Imperial Journal of Interdisciplinary Research (IJIR) Vol-3, Issue-2, 2017 ISSN: 2454-1362, http://www.onlinejournal.in

The Dinka- Nuer Inter-Communal Conflict and Its Impacts in South .

Wurok Chan Malith Ph.D. Research Scholar, Department Of Sociology, Kariavattom, Campus, University of Kerala.

Abstract: Ethnic conflicts become immensely, a and steadfastly, weighed, to be achingly, sparked contentious and controversial conundrum in Africa by an ignominious political rivalry or sturdy vying and in the World, after the end of the Cold War for power and leadership in the country. era. However, the conflict conspicuously encapsulates as an explicit confrontation or Keyword: Ethnicity, Conflict, Natural resources, struggle between groups or individuals over Politics, economic, power, tribal identity, resources and power. Hence the conflict evinces, animosity. attests enormously, a natural process in any community and especially a process of change. 1. Introduction Consequently, the ethnic conflicts are politically floundered and engulfed over economic or political To thoroughly, discuss and belabor the Dinka-Nuer power or over resources such as land and conflict, it necessarily warrants and certainly invaluable minerals. Additionally, internecine precipitates a need to assiduously adumbrate and ethnic conflicts are politically demoed and vouchsafe implicit ideas and the background of the presaged as a slant unequal distribution of Dinka - Nuer lifestyles, their social life, and their resources, the struggle over leadership, inequity, environment. The social structure of Dinka- Nuer, and a vast economic chasm between people, the the traditions, the socio-political system. Moreover, dearth of good governance, management, weak and and the Dinka -Nuer life conflict is normally, unstable regimes and institutions, identity politics characterized by their traditional way of life in their and historical woes and cataclysms. territories which are seasonally wrought and occasioned by tradition competition over natural The article endeavors to enunciate briefly, and resources and its scarcity which are very vital for painstakingly gloss the Dinka - Nuer traditional their living conditions and their basic needs. conflict. The prima facie root causes of the traditional conflict which subsume, grazing and The animosities in the Dinka-Nuer inter-communal fishing, family matters, cattle rustling. Moreover, relations were traditionally marked, by vigorous the traditional conflict has been punchy, competition over natural resources. Moreover, the transformed by power seeking elites to a two group en masse shared the transhuman mode of humongous ethnic conflict. Unfortunately, taking production. They are Agro-pastoralists but prefer the dimension of plethora mobilization by power- animal husbandry to crop production. However, seeking politicians who tremendously, articulate seasonal movements and cattle raiding are integral and staunchly, use ethnicity and tribal affiliation as aspects of this mode of production. Moreover, the significant and husky means to vehemently seize Dinka-Nuer traditional relations are being power. Moreover, unscrupulous and demagogic scurrilous, transformed and politically, constructed elites who are hungry for power, politically, by unscrupulous elites and politicians from inter- exacerbated and exaggerated the traditional communal conflicts over pastures, water, cattle, etc. relations between the two groups into the corrosive into struggle over leadership and power. The ethnic conflict in the leeway of the country`s dramatically shift in the nature of the conflict, that independent. broached in the leeway of the struggle for leadership in Sudan, up to the independence in Furthermore, the paper endeavors to punctiliously, 2011. Which unabatedly continued as manifested in examine and meticulously unpack the issue of the the Juba Attempted Coup of 15th December 2013 Dinka-Nuer conflict in the youngest African (Malith, 2016). country, which officially achieved the independent after the protracted and excruciating painful civil The Dinka-Nuer conflicts wreaked havoc and war, from Sudan in July 2011. Eventually, the gargantuan subversion and irreversible destruction country, dexterously, enmeshed and immersed in and drastically affected the population in South the internecine conflict which generally, construed Sudan. The two groups demographically are the

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Imperial Journal of Interdisciplinary Research (IJIR) Vol-3, Issue-2, 2017 ISSN: 2454-1362, http://www.onlinejournal.in largests in the country and they politically seized smeared in Settlement and divided by many rivers, power in the country. The two ethnic groups are the Dinka are about 25 mutually independent tribal indistinguishable, culturally and physically due to groups, they are united by their physical the nature of their ecology and the physical characteristics, their ethnocentric pride and their environment and traditionally, religiously, and striking cultural uniformity (Malith, 2016). linguistically, they actually, reflect an akin culture which is tantamount in other Nilotic groups in The majority, of Dinka tribes, are found in Upper . However, the traditional conflict and Bahr el-Ghazal and the Ngok Dinka in between the two groups was a resource -based Abiey area, the contested area between South conflict foisted on them by a shortage of natural Sudan and Sudan. The Dinka consist of a congress resources (Malith, 2016). of independent tribes permeates starkly over a vast area. In lieu, there are regional variations, all The current conflict is a political issue of the available information, structure, and beliefs. current situation and socially defined and Additionally, information was drawn from unfortunately, invented in a situation of struggle Hetherington on the Reak Dinka of the Bahr el over power. Tribal affiliations are as means for Ghazal, Bedri on the Padang Dinka of the northern achieving power and material ends. Moreover, the areas, Seligman on the Malual Dinka. Relatively, current violence is indirect to the historical Achilles members of the Dinka homestead consist of the heels between the Dinka-Nuer which means the enlarged family or extended family with the huts Dinka-Nuer conflict emerged in the leeway of built together in a circle. The group owns a number perilous competition between politicians of the two of cattle, each member having rights in the family groups and, betided or transpired in the situation of herd. However, the modest estimate of the Dinka in political confrontation as a defensive mechanism proximate is 40% of the total population of South (Malith, 2016). Sudan. Dinka subsistence economy is based on cattle, goats and sheep husbandry and limited 2.Methodology farming (Malith, 2016).

The article was prepared on the basis of primary and secondary sources and it is a qualitative study and argumentive in natture depending on primary The Nuer people are found in Greater Upper Nile and secondary sources and it is a qualitative in the region which includes the States of Upper Nile, way it was conducted. Also, it was based on Jonglei, and Unity. Nuer people are the second peripheral literature and in-depth interviews with largest group in South Sudan and they are about key persons in the field and direct observation. one million. The Nuer are divided into two; Western and Eastern. They comprise eleven Secondary sources: include materials from territorial divisions. The Western Nuer live in libraries, books, newspapers, documents, internet Unity State, while the Eastern Nuer live in Jonglei web site scattered administrative reports, United and the Upper Nile States. Nuer distinguish Nation records, as well as other appropriate themselves from others by the name of people organization reports on the conflict and the land (“new ti naadh”) with a unique language (“Thok”) issues. and culture (“Cieng”). Hutchinson made the following remarks about the two groups (K.Badal, 3. The and Nuer people. 2006 ).The Nuer land is crisscrossed by various rivers in an area where drainage is poor, rainwater Dinka people and floods from River Nile state stay on the land for a period of the year. The importance of water The Dinka area neighbors that of the Nuer, and is on soil fertility is significant and agricultural similar in character. The land is flat and with the activities are limited by flooding. In the toich permanent swamp, and filled with vegetation and “ ” lture is purview and they smeared with small islands, these have provided and “ ” soil agricu subsidize their livelihood by hunting of refuge in times of invasion and raiding. However, hippopotamuses, fishing and cattle breeding (Dhal, in the west of the Dinka, the ground is higher and et al., 2005). broaches to merge into the countryside of the ironstone plateau, changing from swamp savannah Additionally, the Nuer people are also Nilotic to thorn and forest Savannah. The vegetation and similar to the Dinka people, the Nuer live in hydrological conditions are plainly different from Savannah near the Nile and its attributes. They are those further east. The ecological cycle of the cattle keepers and their trans-human follows the Dinka is tantamount to that of the Nuer. The land seasons. They have socially bisected into a number of Dinka is utterly compartmentalized by the water of tribes the largest political groups in their society of the Nile and its tributaries large in numbers

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Imperial Journal of Interdisciplinary Research (IJIR) Vol-3, Issue-2, 2017 ISSN: 2454-1362, http://www.onlinejournal.in and these are divided into sections and subsections 4.2 Dinka Political system corresponding structurally to the segment or lineage of the clan dominant in each tribal territory. About the Dinka political system, the reach draws The Nuer people collectively constitute 15% of the on the pioneering work of Dr. Geoffrey Leichardt total population in South Sudan (Evans-Pritchard, [1958] and others which dealt with western Dinka. 1951). The Dinka political system is better explained and understood by comparing and contrasting it with 4. The Social Structure of the Dinka and the the Nuer system. Also, Dinka Socio- Political Nuer. system is another example of segmentary lineage system. This lineage, whether big or small have First of all, the Dinka and the Nuer do not call territorial bases so that the permanent settlement themselves by these appellations. Both names are and cattle herding circuits of the members can be foreign to each community.Mony Nuer is what the plotted on the ground. The basis of unity each Dinka call the Nuer, the Nuer call themselves segment is less the occupation of particularly (Naath) and (singular raan), people. The Nuer call settled territories then the exploitation and defense the Dinka Jieng (The Dinka appellation is Mony of particular pastures by their members in both dry Jang) which again means people. Furthermore, and wet seasons (Godfrey, 1987). both the Dinka and the Nuer use [raan] person in the singular form. In global anthropological The tribe is the largest politically organized literature as well as in common parlance, these two segment of Dinka society; it is for the Nuer as Nilotic groups are known as the Dinka and the defined by Evans-Pritchard. From the point of Nuer (K.Badal, 2006 ) . conflict resolution, the very important remark has been that the Dinka people as a whole, as a nation In the term of demographics Dinka occupies a very have no such defined pastures known to all of vast area and the scattered population over four them. In Dinka land, higher order political bodies million without a centralized authority , and frequently cut across lower orders. But there could comprises of the following subgroups :Reak, Bor, be an advantage in the fact that the Dinka appear to Ciec, Twic, Thoi, Luac, Ngok, Ruweng, Abeim, be better endowed than Nuer with such cross- Malual ,Pandang, Aliab, Atuot, Dangjol ,Hol, cutting ties, especially through their age set system. Gok, Nyarweng,Nyel, Paweny and Rut. The Nuer Another point of difference between Dinka and is about one to two million broken down into tribal Nuer is that they are, strictly speaking, aristocrats groups, such as Jikany, Gawaar, Lou, Gaajak, among the Dinka, as there is among the Nuer, a Bul, and Dok. In addition, general, the Dinka and higher rate of compensation for the murder of one the Nuer are tall in structure appearance, black, and of the tribes or sub-tribal, central descent groups. slender notable for their smooth -skin feature. The Dinka is segmented into 25 factions whereas Nuer 4.3 Nuer Socio-Political System. is bisected into 10 factions (Dhal, et al., 2005). The Nuer presents a classic case of the segmentary 4. 1.Dinka Traditional structure: lineage system described in Evan Pritchard’s illustrations of ethnography of the Nuer. The spear-Masters are senior in a rank to the Segmentary societies are these social systems warriors, and their most successful elders act which have centralized fragmentary political priests, arbitrators, controllers, and initiators of age organizations. Nuer socio-political organization –sets. They are the leaders who provide the main accords well with their innate character. Evans- focus of Dinka political unity. Fishing –spear chief Prichard viewed the Nuer as an egalitarian classless and warriors clans or section of them retain their society. In which no man recognize the authority or special status wherever they are settled. In Dinka superiority of another. Evans-Prichard country, there is a fundamental difference between distinguished between the segmentary political the leopard -skin chiefs or priests and Spear- structures and constitutes political units which Masters. The Spear-Masters are over whole mingle constitute the smallest political decision-making dominant ritual specialists of the Dinka, and all the processes, and the central focus of this is the grass great masters of the fishing spear and some roots layer, at the village level. The political prophets wore leopard skin. Because Dinka Spear – process presents within a given village is embedded Masters are the most venerated in Dinka society. in kinship. The Kinship creates or demands Most leadership functions were invested on him. reciprocal obligations to provide help to other The provided both the main ritual and political members of the group; however, the recognition of focus and were pivotal to the whole social structure kinship ties does not depend upon actual blood (K.Badal, 2006 ). relations (Evans-Pritchard, 1951).

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Imperial Journal of Interdisciplinary Research (IJIR) Vol-3, Issue-2, 2017 ISSN: 2454-1362, http://www.onlinejournal.in

Evans-Pritchard explains further if the man is not a headman (num gol in Dinka). Beside his member of the lineage within which he lives, he consultative function as village headman, he may makes himself a member of it by treating maternal summon other elders together to discuss issues links as though it was a paternal relationship. It is importance (K.Badal, 2006 ) significant to observe that kinship terminology used to integrate the community namely, that an b.Wut hok: “a man of cattle” is charged with individual selectively recognizes those ties which responsibility and welfare of the cattle. when a correspond to the individual residence and disease or epidemics befall cattle, people will go to interdependence with others, and the individual him for advice or care, with his blessing, and cattle may be integrated into kin groups through breeding many flourishes, they increase and adaptation, extra-legal marriage or genealogical multiply. He is quite often someone possessed of fiction. The crunch of it all is that the kin group great wisdom and his functions take increasingly controls sufficient cattle resources to attract and religious significance. hold the alliance of its members (Evans-Pritchard, 1951). Moreover, an alliance of Nuer lineages are c.Kuar thoi: a man of the water and river, he has a segmentary and pyramidal in nature unlike those of special relationship with water and rivers. He is Dinka, which appear more temporary and believed to possess supernatural powers in regard problematic in aggregates lacking the order and to water and rivers. One must have his blessing logical neatness of the Nuer arrangements. As prior to crossing the river and bathing to avoid noted by Lienhardt, two sub-lineages may form drawing or to be devoured by reptiles. part of the same main lineage, but they may belong d.Kuar bith: the fishing -spear chief is respected to different sub-clans, alternatively, of the sub – lineage may not belong to sub-clan at all. for making war and training warriors. Young Expressed differently, the neat chain box order of warriors cannot go to war or carry out raids without segments among the Nuer is lacking among the his blessing. Dinka. Ecological factors may account for the e.Kuar moun: “a land chief’ man of the earth or relatively permanent associational ties among the farming. His powers are derived from his Nuer, in comparison to the relative autonomy of the association with the land and extended to mankind Dinka (K.Badal, 2006 ). because it is upon the produce of the land that 4.4 Nuer Traditional structure mankind derives its livelihood. His badge of office is the leopard skin (kuac) (K.Badal, 2006 ). It is often said that the Nuer is the complete democrat, implying every man is as good as his f.Ruic Naath: a leader of the people, a concept neighbor, or that Nuer vocabulary is divided of which for a while remains vested in the Nuer ‘command’ or “authority”. Traditional structures ‘prophet’ is opposition to foreign aggressors, in are distinguishable which have clearly and particular, the colonial administration. The term explicitly defined functions designated as elders, ruic is relative to the social structure, depending chief, priests, and prophets. Nuer women have a upon where or not his influence was effective only role too, especially in the domains of the settlement in the segment of the tribe. Their significance was of disputes and conflict resolution. Chiefs and greatest during a period when political cohesion on elders are in daily communication with the people, the tribal scale was at the lowest ebb. There was no skilled in playing traditional roles in Particular question of an institutionalized authority set at the fields. head of a tribal segment, though there was a tendency for office to run on hereditary (K.Badal, a.” The elder” of the village: are the most 2006 ). important individual of this level, someone can turn for advice and impartial judgment.In general, he 5. The Nuer conflict structure must be of the most important family lineage in the Arm conflict and battle take place in Nuer land to area liable to be rich in cattle though there are a verity of causes: Accident, e.g. quarrels of exceptions to this rule. The Nuer conception of gat individuals, raids, and counter-raids to capture tuot or tut wec, the bull of head herd aptly captures cattle where young men eager to marry must find its local characterization. Although his position is the bride price and Wars to recapture girls stolen derived from his place in the genealogy of the from a village or to revenge their seduction. There dominant clan, his authority is depended largely is such a strong sense of honor among the Nilotic upon his personality and prestige. The expression peoples in general, but the Nuer bravery is an got tuot is used in the same sense as (diel) refers to ingrained principle from the time of maternity to any member of dominant or aristocratic lineage. In the hour of death and Nuer are constantly ready for the colonial times, it became synonymous with the types of war. After more serious and semi-

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Imperial Journal of Interdisciplinary Research (IJIR) Vol-3, Issue-2, 2017 ISSN: 2454-1362, http://www.onlinejournal.in permanent function amongst pastoral people 6.3 Inter-tribal conflict: conflicts between Nuer generally have been over resource’s sharing tribes or Nuer as a tribe versus other tribes or pasture, water holes and grazing rights.The cattle people, then this is exclusive domain of prophet or raiding between Nuer and Dinka have been priest whose responsibility includes among other endemic, several writers asserted that the Nuer are things, the mediation, and settlement of disputes able to use Dinka cattle as an emergency resource, between different Nuer tribes, negotiation and that the Nuer raids against Dinka have been reaching agreement with other people and standard practice and remunerative. government on behalf of the Nuer.

The Nuer as an ecological necessity must maintain 6.4 Blood feud: the special Nuer functionary a large social universe. For instant individuals from called upon to arbitrate in the resolution of blood a number of villages must assemble at each at the feud is the kuar muon , the leopard –skin chief is dry season at the water holes. A Nuer is a member concern with the spiritual welfare of a killer as an of a larger regularly interacting group than Dinka. individual but in doing so he equally fulfills an This fact clearly has implication for raiding. Evan important social function of the conflict mediation, Pritchard had offered an additional sociological prevention, and even resolution (K.Badal, 2006 ). explanation, citing the location of Dinka cattle camps on their easier environment on the relatively In recognition of the sanctity and neutrality unprotected savannah.This coincides with the inherent in the office of leopard –skin chief period where Nuer food is abundant, at the end of tradition requires that no spears or white weapons the rainy season, and when Nuer are still protected may be carried on his presence. The murderer may by moats of flood water. The further vulnerability not eat or drink until his blood has been let by of Dinka occurred through the sociological leopard –skin chief. The family of the killer may composition. They assemble in their camps are seek refuge with the leopard –skin chief or rely on much of the year, the tendency by younger the safety of members and group themselves members of the population. Older Dinka remained around or relatives. Although the leopard -skin in scattered village practicing agriculture. He chief has no mechanism by which to enforce his concluded that effective fighters in Dinka society decision upon disputes, he has sufficient moral and are separated from effective leadership. The causes spiritual authority to compel obedience, in certain of the conflict, in this case, are both sociological parts of Nuer land, the leopard -skin chief as the and environmental, Dinka. Nuer conflict is not only arbiter of disputes had considerable power cattle, the territory could be involved indirectly. A embedded in tradition and supported by social tribe, for instance, might withdraw to evade cattle sanctions. raid or blood vengeance, thus allowing its former territory to be taken over by contingents of its Essentially, he is a mediator who acts as assessor enemies. where cattle are involved, and who deals with the problem of taboo and spiritual observance which might arise. He is the pointed traditional third party and is theoretically impartial. This notion of 6. The Traditional Mechanism of the Conflict neutrality in the person of the chief became Resolution inherent in the chief court in later colonial time. The leopard –skin chief is paid three or four heads 6.1 Family versus family: resort to preventive of cattle for his services in the mediation of blood action, diplomatic y by the elders concerned. Either disputes which is quite substantial in comparison one of families involved or credible within the area with the amount of bridewealth or compensation or third party, who detected the problem, will bring for murderer, forty head of cattle –Forty head of up the matter to the clan-head usually the gat tuot cattle are paid to the kin of the murdered or village head. The issue is resolved abruptly to individuals (K.Badal, 2006 ). the satisfaction of both parties, in accordance with customs. In Nuer land, the system of age group is 6.5 Local Traditions for Peace Building; very important and older people are greatly respected and thought of being nearer to God. If a. Inter-marriage between Nuer and Dinka has you disobey his orders, he may call a curse upon had to pacify upon inter-tribal warfare. you. b. The concept of (diya), blood wealth payment or (compensations) made to the kin of a 6-2 Intra-Tribal conflicts: if its clan versus clan or murdered person is quite usual and common to amongst sub-lineage of the same clan and of a non- both Dinka and Nuer. blood feud nature, it may be settled by elders from c. The role of the leopard -skin chief, ( kuar both sides. muon), could be expanded traditionally; he

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Imperial Journal of Interdisciplinary Research (IJIR) Vol-3, Issue-2, 2017 ISSN: 2454-1362, http://www.onlinejournal.in

gives sanctuary to the murderer and thereby inter-communal conflict have been mammoth prevents retaliation and further conflict. He transformed by political struggle over leadership mediates blood feud and other disputes and power between elites of the two groups. The isolating them from the rest of the community main reasons of the traditional conflict were by preventing the involvement of other niggardly and parochial in its nature and alliances. Strong empirical evidence seems to repercussions, viz, grazing and fishing, family suggest that Nuer and Dinka are in both matters, cattle rustling and blood feud. historical and ethnological terms, one and the same people. For a short, Dinka and Nuer are However, the transformation of the Dinka – Nuer indisputably more similar to one another in conflict steadfastly, aggravated and triggered due to general cultural and institutional terms than to utmost points: any other groups in South Sudan. Firstly. It is obviously that political rivalry stalwartly, transforms the present conflict, not only by adding a new non-traditional cause of the 7. Transformation of the Dinka - Nuer Conflict conflict but also through the inclusion of literate Dinka and Nuer. The Dinka-Nuer conflict was the conflict of the traditional society and its causes are normally, Secondly, the weapons traditionally used in the related with the hydra of life and the two groups fighting were spears, and a tribal man can only collectively, share the same transhumant mode of boast a limited number of them, nowadays livelihood which could tremendously, embolden automatic guns are available in the Dinka and Nuer and stimulate staunch rivalry. However, the territories and can be susceptible, acquired at traditional conflict is due to the following issues: affordable prices. Therefore, the conflict will First: Nuer communities are located in the central inevitably result in monstrous bloodshed and will floodplain their land is often subjected to more make it arduous to certainly nab the culprits, as flooding and acute starvation than that of the Dinka traditional methods of peaceful settlement of and they had to ginormously, rely on their livestock disputes emphatically, precipitate. than cereals. Additionally, acute shortages of the dry season grazing are parlous and critical for the Thirdly, the fact is that the cohesion and harmony Nuer pastoralists which some time culminated into have been tarnished and execrably negated amidst the perilous conflict with the Dinka who the Dinka and the Nuer due to reprehensible seasonally, utilize the neighboring pastures, this internecine ethnic conflict. Moreover, the precarious contention and disputes over the grazing traditional Dinka and Nuer conflict had areas is one of the age-old catalysts for perpetual diametrically sullied by the two decrepit and and inevitable conflict between the Nuer and the abominable episodes of the armed conflict that had Dinka. The second reason for conflict is raiding historically transpired. The first was the Sudan and rustling of cattle and tit-for-tat for killings and civil war 1955-1972 and the second was the extortion that eventually, betided during SPLM/SPLA from 1983-untill the independence horrendous raids (Malith, 2016) . day of the country in 2011 and the third was the factional fighting in the leeway of the split in the Furthermore, the Nuer constantly raids the Dinka SPLM/SPLA in 1991 the latter is substantial and for cattle and for instantly compensating the more subversive due to the fierce and detrimental extreme loss of cattle flounder and incurred due to atrocities that were, unfortunately, claimed many disease and to achingly, cumulate cattle for bride lives and properties in the Dinka and Nuer`s wealth payment. The Dinka also raid Nuer cattle lands and the myriad victims of the arm conflicts for the same reasons. However, Nuer raids on were utterly Dinka and Nuer (Dhal, et al., 2005). Dinka are more common and purview. Consequently, the Nuer -Dinka inter–communal Fourthly the Nasir declaration of 1991, which led animosities were naturally foisted on them by to the formation of the SSIM/A (Southern Sudan economic way of life, competition over natural Interdependence Movement/Army); the resulting resources and the need to increase each other’s war within a war was plainly the product of livestock at the expense of the others. And that struggle within the movement’s leadership and not conflict was not only between the Dinka and the the traditional friction between the SPLA/SPLM Nuer, but it was also was seasonal, transpired core ethnicities. The two high-ranking SPLA amidst the Dinkas themselves and among the Nuer. leaders adamantly launched the rebellion: Dr. Riek It is a resource-based conflict and very limited to Machar, and Dr. Lam Akol. Machar and Akol their territories. However, the Dinka-Nuer exploited disenchantment with the movement`s traditional conflicts which were fundamentally authoritarian structure and systematic human rights

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Imperial Journal of Interdisciplinary Research (IJIR) Vol-3, Issue-2, 2017 ISSN: 2454-1362, http://www.onlinejournal.in abuse to start a new movement. However, the Fifthly. Moreover, the Government of Sudan formation of the new movement diabolically, policy of arming Arabs nomads and Southern, culminated into gigantic fictionalization, creating militia (mujahideen and Guot el salaam, Friendly horrible ethnic divisions. In lieu, the conflict was forces, popular. Defense force etc.) The SPLM the hurdle of the South Sudanese military elites, it /SPLA movement likewise created a civil defense had tragic ramifications and repercussions on the force known as “gelweng,” The split in the ground. SPLA/SPLM movement in 1991 generously aggravated the situation. More arms were Though the Nasir Declaration circumvented uncontrollable poured into the rural south from Garang, alleged plot to eliminate dissident’s both the Sudan armed forces (SAF) and the SPLA elements within the movement. Machar saw /SPLM movement in the greater Upper Nile and the himself as inheriting the mantle of the prophet greater Bahr el Ghazal. Furthermore, an illicit and Ngundeng.The Nasir rebellion conspicuously, the hike of rifles trade had pervasively evolved in became a more thoroughly and exclusively Nuer the meantime before and after the signing of the affair when Machar dismissed Akol, and drove Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) in 2005. away or alienated other leaders who had joined him The government of the South Sudan (GOSS) out of genuine disillusionment with the SPLA.The unsuccessfully attempted to disarm the population rebellion quickly grafted onto traditional ethnic during the interim period 2005-2010 had eluded the hostilities. government. Also, disarmament after the referendum and the declaration of independence in SSIM/A military presence mainly depended on rich July 2011 had not flip-flopped the situation. major armed civilians and alliance of convenience with warlord factions, also being supplied with Sixthly. The emergency of more insurgency in weapons by the NIF government. Machar’s ill- Unity, Upper Nile, and Jonglei states exacerbated fated scheme to open a corridor to turned the situation. The proliferation of arms into pastoral into a cattle-raiding affair displaced large numbers communities prior to and after the 15th December of Dinka in Bor-Jonglei region. Many smaller coup attempt and subsequent spread of violence is a communities in eastern Equatoria rejoined the significant continuation of the traditional Nuer- government. Although many Nuer chiefs refused to Dinka hostilities. The scale and frequency of cattle back Machar, some SSIM/A commanders exploited raiding, mass killings, kidnapping, looting, burning hostilities between the Lou and Jikany clans of the of houses and mass displacement increased Nuer for personal benefit. This places Machar in an tremendously. The experiences of the early 1980s enviable to benefit from NGOs. The role food relief and the 1991 Coup were ignited by the December had assumed at this juncture is underlined by the 2013 which has taken an ethnic dimension. The fact that after his falling out with Machar .Dr. Akol majority of the people who support the rebellion repositioned himself in his Shilluk homeland. are Nuer because the leader is the Nuer origin. The Drought conditions struck the region in 1995.The President of the state is a Dinka and commands a calamity on a larger scale the civilians suffering national army which is largely composed of the floundered during the evacuation of refugee camps Dinka. (Malith, 2016) in in 1999. Communities were destitute and dispossessed of their cattle and removed from Seventhly, the final phase of a power struggle their fields. Famine and displacement were betided on 15th December 2013.The issue at that vehemently triggered by factional hostilities, and phase of struggle was over the leadership of the the diversion of famine relief supplies deplorably SPLM party and the 2015 presidential elections. culminated in the humanitarian disaster that Dr. Riek announced himself a presidential abysmally exterminating an estimated 250,000 candidate for 2015 elections. The incumbent people. The Nasir declaration monstrously, ended president of the party and president of the Republic with a more fissures and division among the Dinka Salva Kiir Mayer dit was going to contest for 2015 and the Nuer, while it the potent struggle over the elections, though; he did not overtly clinch his leadership within the movement which was, candidature. The disagreement during the plenary articulated to be an ethnic issue taking ethnicity discussions of SPLM-National liberation Council animosities as means for obtaining support and erupted into violent conflict with an army division, mobilization, in the end, innocent citizens were the the presidential Guards. The Conflict diverted into victims of such elite,s ill-intention, and despicable an ethnic violence and promulgated immediately to behaviour so tribalism was brought during the Bor, Malakal, and Bentieu where civil populations conflict and it was not a cause of the conflict but it were massacred on large scale. The massacre in emerged in the leeway of the conflict. (Paul Bor, Malakal, and Bentieu was committed by Nuer Goldsmith, 2002). elements who defected from the National Army – SPLA. The militia army popularly called (Jesh

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Imperial Journal of Interdisciplinary Research (IJIR) Vol-3, Issue-2, 2017 ISSN: 2454-1362, http://www.onlinejournal.in mabior) white army participated in Bor and amid the youth and humongous corruption in the Malakal massacres (Malith, 2016). government. All these issues conditionally precipitate using of ethnic identities in a situation The government army retaliated with heavy arms of unequal distribution of resources and power against the rebels and their communities. The which led into ethnic identities for putting more majority of Nuer civilian population together with pressures on the government in order to give an civilians from other ethnic groups sought protection equal share to other ethnic groups in the in the UNMISS camps. Thousands of civilians are country.Therefore, ethnic identity is a political currently living in “UN Protection Comps” in Juba, game or gamble socially, defined and historically Bor, Malakal, and Bentieu. Other civilians have determined in a situation of confrontation and it crossed borders to Kenya, , Ethiopia and remains a negotiable and malleable aspect Sudan as refugees. The Peace Agreement was depending on the situation and therefore, it is signed on the 17th of August 2015 under the socially imagined when there is a political auspices of the Intergovernmental Authority on menace.The tribalism has been a political product Development (IGAD) which brought to an end to in South Sudan before and after the independence, hostilities. The Peace Agreement stipulated power invented by power-seeking politicians and elites sharing ratio in Executive of the Transitional who could manipulate their blind and fiery Government of National Unity which is meant for ambitions and interests in form of the people’s 30 months of the interim period and after that the interests and to despicably use the people as an general (Malith, 2016). instrument to dishonestly, achieve their interests (Malith, 2016) The election will be held in the country. The shares are as follows, the Government 53%, armed 8. Conclusion opposition 33% and former detainees 7% and the government of national unity was formed in April The Dinka and the Nuer are one people in origin 2016 with the opposition Dr. as a and cultural orientations. The ecological nature of First Vice President in the government. But again their lands such as floods and droughts made them the fighting broke out in 7th of July 2016 between adapt the semi-pastoral way of life. However, the bodyguards loyal to the Vice president and those competition over resources has created enmity for the President. The incident led to the loss of between the two groups. The two groups are the lives in Juba and led the Vice President to flee to majority in the country who played a leading role the bush around the capital and conditioned his in the liberation struggle.The other minor tribes return to Juba with the advent the third party forces fear domination by the two groups who are the with the approval of the United Nation Council to majority. The competition and the conflict between cocoon civilians, officials, NGOs and UN bases in the two groups have made disastrous and gruesome the country. The government condoned the forces repercussions for the nascent state because they are advent and the preparation is going on for forces to dominance numerically, militarily and be brought to the capital in order to succor and economically. Additionally the political to provide security and indemnify the national airport. incidents which negatively augment the hostile As it is punctiliously enunciated in the alluded relation between the Dinka and the Nuer as alluded catalysts for the Dinka and the Nuer conflict, it above the formation of the SPLA /M which was seems that the conflict diametrically departed from followed enormous atrocities due to the struggle for its traditional dimension of being a conflict caused the leadership which was gruesomely culminated by contention over simple natural resources to the with plethora destruction and mass killing and the political conflict over leadership and power razing of the villages and the loss of lives of both struggle between unscrupulous politicians and the two ethnic groups. Moreover, the second was power seeking elites of the two ethnic groups the 1991 rebellion which had contributed (Malith, 2016) negatively toward the Dinka –Nuer relations, its tragedies and atrocities still deepened in the However, the current conflict has no direct links memories of both Dinka and Nuer regardless of with the traditional conflict rather it is the conflict the peace and tranquility in the country before the socially, constructed by unscrupulous elites using December attempted a coup. The December Crisis ethnic identity as means for achieving power in Juba was a political struggle between the two through mobilization of ethnic groups. Moreover, leaders over the power which abeyance or dormant the conflict was exaggerated by the dearth of good in leeway the interim period until the time of the governance, poverty, inequality, independence of the country, its took ethnic underdevelopment, lack of inclusiveness, dimension through mobilization of ethnic groups weakness of government’s institutions and law for rallying the tribal support in the conflict. enforcement agencies, high rate of unemployment

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This is, in addition, to struggling over power and situation, in term of chances and privileges that are resources, unfair government`s employment, given to foreign traders without conspicuous services delivery, and behaviour of leaders for protection from the government institutions. For putting their interests above the national interest, the national economy to address domestic woes are they vehement and liable catalysts which are such as unemployment, promotion of living vigorously sparked ethnicity or tribalism, and conditions, rural development, eradication of staunchly made people to abhor or despise the poverty and maintaining peace and tranquility in government and resort to their tribal groups due to the country. The country should consider and take desperation and frustration. However, illiteracy and mechanism of a mixed economy where, they poverty negatively contributed to ethnicity or country take part and regulate, monitor, protect the tribalism among South Sudanese. Also, The interest of nationalists and trains nationalists to pervasive action of some government’s officials of play a vital role in the economy of the country. favoring, securing resources and siphon off of the public fund, therefore, the social and political 5. Economic development: a special short-term conundrums are the steadfast catalysts which are and long-term development programs should be vehemently encapsulated in form of ethnic prepared to improve the livelihoods of the violence as the government is the linchpin in an populations living in marginal areas in the republic. ethnic violence there is utmost need of Examples of such areas are the flood plains restructuring the government itself to be more ecological, the desert foothills in eastern equatorial inclusive, diverse and representative in order to these areas are inhabited by pastoral groups whose thoroughly obtain equity, transparency, and means of livelihood are threatened by either accountability. droughts or floods. These areas have very low levels of literacy, health care, and urbanization. 9.Recommendations 6. Security: Inter -communal conflicts should be 1. There is a need for national healing and brought to an end. Any peace that will last is that reconciliation in the entire country and for this brings to an end to inter-communal and intra- process to be achieving the government should communal conflicts raging in many states in the mobilize the resources and other organizations country. Also massive disarmament of tribal armed should contribute to this peace process which will groups, the disarmament should be carried out help in achieving tranquility and certainty in South simultaneously. In addition restoring and Sudan. empowering traditional authority especially inter- communal conference, special courts, the 2. Education for change: the peace culture must performance of traditional ritual for ending feuds reduce the gap between values, encouraging the use and restoring peace. of means and instruments which allow for the full realization of the social value it assumes. The peace would imply the promotion of education for social References and Notes. change and an educational approach aimed at Arop, A. Madut. 2005. Sudan’s Painful Road developing our knowledge and experiences of to Peace. A full story of the foundation and alternatives. The legal institutions should interpret Development of SPLM/SPLA. 2005. and back the laws that will give rights to all people in the country. Under peace process, women are —. 2012. The Genesis of Political supposed to be given vital representatives in all Consciousness in South Sudan. 2012. peace institutions to play a role in peace building, healing, and reconciliation. , Francis Mading. The Dinka of the Sudan. 1972: HOLT, RINEHART, AND 3. Respect for all tribal cultures within the national WINSTON. identity as a part of human values, norms, and customs of the nation. Peace culture must respect Dhal, Akolda M. Tier and Matoc, Abraham. and recognize the values of different tribes and 2005. Inter- Communal Conflict in Sudan their cultural identities. The government should recognize and insulated the rights of minor tribes Causes, Resolution Mechanism and and allowed them to feel safe and staunchly upheld Transformation. A case Study of the Dinka – in the country. Nuer Conflict, Ahfad University for Women. : Afhad University, 2005.P: 29-31 4. An Economic system which is purely free and 42-45. market economy where, the foreign investors are running the country`s economy in an unfair

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