered. The huge bull, of Wangnyac, has chiefs. Though detained, I believe in Kur Dau chieftiancy; I've my chiefs, Lueth Bany Ameerdit. Crane-like ox is turning, the Keikrol's compensators; Tell Achonwai to sharpen the spears. Our healer, Kamjuk takes offerings to river; Wooden poles to be erected the other day, As strangers would flock, plying it along. The following song belongs to Akot age-set of Adong: Skewbald ox of Arenk-dit is weilding the blade, What I know stern in my heart, The trouble I always bear in mind; Though denying it while existing, Holding a spear that pierces at evening, That scares the jealous, Oh, ox of hedgehog household I visit. Arow has errupted at Nyangthiang,

Our Ayau will do the ordeal, Bee, don't spare anybody! The iron of Adong has broken the lion's back. Oh! League of evil, you plotted, Something has gone wrong between me and someone. Even though having been beguiled; There is someone who is like the worm of the moon's eye. You will sorrowfully disdain yourself one day; League of evil, you've gathered your vices, Clans of nonsense, gather your ends. Your teeth have decayed, I will not say, I chase away a household, heard by flanks. You of Ajudi from Jageer, washed the jumping, Someone bullys me, while observing him Somebody who doesn't know naughtiness; If I get hold of him, his torture won't be told. A big bull that bellows in Bok's clan Deng’s ox!

This song is of Malieth age-set in Baliet, the seat of Dengdit: A Pastel ox attacks an animal with trumpet, While coming with the Curved Python, I do cut through a flang, the huge grey ox; As an ape agitates the animal by a flag; The chief's Pastel doesn't know An animal that is hunted, Well, let the animal be given to Nyanwai!

The animal wants an epic! Nyongdok, the monkey of Liet Is blowing trumpet, Skewbald, give horn to Adau, Crocodile-like, chief Ariau, we would chat. The greyish ox has refused; Looking down, white blaze, Attacking me in a dance! A Piebald of chief Liab-dieng, I won't leave the Piebald weilding the poles. Authority and Nuer have targetted me, Yet I don't run away from gun. Chased away, raining, so we are taken; Tul is the chief of the land, And I have to go away. Our generation doesn't hasitate: Blowing the trumpet, I turn up at Abwong hedges; Skewbald unite the poles, our epic, Hasn't been heard by Weiny! The pythons have gathered in swamps, The animals have followed the right path. And the epic is the work of Skewbald; Why not turning up on the road Going to Abwong? He's coming with bangle. A clan has no stories; Don't let your home be destroyed. What about killing the buffalo?

You killed a lion and threw it in river! To claim that you are an epic! Animal of my clan, that long-ago, forgotten spot; Hedgehog ox, our clan, that long-ago, forgotten passage, You, the clan elders, discussing the matters While I'm in destruction! That disaster encountered at Authority's gathering; Though lagging behind, I'll remaind ashame! 'Liet', don't stare at that long-ago passage; Where animals went through; The spot that I heard while sitting, Is known by Kir, the chief Bumble-Bee! Look, an idea has cropped up; Nyanwai isn't yet ready. So, Skewbald takes the club, and Nyanwai start dancsing, For our folk has found a dance. Agornyang, asks Wai, Wai, is there readiness? Nyanwai has no readiness, Adunamor, you haven't anybody; The comit lying there, you don't have anyone Turn yourself to your old dance. A guest asks Nyanwai: Why dancing Daany? What long ago said by Wai: Pelican struck a fish, Deterred by Skewbald's ferocity, guided by two chiefs The age-set's feet are seen by dust, chief, Juk Ayay. Skewbald, a cry came from river, as chaos roars:

Is a local man, a cry from river, as chaos reigns! Is a local man, clans are refusing while still absent. The last time lion has surrendered, Then, sets out early to the river, As Skewbald rested in the big byre! The chief of generation is present; Our chief takes control of land to prosper. There are at least two drums in a dance.The large one is about three yards long with a round top about one three feet in diameter and a narrow bottom about one foot in diameter, and a small one known as 'leng' which is approximately one third the size of the large drum.These two drums are beaten at the same time as their drum- beats are co-ordinated.There are well-gifted drummers, though beating drums is a skill all Dinka share. In this concern, the author gives the following war song of Luac’s 'ariwa', from where Loor-dit originated. The song belongs to Aweit-Rieng age- set: The pastel ox of Luac asks foreigners at borders, Gawer recently, Shiluk nowadays Where are your lands? Go back, quit rather to yours! Faced with trouble, I'll ponder with foes; Achol Ajak's household bears my wreth; Don't crisscross the river mouth, Unless a black-legged clan, ` A doyen kills your likes Like catching fish, Offering sacrifices to eagles.

Monyjang, too huge, the land owner, Who extends to Adour , and Rek! Atwot, Alor, and, Kual Arop! A multihorns Monyjang in Deng-dit's lands Monyjang, the predgious son of Ayuel! His country extends to Adour , Luany ler, And Malual-Gier Nyang; Getting hold of you by surprise! You that vandal, destroying homes, Don't be blinded of your size; For I'll blow a trumpet to you; The Crane jolts, Pelican fall at sunset; As his shields roar hardly tobe encountered: The Crane age-set wielding poles Madly as crazy as they're; So, don't demolish homes; The Spear Chiefs' age-set; The Piebald's army, of Speckled Ayom, Were it not Akol Ayen's authority, I could have burnt Wac-thar. Hear this well, Thiong, listen Nuer: I'm blowing truphet on your face; As you dart away before me. 3.4.3 Age-Set Insult Songs Age-set insult songs often demonstrate age conflict among the Dinka youth.The out-going age-set attempts to hold back the newly initiated age-set by composing defamatory songs. Insult songs are common in Dinka songs, yet this

75 category is peculiar to age-sets conflict triggered mostly by competitions over girls' courtship. In such songs, in which the subject-matter is usually individual conduct, the older age-set looks for any incident about the younger age-set and their relatives to make use of in a deformatory song. Although unreal and fabricated, these songs are exaggerated or distorted. Hence, the younger age-set is portrayed as children still attached to their mothers who, therefore, come under attack in the songs. The following song is typical of this trend: At the year of the famine, Jukdit mistook a lion for a deer! Dhiak, shame on you! To have eaten a beast at daylight; While afloat in the river, Dhiak had had a strange cat! The hyena of the Python clan, An accursed, helpless clan, Lacking even a diviner! To whom will you turn? Apart from age-set insult songs directed by males on their sex, some males may direct their ridicule at the other sex. Hence, words of taboo are not spared.For example: Hear this, my brother, Micar, The girl has hosted me and Gac, The Chanal's harlot roaming, Carrying vagina like a salt! Black Ox of Monyjok Agok's village Never pays cards as bridewealth,

But a house-hold that pays dearly, Till mothers-in-law pander to be wedded! Tor, accept advice not to cohabit with her again, For she is the village bitch devoid of any truth; A prostitute's eyes look like coffee's beans. Grabbing at man's waist like massaging a bruise, Soaking the pinis unaware of its perils! Ridicule, in insult songs, extends to individuals and their ways of life-styles. In the following song, an initiate living at river-side ridicules the way of life of another initiate living in a dry land far from the river basin. In such places far from river, life is hard as water is drawn from the wells and fish caught from ponds. Hence, the use of simile is evident in the contrasted ways of life: crocodile is a lizard, a turtle is a frog, and the well becomes a sea: The crocodile of Waiwath’s contry Is the lizard, their turtle is the frog; An initiate boasts of ponds’fish, Falling from heaven is the plaice, Oblivious that it was man dug, Which they liken to be their red sea!

3.4.4 Hymns Hymns demonstrate man's reaction to the hardship of life around him, his attempt to understand its complexities, thus, his appeal to God, spirits and ancestors for help in response to his prayers.They are tools for communication between the ancestors and spirits through the elders.

So as to assess man's shortcomings culminating in evil, or the spirits' caprice that have unreasonably flung harm, hymns reinforce and enhance the Dinka ideals as set forth by God and by well-wishing divinities and ancestors. Religiously speaking, hymns, accompanied by prayers, are sung for the help of God, spirits, and the ancestors on specific request. Apart from some regular occasions of feasting and sacrificing, hymns are used as prayers during war, sickness, famine, drought, etc, sung by groups or dividuals publically or privately. Divine leaders and religious practitioners sing hymns in their prayers for the goodness of their communities in occasions of offering sacrifices, feasting and during the inauguration ceremonies for chiefs, and as part of the burial rituals of chiefs and some prominent elders. In fact, all the deities of Padang Dinka have the same hymns, besides a hymn dedicated to the supreme divinity Deng-dit.The following hymn is sung when evoking Deng-dit: Arenk-dit is going to see Deng, The big ox, Arenk, known all over, Tengjuk knows the poor man; With which He hit Awul-Rial's bone. Keeping the well-being of clan, the suffering ants, I didn't make a sin, as a stranged chief misled; Thriving on chief's hand, Awuliabjuk, the father, Controlling them alone, you and Deng, the Creator! You're the Divinity of all, He who says, he's Deng, Aguen Bul, we're going He who says, he's Deng Turning up from the river was my father Deng,

Turning up from Bor was my father Deng, Turning up from Atwot was my father Deng. My father came with a long pole Which the ants held ceremonies long ago, Let's welcome our chief Who originated from the river! Aweit-Macam Deng, my clan is confused, Of its recent misdeeds, my person is rejecting people The clan staying with the crowd day long, My father has inflicted on us a disease! That scares away many! What's to be done? A disease of when? How can we prevent its infection? It's killing ants! Deng has come with my brother Python-ox. Lessen the hardship, Crane-Majonk of my father, Confusing the clan, my person is refusing matters! As mentioned earlier, almost all divinities and sub-divinities among Padang Dinka share the same hymns.The following hymn is widely sung to evoke divinities: I've something bothering me, That would be answered by a divine messanger Awul-Kijuk, son of Deng, My ants're beseeching on the earth Our Nyanwier and Wieu, Along with Deng Kak-bong and Longar; My ants have suffered for eight years; Awul, Kijuk, come to hear what I say:

I'm praying to Abuk and her son, The ants you've created are in trouble. Let's go to welcome our lord, What's bothering me is answerable by the Messanger, Awul-Kijuk, Deng's son; Apiny's son, falling down from heaven; Dong-Lual, theearth fell, while aware of it. The earth has fallen on us; Awul-Kijuk, father, Deng's son, The fallen father's our chief. Garang, Deng's son, the chief had fallen from sky, Becoming happy, the father looks after the land. Kijuk who descended from the sky, Help me as you side with the poor. You'll get me; There, support the fatherless's children. You'll get me, Agok and Wieu, I don't know what you say. Garang, Deng's son, the chief'd fallen from sky. The spear holder's silent, What sin have I made? Kijuk de Deng, the divine descendant, helps me. Too, Kur Patool, what are you calling for? Garang, though rejected, the fallen chief's ours. Abial of Python, I don't know what you say Garang, thought rejected, the fallen chief's ours.

The eggs of Lual's stream are taken to the Temple. Awul, Deng's son, Buac's put eggs on the sun's face. Has he married your daughter? So as to look for Lual at Kijuk’s household! You've been given fifteen cows; Awul Kijuk's tending a herd. Who chief's face looks like Awul, Awul, Liabjuk, Awul Rial, take care of man. In this land where Crane and Dengjok, Are well-known all over, Stay away Lou, have you been cursed? Jikany Nuer, stay away, though be destroyed, Stay away, Thiong, though you're accursed!

3.4.5 Folk Tales Songs Folk tales, recited at night, play an important role in the growth of a Dinka child. As their name indicate koor (lion), the involvement of human world with that of non-human, which, in turn, attribute their origin to the past. In short, they present to a child and an adult the Dinka concepts of good and evil, and thus function as part of educational method of which songs are integral part. Examples of folktales songs are part of dialogues in this chapter. The following song is indicative of these: My love-affair with Ajung's girls, I doubt, dearly indeed, doubt it. Where's Akuac; Nyanrial's absent! The speckled's song matches Nyadak's dance, While skewbald's jolts Achol's outfits!

The singer has been deserted by his lovers: Akuac, being a beautiful lioness, and Nyanrial, a human girl.

3.4.6 Women's Songs Women's songs are called' diet ke diar' and are often ox-songs in which they praise their husbands or dancing partners. In these songs, women identify themselves with their husbands by either referring to "I" and as"he", in other words, reflecting common identity.These women singers may extend their praise in songs to all relatives of their husbands and to their own families too.The subject-matter of women's songs can be praise, love of parents and freinds, mourning death of a relative or opposing an arranged marriage. Examples: My red ox coming, stormy, well-grazed I dance with Abukyom's drums In the household's pastures of Awut's father Driven by a crocodile-like Riang A clan's conspiracy lingering Having met with deity, I got my colour; Coinciding with my deity Deng, Deng Kuajuk's cows I tend many of. Buying an ox with an human Obtaining the colour from Nyanpur Ajing's daughter of Mac Deng, Who made the bargain in the jungle! My Malual is red, reddish ant.

Those speckled guys, I beg a bell As of Ayul Riang and Monyjong Mijak, Familiarity isn't the householdship What's about the hornless, red ox's bell? Those knowing the essence of bell's feast: I sing along with dark python's Inciting the oxen's heads with song, Along with Ngaar's daughter We don't fear singing. You, Ayik Ayom's household I beg you of an ox, Keng's girl took the pledge. It's you, whom I trusted, The junior girl of my sister, Since you'll bring an ox, Till I'll faint with laughter, Your words I take for granted; Taking shields that day. My niece's friendship was on, We don't fear singing; If anyone think otherwise; I stand by for a reply singing. Singing with a lion-like ox, We don't fear singing.

3.4.7 Children's Game Songs While playing games, children perform adult roles such as age-grading, mock initiation, mock war, cattle-camp life, family life, litigation, and so on. For boys, they have ox songs embodied in mud-made oxen, and bulls, age-set insult songs, war songs, and women's songs (in case of girls ). There is no substantial difference between the contents of such songs and those of adults.To quote Deng, “there are, however, songs which reflect the peculiar role of children both in content and in the circumstances of their presentation.”[Ibid.op.cit.(1974).p:160]. Such songs are called ‘agambai’, (literally meaning in-door choral singing). The songs are sung in agambai: (1) What if you wait for me? I won't wait for you. Wait me, wait me, please! I won't wait for you. Heifer, heifer, calf, calf Will be eaten by a beast The reddish calf'll be preyed on! A lion's eating a heifer! Then what's to be done? A reddish heifer's being eaten, Lion, eat yours Speckled ox, eat yours. (2) My husband, my husband don't mishandle affairs That way, since I won't like that, too, Aren't they the ones who brought me to life?

My father, (his personality ox name), made me borne. My husband, (his personality ox name), squeezed in hut; Dear husband wandered and fell down! He's a perfect husband of mine. Whom I should not miss! (3) I've plaited a bobbed hair Plaited my bobbed hair in our Bol's village; Creeping around my neck, Let Amio's guys be informed: Haven't they seen my bobbed hair?! Creeping down around my neck! (4) My curved fish resembles my husband's mouth! The guys accompaning him; I'll get rig of them. My husband, get into the hut; Lest the sun burns your back, Were it not shame, we'd laugh all day, Throwing away my dear father to carry you on thighs, Deng's son leaves his junior wife's hut Only to enter Adau's mother's hut! Less the mouse hides.

3.4.8 Dinka Proverbs

Proverbs are the most pervasive elements of folklore, for their universal popularity depends largely on their employment in all levels of discourse. According

85 to Owomoyela, “they are short, witty statements which convey basic truths deduced from close observation of life.They are metaporical formulations that analogize a problematic situation to one that is self-evident concretization of a recrring pattern of relationships.”[Ibid.p:16] The underlying idea is that no situation is unique or new but has occurred before in one guise or another in the tribal experience, and an acceptable way of confronting it has already been elevated. Proverbs are widely used partly because of their effectiveness for persuasive purposes and partly for the delight they afford the authority. For the user, they are a resort to tribal authority as rhetorical strategy for bolstering arguments.The following proverbs have been selected and translated into English, some of which may match contemporary English ones: On deciet: this jump can't go to Goy, was a ploy used by the legendary,Lual Yak of Ngok to get rid of unwanted warriors of Dieng during his war with Dongjol.He favoured his kinsmen by disqualifying them in jumping while qualifying those of Dieng. It's said to disapprove of something in order to decieve. On carefulness: catch a thief and be cautious, it is said to watch out for any act of vindictiveness. On reciprocity: a cup goes and a cup comes. On marriage: better to have chosen a wrong field than a wrong wife.This is said to caution oneself not to take wrong chioce. Interest: a debt doesn't rod. This is said to remind the debtor to pay. Hope: Divinity can't work ad hoc, is said when someone encounters a problem he/she doesn't know how to avoid it.This is taken from the tale that a man was once roasting fish under a tree when a lion turned up and was to attack him.The man called on his clan divinity for help; but the lion told him that divinity couldn't work ad hoc, yet it did work. Strong relationship: Paternal kinship splits, maternal one not.

A cousin's intentions are better than step-brother's. These are said to show that maternal side always counts. Wickedness: Wickedness isn't improved; this is said when bad traits begin to show up in someone. Famous dicta: Issues settled by bantering. It is said when parties fail to reach a consensus, i.e. any party is free to do what it likes. A wolf prays to get in a byre not out of it.This is to exploit as much as possible when one gets a chance or an opportunity. Experience: A deer will lie again; said to someone who has shown ingratitude. At loggerheads: It'll be settled through spear's pole. This is said to declare the use of force in settling disputes. Indulgence: The cat's gluttonous of fish but doesn't like to wet its paw.This is said to a lazy individual, who likes to get everything without exerting any effort. Recalcitrance: A womb procreates foam; is said to a child who disobeys his parents. Respect: Parents-in-laws compel one to hug a dog.This means that a groom is compeled to do or accept anything his in-laws ask from him. Cunningness: watch his eyes and I'll watch his heart; was said by a blind man to a brother regarding their adversary in a court case. Diligence: Mother land, father land; this saying is uttered in showing perserverance. Wariness: Beware of a silent dog and still water.It is similar to the English saying, to be cautious. Greed: He crosses in front of a crocodile; is said to someone who yearns for glory while lacking it. Responsibility: A vulture that follows the sun shade is said to someone who postpones his duty just to do irrelevant tasks.

3.4.9 Dinka Riddles Like proverbs, riddles are based on comparisons but usually of objects rather than situations.They are basically descriptions of unnamed objects in terms of

others, the hearer being posed with the challenge of guessing what the riddle has in mind. Although they are challenges that call for solutions, they are often not formulated as questions.The riddler does not ask the question,'What is....?' He offers his description and the listeners respond by naming the object usually in one word. For example: The challenger says: A house in which one doesn't turn around? The listener replies:"A grave". A skewbald that passes across a land: The possible answer of which can be an "eye". Something one takes from it and it increases.The answer is "water" in a river. A ram breeding while in lead: A razor. It roams through the night and day: A cow tail. An Arab who doesn't speak his tongue: Pepper. A fleeting spear hurled randomly: A saliva. A girl with a plaited head and does not go to a dance: A maize. Contesting bulls which do not collide: Are two banks of a river. Gentlemen approaching a high land: The ears. A gentleman having a hard food and doesn't drink"is an axe. Staying looking down at day-time and looking up at night is sole of a foot. Skewered and no scar is water. A little thing one deprives his brother from is the act of sleeping. A thing with one intestine and two ribs is a stream. Long six stalls standing in front of a field: The initiation marks.

3.4.10 Dinka Padang Dirges Part of the festivities of funeral ceremonies are the dirges chanted to lament the departed person, to praise his memory, or sometimes to give him advice on how

88 to comfort himself in his new mode of existence and to ask his protection for his survivors now that he has taken on the unrestricted powers of the departed. An example, a sexagenarian old nephew praises his dead uncle below: Dear brave grand father, How sad that you've left us How gloomy the atmosphere Has become since your departure! We never stop sobbing and tearing. That you went for good is unbelievable For you always appear to us every night! Oh, dear grand father, your kids've missed Your shiny face, your warm grace, So shall you rest in eternal bliss! Looking down to your well-being Of your ants that you left, Those burne after you And those to be begetted, Let your great deities be Always around your offspring, So that they prosper and conquer, So as to dignify your name forever! The following dirge was sung in praise of the late, and diviner, Myjak Deng Sham of Ngaar clan at Abwong: Amoc household is intermingling Kir, sub-household, graced by Yol's pole, Whose bulls have fallen! Four chiefs: Alathgol, Myjak, Dumbeik, the skewbald. Akamjuk come home, Myjak, you’ were not refused; It was destitution that rocked me. Deng Anyon,I hold my hands up,

Show me the whereabout of the diviner. I'm surprised by what God, the Father, do! Our present world is no longer Like the previous one of jubilation; But of desperation that knows no rest. We sleep beside Lual's river, Where existence fuses with hostilities, As none has no curse, Even the sun did its part When it gave the spear to the moon By which Ayuel was murdered. Akamjuk come home, Amoc-dit will honour you. It was the fate that took you away; Leaving behind no offspring in the house! Which have been left …! So I need a cradle. Ngaar's chiefs have vanished; Till Ngok became alert; You went to your resting place; While I remain empty handed; Myjak, I'm destitute, As chiefs pass away one after another, Makier Deng has overrun me; This world consists of life and death.

Chapter Four: Results and Discussion

4.0 Introduction This chapter presents the results and discussion of the study as shown in chapters, two and three. It gives analyses of Dinka Padang tradittional life as portrayed in the prose in context of literary analyses of drama. Results 1. In the rites of passages and initiation, childern are depicted as actors and actresses. Episodes, like mock initiation or fights, the extraction of the lower teeth, the real initiatioon ceremony, and the marrital phases in the run-up to the wedding are dramatic scenes since every occurrence ends with the completion of the performace. 2. In religious rites, the main characters are the overall divininty, Dengdit, deities, and spirits, while diviners, witch-doctors, and the captive audience are the minor characters 3. When conducting the ritual of inducing a divinity, the activities contain a dialogue, a setting, characters, plot, and theme. Likewise, in the burial ritual of a magician or a chief, the cohort comprises the characters, and the burial place is the setting, while dirges form the dialogue. 4. In Ayuel and Thoi myths, there are relevent elements of drama structure. Though no tone is created in Ayuel’s myth, the rising action is achieved in Ayuel’s departure from his mother, and introduction of characters begins with Ayuel’s appearance in Nyarweing, Bor and Panmeen. The conflict is reached when Ayuel kills his daughter and his tragic death. There is, of course, a falling action which is Acuei’s withdrawal from Panmeen. In Thoi myth, there is tone but there is no introduction of the main characters, or dialogue; only a setting is given and a rising action which is the building up in preparation for the war. Meanwhile, a climax is reached when the two parties: the Thoi warriors and Deng, the torrential rain. The falling action comes when Thoi met their tragic end, and the flight of people seeking refuge elsewhere.

5. In Mac Akol’s story relating how a single experience may give birth to a divinity, the elements of dramatic structure are incomplete. There is no tone given, though there is setting, that is, the darkness of the night, and the introduction of the main character, Mac Akol, while the rising action is reached with Fox’s revelation of the dreams to Mac. The climax is clear when the elders put Mac’s dream to test, and the falling action is achieved with Fox’s consecration as a clan divinity. 6. Purification rituals, such like that of a man who sees the night return of the sun, or that of incest act can be described as anecdotes. 7. In marriage rites, the elements of dramatic structure are complete. During these stages, the tone is given by the introduction of the major characters, the girl and her lover at courtship, and the setting is established, which can be a hut, or elsewhere.Then, a rising action ensues with the increase of entourage and the lover’s revelation to the girl of his intention to tie the knob. Of course, the climax is reached in the wedding day and the bride’s departure to her new home. Afterward, a falling action sets in as the couple starts a new life. 8. In the incest ritual, the cutting of animal into two parts symbolizes the severing of blood relation between the families of the two offenders. 9. In the legends of Lual Yak and Monyjong Ajong, the drama structure is complete. As of Lual’s legend the tone is established with his emergence as the hero of the basin. The rising action starts with his declaration of war and the climax is reached in his victories and defeats as well as his catastrophic death. Then, the falling action is seen in sending his warriors back home. Monyjong Ajong’s emergence in Luac as the supreme chief is the tone, while the comet appearance coinciding with the slave-trade raids gives the rising action.The climax is reached when Ajong, the main character, avert the disasters by burying an ox alive, and the falling action commences with the restoration of life in the villages. 10. Although weak in plot structure, Dinka Padang tales, contain many elements of drama, such as personification, characterization, dialogue, setting, and themes. The Dinka concept of aesthetic methods to dignity, though aware of

its ambivalences, is prominent in the tales. Such ways are depicted as fraught with riskd and temptations to wrong. Thus, in ‘Lual’s Mother and a Lion’, the mother’s intransigence can be interpreted as jealousy since Lual’s wife took control of the household, a concept imbeded in a wife and mother-in-law rivalries. In the same time, Lual’s indifference not to rescue his mother from the beast can be seen as revenge or rather a good riddance to bad rubbish. In ‘A Clever Man and a Lion’, though weak, the ingenious man made up his mind to save his life from the lion. The two disabled men in the story, ‘A Blind and a Cripple’, were still determined to carry on with life, therefore, discovering other potential skills. They made use of the blind’s ability to walk and the cripple’s sight to make their ends meet. In the story, ‘Lual Kohr and Lual Jieng’, the handsome Lual Kohr turned out to be a lion in disguise, conceived Akuac, a human girl, and escaped to his den. Later, he was traced by his son and Akuac and eventually paid the bridewealth. In ‘Luat and His Four Oxen’, Luat’s love of his oxen led him to fell sacred trees, and as a result, he was punished being exiled to the country of the cannibals where he discovered his lost sister and was rewarded. In ‘Fox and His Uncle, Hyena’, Hyena’s greediness made him vulnerable to Fox’s trickery and ended up with a lame limp for life. In ‘A Mother-in-law and Her Son-in-law’, Kon, the main character, discovered that the girl he intended to marry was given wrong advice by her mother. As a result, he reversed his decision by proposing to the girl who was to be married by his step- brother. Eventually, Kon revealed the secret to the public, a fact which gave birth to an oath not to visit one’s mother-in-law when sick and vice versa. In ‘Deng, the Heartless’, Deng strarted by mistreating his cousin and went on killing innocent people, whether relatives or not, without the least feeling of guilt. The fact that the generations that followed after exterminating the whole

populace, were Deng descendants, which may gives explanation to the violence experieced in our present day world. Deng’s world is typically analogous to the world of dictators. In ‘The Skull Spoke’, the farmer’s ruthlessness made him to mock at a human skull he came across beside the path. He was, however, made to pay his life for foolishness. 11. Dinka Padang songs hold many elements of drama. In these songs, there is a setting, themes, characters, and a dialogue between the singer and the addressees. These themes may vary from love of humanity and their herds to defamation.

4.2 Discussion Looking at the results above, some writers,(Deng,1973:12,and Lienhardt,1963:18), maintain that the concept of immortality, which aims at a permanent identity and influence, demands more than child-bearing and child-rearing, ‘koc e nom’, (literally meaning ‘stand head’ by replacing the father), is more than birth. The idea of permanent identity and influence is here more evident in koc e nom, which can be achieved also by adaption or by substitutive procreation, than by actual begetting. Taking the place of the father becomes symbolic of a much deeper and more pervasive representational continuity. This concept of immortality stems from the fact that, for the dead, the two worlds, theirs and that of the living, are merged into an ideal one, provided that the conditions remain unaltered as they left them. Failure to do this a curse is imminent. In acquiring a divinity, for such spiritual power to be established and hereditory, the possessed must have undergone deformation or disability and have a committed memory of the incident by keeping on honouring it through rites consecrating animals or objects, and offering sacrifices, otherwise the result is mostly dangerous. Dinka believe that life leaving a dying body is transmitted to others. According to Deng, in sacrifices, for example, “the vitality of the sacrificed beast is symbolically transferred to the sick person. This symbolic action is important as an analogy to the myth of immortality.” [Ibid.op.cit(1973).p:51]. To this, Lienhardt argues that “the lives

94 of the dead are not lost. If their hereditory line is maintained, their life (wei) is transmitted through posterity so that the dead are rendered immortal. Because of this link with the dead and other mythical participants, well-bing is basically magico-religious.”[Ibid, op.cit(1961),p.207]. In the running up to the wedding day, the cloesness of the groom’s relatives to the bride is to keep away the infuence of possible adversaries since gossiping, (lom), or competition over girls is a recurrent theme in initiates’ songs. Also, and of great importantance, is the possiblity of her being taken in levirate marriage by any of the bridegroom’s relatives. Other types of marriages exist, such as arranged marriages. Though some Dinka girls succumb to the wishes of their relatives, they are cunning enough to abort arranged marriages by impregnation as well as elopement with lovers of their own choice. Dinka mothers are said to incapacitate themselves ritually from inflicting a curse upon their children, while the fathers are said to be bitter, (akec), and may exercise their cursing power when their authority is challenged or their children disobey them. According to Deng, “a curse is believed to be effective even if the father is unaware of the wrong or its source.” [Ibid,p:24]. Moreover, relations between a father and a child may be severed in extreme conflicts, a practice which does not exist between a mother and her child. In an extended poligamous family, jealousy, (tiel), is deep-rooted in co- wives’ rivalies and threatens the unity and co-existence of kinship life. While the man is generally portayed as the symbol of the family solidarity with influencial authority, the woman is seen as the villian enemy of family solidarity and the vadal of kinship ties, whose role should be minimized, restricted and curtailed. In most Dinka tales there is revelation of harsh realities of life in which dignity, righteousness, and gentlemanliness merge with cold-blooded brutality, sefishness, cruelty and viciousness. A good man is courteously welcomed, accorded with all ideals of humanity notwithstanding his background, while a vicious individual, though a close relative is punished beyond all considerations of pity or slight guilt. Dinka

95 stories, however, do not concentrate on one moral, rather a story may combine conflicting values, which are left for the listener to descern and appreciate. Since songs are associated with every aspect of Dinka life, a Dinka may sing individually or in group of two or more. He/she may compose (cak) a song, (deet), either as personal or for a group. People entertain themselves singing while walking along roads, canoeing in the river, working in the farms, herding in the bush, tethering the herds at the kraal, or, driving their droves to the camps, and a mother may sing a song as a lullaby to quiten a crying baby at night. A husband sings in front of his in-laws declaring a devorce. Young men compose songs for the occasion of their initiation. The concept of immortality through posterity receives its support and implementation through songs, for not only do the singers give the genealogical accounts of their families, but also stress and dramatize those aspects expressing their relevance to contemporary society. Therefore, as Deng puts it, “a young man does a special investigation into the history of his family and of the tribe to find additional evidence to sing about and bolster his family.”[Ibid.p:34] Religiously speaking, hymns, accompanied by prayers, are sung to ask for the help of God, spirits, and the ancestors on specific issues. Apart from some regular occasions of feasting and sacrificing, hymns are used as prayers during war, sickness, famine, drought etc…sung by groups or individuals publicly or privately.

Chapter Five Summary, Findings, Conclusion, and Recommendations

5.0 Introduction

In this chapter, the researcher gives a brief summary of the objectives, methodology, and results. Acting on the findings of the research, the study has drawn some relevant conclusions and recommedations.

5.1 Summary

This study attempts to investigate the elements of drama in Dinka Padang prose and how these rituals and folktales can be manipulated in drama. The data of this study was drawn from Dinka native speakers, books, journals, and periodicals. The methodology applied for collecting data has been descriptive method.

The results and findings of the study indicate that some elements of drama may be lacking or weak in plot structure, but the essential elements of drama are incorporated.

5.2 Findings

In the light of the results and discussion in Chapter Four, the following findings can be drawn:

1. The two versions of Ayuel’s myth are analogous to Dinka oral account of Ayuel’s myth. According to these versions, the main character, Ayuel, performed miracles having a supernatural power. His connection with the sun and his subsequent fate, killed by the moon, can be interpreted as a war between the supernaturals, a characteristic associated with myths.

2. In fusing fantasy with reality, the Dinka create a world of comic totality whereby human beings, animals, and objects interact and perform deeds alien to their nature. Ferocious animals are consecrated as totems of clans therefore becomimg relatives whose killing is prohibited by the members.

3. Although objectively connected with supernatural phenomena of their life, as the fantasy of their folktales stand, the Dinka find fantasy in mythical terms attributing the cosmic interaction to an original state of affairs that has lasped. According to their myth, in the beginning, God was linked with the world, and all things then interacted in an atmosphere of perfection. Everything was the ultimate of goodness. Then man, or actually, woman committed an offence which provoked God into withdrawing from the world and willing that man should strive, suffer and die.

4. The world envisioned by folktales is closely analogous to the original world of cosmic interaction, though not a perfect one. In the world of Dinka tales there is real suffering and death. The stories try to weld together the myth of a one- united world and the realities of disrupted one.

5. Since the Dinka society emphasizes the group over the individual, the delineation of characters in folktales is very general with only enough details presented to establish a type. It is obvious that in the tales, for example, characters represent certain qualities and attitudes that the tales intended to comment upon. It is easy, therefore, to see why so many identifiable stock characters (fox, hyena, lion, etc) are used. Similarly, dialogue is virtually absent (since dialogue is essentially an individualizing device), with the tales being told in the third person.

6. The dakness of the night in which stories are told provides a setting which facilitates the fusing fantasy in the stories. The mysteriouness of the night and the circumstances of delivery give stories a quality which approximates a dream.

7. Fantasy allows the Dinka to guage the mores in all aspects. For example, the hero is the stongest, the most handsome, the most virtuous and the wisest. In other words, all positive traits are attributed to him. The same thing can be said about the heroine who is looked upon as the most beautiful, the kindest and the most virtuous. Some evil, however, may be endowed with

extreme virtue that makes them triumphant in front of their opponents. Thus, a hero is seduced by the most beautiful lioness and ultimately victimizing him. Likewise, it is the most handsome lion who seduces the heroine. Although most tales end tragically, the evil finally loses while the good wins.

8. Among the social mores advocated by songs are unity and harmony. Though songs are widely used by age-sets in defamation, a reconciliatory tone is evisaged in the pacification concept which aims at turning the painful and shamful experiences into aesthetic artifacts. Themes like praising one’s relatives, or friends, or winning a girl’s favour in the face of a wealthy and stronger competitor, or the outcome of a devorce imposed on a love-partner are better alternatives to sing about.

9. Songs are vital to Dinka family life in that they uphold the familial ideals, therefore, enhancing the aesthetic values since they form part of dialogue.

10. Like songs, hymns are means of communicating with the spirits and ancestors, so as to assess man’s shortcomings culminating in evil, or the spirits’ caprice that have unreasonably flung harm. Hymns reinforce and enhance the Dinka ideals as set by God, well-wishing divinities, and ancestors.

11. The literary techniques employed in these stories include symbolism, imagery, and impersonation.There is the use of figurative language, satire, and ridicule in the songs.

12. The fusion of tenses in Dinka songs is an attempt to reconstruct past occurrences resulting in dramatizing the past with the pesent and increasing their significance for the future, a phenomenon which makes the dead constantly important.

5.3 Conclusion

Based on the findings (5.2) and discussion (4.2), the major conclusion is that though these stories demonstrate some weaknesses in drama structure, such incoherence bolsters these tales fabric of rationality and is accepted, since the Dinka want to entertain themselves by these made up fictions to enhance cultural tenets.

It might be objected that praise songs offer glaring examples of individualization because in them individuals are single out for praise. The answer is that Dinka society does not deny the existence of individuals or their traits, but requires that these be subjected to the best interests of the group. The celebrated individuals in these songs are those who have earned remembrance because of their relationship with the group, not in isolation, and the qualities celebrated in them are those that have proved conducive to furthering the overall interests of the community.

5.4Recommendations

Drawing on the findings (5.2) and conclusion (5.3), the following recommendations can be made:

1. The researcher suggests that some of these folktales can be made into plays.

2. Due to the limitation of the study, the researcher could not cover the whole areas of Dinka Padang.Therefore,a further more inclusive survey of the uncovered areas of Padang is needed in the further studies about rituals, myths, legends and folktales.

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Bibliography

1. Deng, Francis Mading, THE DINKA AND THEIR SONGS, Oford, the Clarendon Press (1973).

2.Deng, Francis Mading, THE DINKA FOLKTALES, Africana Publishing Co. (1974), N.Y.

3. Dictionary of Literary Terms, Coles Notes,Chaman Enterprises, New Delhi (1991).

4. Evans, Imagery in Ngok Dinka Cattle-Names,[B.S.O.S.(1934),].

5.Graham-White, Anthony, The Drama of Black Africa , ( Samuel French, 1974).

6. Kluckhohn, Clyde , Myth and Rituals: A General Theory,Harvard Theological Review (1942).

7.Lienhardt, G. Divinity and Experience, The Religion of the Dinka, Oxford , The Primal Vision (1963).

8.Lienhardt, G. The Dinka of Nile Basin , The Litener, (1963).

9.D’egh, Linda, Folktales and Society: Storytelling in a Hungarian Peasant Community, Indiana University Press (1969).

10. Nobel, A. Dinka-English and English-Dinka Dictionary, The verona Fathers, Wau (1954).

11.O’Sellivan, Dinka Law, IRAIX (1910).

12.Owomoyela,Oyekan,AFRICAN LITERATURES:AN INTRODUCTION, African Studies Association, Epstein Service Building , Brandies University , Waltham , Massachusetts ,(1979).

13. Seligman, C.G. and B.Z.,Pagan Tribes of Nilotic Sudan (1932), and Audrey Butt, The Nilotic of Anglo-Egyptian Sudan and Uganda (1952).

Informants:

1. Ajong Ajung Monyjok, a Luac native at KhorFulus, Jonglie State

2. Abok Pathot Ayom, an old living in Baliet, Baliet County

3. Adel Miyom Mayong, an old woman living in Dhiak, Baliet county

4.Deng Ngor Jok, the chief of Renk Town

5.Morhum Kat Miyom, a youth in Baliet County

6.James Deng Diu, admin. Officer, mobile no.0122420632

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7.James Mamer, a worker, mobile no.0925510392

8.Gac Deng Diu, a Basic school teacher at Abwong, Baliet County

9.Makuei Deng Miyen, a Luac songs composer, KhorFulus

10.Nyanacueik Garang, an old woman living at Abwong, Balirt

11.Philip Thon Malith, a Basic school teacher at Abwong

12.Timothy Twong Wal, admin. Officer in Malakal

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