ARIUS DIDYMUS AND LUKE-ACTS

by

CHRISTOPH HEIL Bamberg

For James M. Robinson*

1. Intioduction1

In Acts 1:1-2, Luke summarizes the contents of his first book (τον μεν πρώτον λόγον), but in the following, he fails to give a description of his second book, which is unusual according to ancient conven­ tions.2 E Norden conjectured the following description of the book of Acts which originally would have followed Acts 1:2,

* J M Robinson, "the doyen oí modern Q studies" (G Stanton, Gospel Truth·* New light on Jesus and the Gospels [ Valley Forge, ΡΛ 1995] 75), has continuously emphasized the împoi tance of Religion sge schuhte, Formgeschichte and Redaktionsgeschichte regarding "the quest for QJ Ci J M Robinson, 'Theological Autobiogiaphy," in The Craft of Religious Studies ed JR Stone ^London-New York 1998) 117-150, 140-141 It is the recon- stiuction of Qm which Jim has invested most of his energy in recent years Cf ibid, 158-149 and especially Documenta Q_ Reconstructions of Q Through Two Centuries of Gospel Resemeli Exieipted, Soiled and Evaluated, eds J M Robinson et al (Leuven 1996 ff, more than 30 volumes aie planned) J M Robinson and C Heil, "Zeugnisse eines schriftlichen, griechischen voi kanonischen textes Mt 6,28b Ν*, Ρ Oxy 655 1,1-17 (Evlh 36) und Q, 12,27," £\ll 89 α998) 30-44, The Critical Edition of Q A Synopsis Including the Gospels of Mattheit and Luke, Alaik and Thomas with English, German and French Translations of Q and Thomas, eds J M Robinson et al ^Hermeneia Supplements, Minneapolis, MN-Leuven 2000] I hus, trying to shed some new light on Luke, the following essay compares Luke-Vets with a nearly contemporary historian of philosophy 1 \ summary of this paper was read in the Luke-Acts Group at the SBL Annual Meeting 1998 in Oliando, PL 1 thank Prof Κ Döring (Bamberg) and Prof A Fürst Munster) for many helpful suggestions and corrections "W-H" stands for Ioannis Stobaei Anthologium leeensuerunt C Wachsmuth et O Hense Volumina I-IV Lditio altera ex cditione anni 188 4/1912 lucís ope expressa, reprint Berlin, 1958 Gf L Norden, Agnostos Tìieos Untersuchungen zw Eormengeschichte religiöser Rede (Stuttgart- Leipzig 1996) 311-3H, WG van Unmk, "Ihe 'Book of Acts' The Confirmation of the Gospel," m Id, Spaisa Colletta Collected Essays I Evangelia, Paulina, Acta (NFS 29, Leiden 1973) 340-373, 344 ("A clear objective statement is not given here nor any- vvheie else, henceforth the chase foi the great Unknown is open ")

(c Konmkhjke Bull NV, Leiden, 2000 Nov urn 1 estamentum XLII, 4 ARIUS DIDYMUS AND LUKE"ACTS 359

νυνι δε τα συνεχή τούτοις, α τε αυτός πάρων ειδον α τε παρ άλλων αξιόπιστων όντων επυθομην συγγραψαι πειρασομαι μέχρι της επι της Ρώμης επιδημίας τοΰ Παύλου *

Now I will attempt to write down the events immediately following, that is, both which 1 have seen while being present and which I have learned from others who are trustworthy as far as to Paul's arrival m Rome

Of course such a conjecture is hypothetical, but it illustrates Norden's view of Luke's second volume as a histonographical work While most scholars would agree with this generic classification,4 there is a lively debate about exactly what kind of history Luke was writing 5 In a

* Norden ignostos Theos 315-316 J RolofT considers a similar addition to Acts 1 2, but finally accepts the text as we have it today (Die Apostelgeschichte [ΝTD 5, Gottmgen 19881 20) 4 Note howevei the lecent caveat by LG A Alexander who has argued that edu­ cated Greek readeis would hardly have seen Acts as "history", cf her "The preface to A.cts and the historians," m History, Literature, and Society in the Book oj Acts, ed Β Witherington III (Gambndge 1996) 73-103, 102, Ladern, "Marathon or Jerichop Reading Acts in Dialogue with Biblical and Greek Historiography,' m Auguries The Jubilee I o lume of the Sheffield Department of Biblical Studies, eds DJ A Cime s and SD Moore ( JSOISup 269, Sheffield 1998) 92-125, Ladern, "Pact, Fiction and the Genre of Acts,"

NTS 44 v1998) 380-399, 397-398 "for readers educated in the Greek classics, much of the narrative content of Acts would place it in the danger-area of 'fiction'—though with a disturbing undercurrent which suggests that it might after all be fact " ' lor example, DI Balch describes Acts as "political history", GL Sterling as apologetic historv Cf D L Balch, " 1 he Genre of Luke-Acts Individual Biography, Adventure Novel, or Political History^, ' Southwestern Journal of Theology 33 (1990) 5-19, Id "Comments on the Genre and a Political I heme of Luke-Acts A Preliminary Comparison of I wo Hellenistic Historians,' SBISP28 (1989) 343-361, G E Sterling, Luke-\cts and Apologetic Historiography, SBISP 28 (1989) 326-342, Id Historiography and Self Definition Josephos Iuke Acts and Apologetic Histonography (NI S 64, Leiden 1992) 19 320 n 47 Among others G L Sterling (Historiography and Self Definition, 352-369) and LCA Alexander ('Marathon orJenchop, ' 119-123) have emphasized that Luke is indebted particularly to Jeuish historiography On the other hand, Luke employs many foims and elements "which are unambiguous indicators of the movement of Christian traditions into the larger Greco-Roman world" (Sterling, Historiography and Self Definition, 369, cf ibid, 369-374) Γο be sure, some have rejected the definition of Acts genre as historiography, but their own suggestions focus only on (secondary) fea­ tures of Acts without being able to explain the whole document Lor C H Talbert's proposal that I uke-Acts belongs to the ancient biographical Διαδοχαί genre cf below n 11 R I Pervo's attempt of looking at Acts as an example of the ancient historical novels if not a \ery first example of that genre is not comincine; (cf his Profit with Delight Ehe literary Geme of the 4cts of the Apostles [Philadelphia 1987J) For recent crit­ icisms cf D L Balch "Apostelgeschichte," RGCf 1 (1998) 642-648, 643, BWR Pearson and SL Porter, ' I he Genres of the New lestament," in Handbook of Exegesis of the New Testament, ed S L Porter (NITS 25, Leiden 1997) 131-165, 144-146 However, Pervo is right that Luke s two volumes do not share the same genre (cf M C Parsons and RI Pervo, Rethinking the I nity of I uke and Acts [Minneapolis, MN 1993J), while Luke's two treatises form a unity, the gospel is an ancient biogiaphy and Acts is an 360 CHRISTOPH HEIL

recent contribution to that debate H. Cancik argued that Acts con­ veys some features which are similar to the ancient historiography of institutions6. According to Cancik, the "heuristic" title of Luke's sec­ ond λόγος could be περί αρχής και αυξήσεως τής των Χριστιανών εκκλησίας,7 "About origin and growth of the church of the Christians."

One theme of Luke's history is the origin and spread of an institution, the ekklesia or hairesis of the Christians The comparison with the texts of Greek and Roman historiography of philosophy and religion confirms, it appears to me, the designation of this particular theme as "institutional history" The compari­ son also shows some concrete connections to the historiography of culture among Gieeks and Romans and, at the same time, makes the exceptional position of Luke's history clear H

However, the comparison of Luke-Acts with "the historiography of philosophy" shows a typical dilemma of Form Criticism. If the net is cast widely and if a broad basis of texts is chosen, the number of par­ allels with Luke-Acts grows. If only one ancient text is compared with Luke-Acts, the formal parallels will be few (but possibly instructive never­ theless), and the discrepancies receive more attention. Both ways are certainly legitimate, if only they enhance our understanding of Luke- Acts' literary profile. In antiquity, there were three subspecies of the genre "history of philosophy", namely Άρέσκοντα {placito), Περί αιρέσεων and Διαδοχαί.9 The first two are exclusively interested in philosophical, not in bio­ graphical issues.10 The third subspecies, on the other hand, is indeed

ancient histonographical monograph For this not unusual μετάβασις εις άλλο γένος cf 13 I rickenschmidt, Evangelium als Biographie Die vier Evangelien im Rahmen antiker Erzahlkunst (1ANZ 22, Tubingen-Basel 1997) 498-500 ( H Cancik, "The History oí Culture, Religion, and Institutions in Ancient His­ toriography Philological Observations Concerning Luke's History," JBL 116 (1997) 673-695 The topic of this essay is anticipated in H Cancik, "Die Funktion der judi­ schen Bibel fur die Geschichtsschreibung der Christen in der Antike," in Bibel und Literatur, eds J Fbach and R Faber (München 1995) 19-29, 22 Already here Cancik asks, " ist die Apostelgeschichte eine 'Kirchengeschichte', eine Art Institution­ engt schichte^" As examples of institutions which are presented in Greek historiogra­ phy he mentions "Verfassungsgeschichte bei Aiistoteles, Polybios, Cicero, Livius, Geschichte der Philosophenschulen bei Diogenes Laertius, Geschichte von Religion bei Varrò und Livius" (ibid) 1 Cancik, "History," 680 8 Cancik, "History," 694 () Ci D F Ruma, "Doxographie," in Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopädie der Antike Altertum Vol 3, eds H Cancik and H Schneider (Stuttgart-Weimar 1997) 803-806, 804-805 10 Ci Κ Döring, Historia Philosopha Grundzuge dei antiken Philosophiegeschichtsschreibung Freiburg ι Br-Wur/burg 1987) 6-16 ARU S DIDYMUS AND LUKF"ACTS 361 a biographical form " For example, anecdotes are told only in the Διαδοχαι Cancik wants to prove that Luke-Acts is similar to histories of philosophy and therefore it must be proven that it is similar to works of the Αρεσκοντα or Περί αιρέσεων literature How­ ever the examples Cancik grives for the genre 'history of philo­ sophy 12 belong to the biographical subspecies Διαδοχαι H If Luke-Acts as a histonographical work is comparable to histories of philo­ sophy, then only the Περί αιρέσεων subspecies is a possible can­ didate since only here institutions are (or one institution is14) presented in an histonographical mode Therefore this paper will test Can­ cik s suggestion via a comparison of Luke-Acts with the work of the doxographer Anus Didymus which belongs to the Περί αιρέσεων subspecies ' In a first section, devoted to the life and work of Anus Didymus, the questions will be raised as to who this doxographer was, how his woik can be reconstructed, what the contents and the sources of his work are, and finally how the literary genre of his work can be defined In the next section of this paper the writings of Anus are compared to that of Luke regarding vocabulary and contents, redac­ tion and presentation of traditional material, and finally literary genre In a concluding section the result of the comparison of Anus and Luke will be summarized with a short aside on the Sayings Gospel Q

Cf Dormg Histeria Philosopha 16 32 J Mansfeld Sources in 7he Cambridge History )f Hellenistic Phihs)phy eds Κ Algra et al (Cambridge 1999) 3 30 23 25 C ancik History 687 693 1 nat I uke Acts belongs to the ancient biographical Διαδοχαι genre is the thesis oí C Η I albert CI η 158 below and his Reading I uke A literary and Theological Comment a?j on the Third G)spel (New York 1984) 2 5 Id I he Acts oí the Apostles Monograph or Bios'* in History literature and Society in the Book of Acts cd Β Witherington III (Cambiìdge 1996 08 72 Id Reading Acts A literary and Theological Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles (New York 1997) 4 14 255 258 C Η 1 albert Ρ I Stepp Succession in Mediterranean Antiquity Part 1 I he I ukan Milieu Part 2 Luke Acts SBI SP 37 (1998 148 179 + Cí Calen s (2nd cent C l· ) works Περί της Πλάτωνος αιρεσεως and Περί της Ηδονικής αιρεσεως From a different point oí departure Cancik s proposal has recently been tested by M Re asoné r I he Theme of Acts Institutional History or Divine Necessity in History? in JBI 118 (1999) 635 659 (659 Ihe theme oí Acts is not institutional histoiv but it is that divine necessity pUys out m the Mes oí those who proclaim and encounter the word oí Je sus ) 362 CHRISTOPH HF IL

2 Anus Didymus

A Who was Anus?

Arius1() was born in Alexandria about 70 B.C.E. and was educated there.Iy After 44 Β CE. he became a philosophy teacher and friend of Octavianus, the later Emperor Augustus (f 14 CE.).18 Arius, who was also a friend of Maecenas (f 8 B.C.E.), is known to us by refer­ ences in Seneca (f 65 CE.), Plutarch (f after 120 CE.), Suetonius (f 150 CE.), and others '() In 1859 A. Meinekc (1790-1870) identified Arius with the anony­ mous author of the ethical doxography in Stob II 7.2() This iden­ tification was defended by H. Diels (1848-1922) in his authoritative edition of the Doxographi Graea (1879) n This assertion was challenged

l( (i in central, L /eller, Die Philosophie dei Griechen in ihrer geschichtlichen Entwick lung, Icil 3 Du nachanstotelische Philosophie 1 Abteilung, ed L Wellmann (Leipzig A1909) 635-649, H Dorne, "Areios Didymos," hlPauh 1 (1964) 523-524, CH Kahn, "Anus as a Doxographer ' in On Stoic and Peripatetic Ethics Tie Work of Anus Didymus, ed WW l^ortenbaus^h (New Brunswick-London 1983) 3-13 ilor the whole \olume, ci PA Vandei Wacrdt, "Review oí 'On Stoic and Penpatetic Ethics, cd WW tortenbaugh, New Bmnswick-London 1983'," AJP 109 [1988] 262-267), Β Inwood, "Areios Didymos," in Du donneate des Philosophes Antiques Vol 1, ed R Goulet (Pans 1989) 345-347, H Ha- shar and W Goikr, "Linieîtun^," in Grundnß der Geschichte dei Philosophie Begründet von Inedrieh Ueberwe^ Völlig neubearbeitete Ausgabe I Die Philosophie dei Antike Part 4 Die hellenistische Philosophie Vol l,(d H Hashar (Basel 1994) 1-28, 19, Ρ Steinmet/ 'Die Stoa,' in Grundnß der Geschichte der Philosophie Begründet von I nedneh Uiberwesj Völlig neubearbeite te Ausgabe I Die Philosophie dei Antike Part 4 Die hellenistische Philosophie Vol 2, cd H Ilashar (Basel 1994) 491-716, 712-713, D I Ruma, "Areios [2] Stoischer Philosoph," in Der heue Pauly Enzyklopädie der Antike Altertum Vol 1, eds H Cancik and H Sehneider (Stuttgart-Weimar 1996) 1042-1043, Β Inwood, "Anus Didvmus," OCD 170, Mansield, 'Sources," 10, Anus Didymus Epitome of Stoic hthics, ed AJ Pomeroy (SBL I 1 44, Graeco-Roman Senes 14, Atlanta, GA 1999) 2-3 The Tliesaurus linguae Graece CD-ROM has Anus Didymus as no 0529 Steinmet/ ("Stoa", 712) holds that Anus was born before 85 BCE, because Anus' two sons Dionysios and Nicanor actively contnbuted to the education of Octavianus Also it is repoited that Anus was the friend of the Peripatetic philosopher Xenarchus oí S( k ucia 1 ] Ci Η von Arnim, "Areios 12) Areios Didymos," P\V2/\, 626 Lesky describes Anus as "Hofphilosoph" (A Lesky, Geschichte der griechischen Literatui [München M993] 767 and 978) 1 ' According to Lucían, 1er hist 2,22, Anus was buried at Corinth Cf R Renehan, "Anus Didymus A new Biographical Detail," Hennés 93 (1965) 256 ,() A Memeke, "/u Stobaeus," Zeitschrift fur das Gymnasialwesen, begründet im Auftrage des Beninischen Gymnasiallehrer Veieins Herausgegeben von Dr J Mut7ell 13 (1859) 563- 565 Ci J Mansield and D L Ruma, Aetiana The Method and Intellectual Context of a Doxogiapher I Tiie Sources (Philosophia Antiqua 73, Leiden 1997) 49-54 ;| Doxographi Graeci, collect, recensuit, prolegomeni indicibusque mstruxit H Diels ARIUS DIDYMUS AND LUKE-AC1S 363 by Τ Goransson who observed that whereas the doxographei always has the second name Didymus, the teacher of Augustus does not u This caveat by Goransson seems too strong to be dismissed easily, but it only underscores the hypothetical character of the identification of the teacher of Augustus with the doxographer Goransson has not proven that the teacher of Augustus cannot be the doxographer2^ As such, the working hypothesis of Memeke and Diels will be presupposed throughout this paper, for it is likely that the author of the doxo- graphical texts was Anus, the court philosopher

Β The Reconstruction oj the Doxographical Work of Anus

Rarely has the doxographical work of Anus been the subject of research for its own purposes Mostly Anus has only been of interest because he is a source for historians of philosophy,24 compare the col­ lection of Diels, who was only interested in the fragments on physics,2} or the collection of Η von Arnim, who was only interested in the fragments on the older Stoic doctrine 2( Like the Sayings Gospel Q, Anus Didymus is commonly treated as a mere "source" of interesting sayings Recently, however, the "quarry Q" has been reconstructed by the SBL's International Q Project and is now frequently being studied in its own right ) In the same vein, it may be worthwhile to study the work of Anus Didymus m this sense

(Berlin 1879) 69 88 loi a κ cent defense oí this identification cf D l· Hahm I he Hhical Doxogiaphy oí \iius Didymus lARlt 2/36/4 (1990) 293D 3(b5 3234 3243 1 Goransson Albinas Alcinìus Anus Didymus (Studia Graeca et I atina Gothoburgensia 61 Goteborg 1995 20 3 218 Consequently Dei Neue Pauly has two entiles for Anus the doxographei and \rius the teacher of Augustus Cf also Mansfeld and Ruma Aetiana I 52 η 164 Gf Β Inwood Review of I Goransson Albmus Alcinous Anus Didymus 1995 Biyn Wain Classical Rei mi 7 1996) 25 30 D I Ruma Review of I Goiansson Albmus Alcinous Anus Didymus 1995 XigChi 51 (1997) 100 107 107 When evi deuce is so scaice piobabihties aie the name of the game Mansfeld and Ruma Aetiana I 241 242 1 Cf Ρ Moraux Der instotelismus bei den Griechen Ion Andromkos bis Alexander von Aphwdisias \ ol 1 Die Renaissance des instotelismus im I Jh ν Chr (Penpatoi 5 Berlin New York 1973 2o9 271 Diels Doxographi 69 88 [Prolegomena] 445 472 [ΑΡΕΙΟΥ ΔΙΔΥΜΟΥ ΕΠΙΤΟΜΗΣ ΑΠΟΣΠΑΣΜΑΤΙΑ ΦΥΣΙΚΑ this title is Diels own] Diels introduced the neologism dox ographus which literally means someone who sketches opinions/ideas Stoicoium leteium hragmenta ed I ab Arnim I ^eno et Renoms Discipuli (I crp/ig 1905) II Chrysipfii hragmenta logica et Physica (I eipzig 1903) III Ghrysippi hragmenta Moralia hragmenta Successorum Chrysippi (I eipzig 1903) IV hndices ed M Adler (Leipzig 1924) Gf esp vol I xxx xlin ( De Diogene I aertio et Ano Didymo ) 27 Cf n* above and Mansfeld and Ruma Aetiana I 95 η 91 C Heil Das 364 CHRISTOPH HFII

Many parts of Anus work are extant in Eusebius' Praeparatio Fvangehcam and in Stobaeus' anthology it is not clear, however, whether three references to a Didymus in Clement of Alexandria (ca 1 ^O-before 215) ' refer to our Anus Didymus There is also a reference to Anus Didymus account of Aristotelian doctrine in the 6th century philoso­ pher Pnscianus Lydus {Solutwnum ad Chosroem liber 42,13-14 Bywater),*0 but no new material is furnished ]1 At three places in his Praeparatio Fvangelica (Praep evang) Eusebius of Caesarea (ca 264-ca 339) refers to the doxographical work of Anus Didymus • In XI 23,3-6 Eusebius quotes a fragment on Plato's ideas taken εκ^ των Διδυμω Περί των αρεσκοντων Πλατωνι συντεταγμένων (Praep evang XI 23,2) ]] • Further, Eusebius presents several fragments on Stoic cosmo-the- ology απο της Επιτομής Αρείου Δίδυμου (XV 15 Οποίαν δοξαν επάγονται οι Στωικοί περί θεοΰ και περί συστάσεως του παντός απο της Επιτομής Αρείου Δίδυμου) u

Spinelle ν angclium Ο Stand dei Forschung BIit 71 (1998) 37 39 ΒιΚι 54 (1999) i3 97 sp( eial issue on QJ Critical edition husebius Werke llfh/l 2 Die Praeparatio I vangehea ed Κ Mras (GCS 43/1 2 Berlin 19^4/^6 1982/83 [2nd edition ed by F des Places]) Ci also I u ehe de C e aiee ha preparati m evangehque livre \I Introduction traduction et com mentane par G Fa\nlle lexte grec revise par F des Places (SC 292 Pans 1982 l u ebe de Cesaree h χι preparati m eiangehque h ivres \I\ \\ Introduction texte grecque tra duction et annotation par I des Places (SC 3 38 Pans 1987) Fusebius wrote his Praep eiang sometime between 313 and 322 lor the \anous pioposed dates oí the Praep eiang ei F Winkelmann huseb von Kaisareia Der later der hirchengeschichte (Biographien /LU Kirchengeschichte Berlin 1991) 190 Further ci AJ Droge Homer or Afoses^ h any Clin han Interpretations of the History of Culture (HUÍ 26 lubmgen 1989) 168 193 ( Fuscbius I he Historv oí Culture as Piaeparatio 11 angelic a ) Strom I 14 61 1 2 and I 16 804 {Clemens Mexandnnus ^weiter Band Stromata Buch III ed O Stallini [GCS 15 I eipzig 1906] 38 39 52) CÍ /eller Philosophie 637 n 1 Supplemcntum instotelicum 1/2 Pnsciam Iydi quae extant Afetaphrasis in Tlieophrastum et Solutwnum ad Chosroem liber ed I Bywater Berlin 1886) Ci Diels Doxographi 77 78 DI Ruma Additional Fragments oí Arms Didymus on Phy ics in Pilyfmtor Studies in the History and Historiography of Ancient Philosophy Presented tr Jaap Mansfeld on his Sixtieth Birthday ed Κ A Algra et al (Philosophia Antiqua 72 leiden 1996 363 381 363 n 2 My Bamberg colleague M Fromm points out to me that Fusebius normally uses εκ íor hrst hand citations and απο (ci the following two instances) for second hand citations In Praep eiang XI Fusebius tries to show that Greek philosophy especially the philosophy oí Plato and his followers depends on the older Israelite culture 4 F usebius c loses Praep eiang XV 15 with the words Ταύτα μεν ημιν απο της Επίτομης Αρείου Δίδυμου προκεισθω (XV 15 9 [Mras 380 18]) In Praep evang book XV Fusebius argues with and against Artistotle and the Stoics ARIUS DIDYMUS AND LUKE-AGTS 365

• Finally, in XV 18-20 Eusebius cites Stoic fragments on cosmol­ ogy and psychology απο των Επιτομών 'Αρείου Διδύμου.35 The three sections have the following headings, 18: ''Οπως οι Στωικοί περί της τού παντός έκπυρώσεως δοξάζουσιν, 19: 'Όπως δοξάζουσιν οι Στωικοί περί της παλιγγενεσίας των δλων,% 20: ''Οπως δοξάζουσιν οι Στωικοί περί ψυχής. In his massive four-volume anthology Ioannes Stobaeus (ca. early 5th cent.)^ mentions Arius Didymus twice, • in an epistemological fragment beginning with Xenophanes, enti­ tled Διδύμου έκτου Ίίερί αιρέσεων' (Π 1,17 [Π 6,13-7,4 W-H]) • and in an excerpt on ευδαιμονία entitled έκ της Διδύμου Επιτομής (IV 39,28 [V 918,15-919,6 W-H] which is identical to II 7,17 [II 129,19-130,12 W-H]). There are four more excerpts in Stobaeus which, more than likely, also go back to our Anus Didymus. • Without any reference to its source, in I 12,2a [I 135,20-136,13 W-H] Stobaeus quotes the same fragment on Plato's ideas that is found in Eusebius, Praep. evang. XI 23,2-6. In Stob. I there are numerous fragments on physics pertaining to Aristotle and the Stoics, but with­ out any reference to their source. Many of those fragments are attrib­ uted to Arius Didymus.^8 • In II 7,1-4 (II 37,16-57,12 W-H) Stobaeus gives an untitled intro­ ductory discussion on ethics, containing διαιρέσεις ("divisions")^9 by the Platonist philosophers Philon of Larissa (159/158-84/83 B.C.E.)40 and

u Eusebius finishes Praep evang XV 18-20 by saying, Τοιαύτα καί τα της Στωικής φιλοσοφίας δόγματα από των Επιτομών 'Αρείου Διδύμου συνειλεγμένα (XV 20,8 [ Mras 385,16-17]) 5(1 On XV 19,1 cf J Mansfeld, "Resurrection Added The Interpretation Christiana oí a Stoic Doctrine," ligChr 37 (1983) 218-233, 229-230 1,1 For the critical edition ci n 1 above Cf also O Hense, "Ioannes Stobaios," P\V 9/2, 2549-2586, H Gartner, "Stobaios," KLPauly 5 (1975) 378-379, Mansfeld and Ruma, Aetiana h, 196-271, 238-265 ("The problem of Anus Didymus") m Ci the list in Ruma, "Fragments," 380-381 V) Cf D E Hahm, "Ί he Diaeretic Method and the Purpose of Anus' Doxography," m On Stoic and Peripatetic Ethics, ed Fortenbaugh, 15-37 For the use of διαιρέσεις m ancient rhetoric and rhetorical theory, ci R D Anderson, Jr , Ancient Rhetorical Theory and Paul (CBfc/I 17, Kampen 1996) 305, H Peters, "Dihaerese," in Historisches Wörterbuch der Rhetorik Vol 2, ed G Ueding ( Iubingen 1994) 748-753 40 Successor of Clitomachus as head of the Academy Cf W Gorier, "Alterer Pyrrhonismus Jüngere Akademie Antiochos aus Askalon," in Grundriß der Geschichte der Philosophie Begründet von Friedrich Ueberweg Völlig neubearbeitete Ausgabe I Die Philosophie der Antike Part 4 Die hellenistische Philosophie, Vol 2, ed H Flashar (Basel 1994) 717-989, 915-937 On Philon's Διαίρεσις τοΰ κατά φιλοσοφίαν λόγου (Stob II 7,2 [II 39,20-42,1 W-H]) cf Gorier, ibid, 926-927 366 CHRISTOPH HEIL

Eudorus of Alexandria (end of first century Β.G.E.) and with copious references to other philosophers, especially Plato and Aristotle.41 • A synopsis of Stoic ethics entitled Ζήνωνος και των λοιπών Στωικών δόγματα περί του ηθικού μέρους της φιλοσοφίας is presented by Stobaeus in II 7,5-12 (II 57,15-116,18 W-H). • Finally, in II 7,13-26 (II 116,19-152,25 W-H) Stobaeus quotes a synopsis of Peripatetic ethics entitled 'Αριστοτέλους και τών λοιπών Περιπατητικών περί τών ηθικών. Already von Arnim (1895) counted II 7,5-12 and II 7,13-26 as frag­ ments from Anus.42 Today it is generally acknowledged that the whole of 11,7 stems from Arius.H For the three parts of Stob. II 7, D. Hahm introduced the labels "ethical doxography A, B, and C".44 The excerpts in Eusebius and Stobaeus may well rely on already existing anthologies.4' However, we can be optimistic that Arius' work was passed down rather faithfully.46 In the critical edition of Eusebius' Praep. evang., K. Mras concludes that Eusebius avoided assimilating the quotations in his own style.47 J. Mansfeld and D.T. Runia describe Stobaeus' redactional activity this way,48

n Against an attribution oí Stob II 7,1-4 to Anus argue A J Ρ Kenny, The Aristo tehan Ethics (Oxford 1978) 21-22, J Barnes, "Roman Aristotle," in Philosopha Togata Vol 2 Plato and Aristotle at Rome, eds J Barnes and M Griffin (Oxford 1997) 1-69, 58, n 251 1 Cf von Arnim, "Areios 12," 626 M Gf H Strache, De Am Didymi in morali philosopha auctonbus (Philosophical Diss, advisors H Diels and L· Norden, Berlin 1909), D Γ Ruma, "Areios [1, Didymos], Doxograph, ' in Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopädie der Antike Altertum, Vol 1, eds Η Cancik and Η Schneider (Stuttgart-Weimar 1996) 1041-1042 44 Cf Hahm, ' Ethical Doxography" [i On Eusebius ci Mras, in Eusebius Werke lhhh/1, lvm, Winkelmann, Euseb, 38 49 (49 "Die Materialien, auf denen Euseb seinen Beweisgang aufbaute, brauchte er sich zu einem guten I til nicht allein zu erarbeiten ") On Stobaeus cf Gartner, "Stobaios", 378 "S hat das gewaltige Material (aus über 500 Autoren) zum größten Teil bereits gesammelt und geordnet vorgefunden " Cf also R M Piccione, "Sulle fonti e le metodolo­ gie compilative di Stobaios," Eikasmos 5 (1994) 281-317 (Lit') M Β Wyss ("Doxographie," RAC 4 [1959J 197-210, 208) recognizes in Lusebius' Praep eiang the same eflort of scholarly documentation as in his Historia ecclesiastica In Stobaeus' work Gartner ("Stobaios", 378) sees the "Vermittlung einer oftmals guten Nebenuberlieferung ( rhaltener I exte, obwohl falsche Zuweisungen und gewaltsame Anpassuno \on /it an die Erfordernisse eines Gnomologiums nicht selten sind " Cf also Piccione, "Ponti" 1 Eusebius Merke IHI/l, cd Κ Mras, Iv-lvm ("Eusebius und die von ihm zitierten Autore n"\ Ivi H Mansfeld and Ruma, Aetiana f, 208 ARIUS DIDYMUS AND LUKE"AGTS 367

The creativity of the anthologist lies above all in the process of selection and arrangement of the material 1 he excerpts themselves aie generally copied out verbatim, eithei horn a previous anthology or directly from the author's reading In a number of cases this can be checked when we still possess the excerpted text In principle the anthologist does not paraphrase or summarize or abridge the text internally, as an epitomator might do, nor does he add extensive mtro- ductoiy oi connecting remaiks in the manner of an Eusebius This is not to sav, however, that the anthologist feels any sciuples about mak­ ing alterations to these verbatim quotes if it suits his purpose After all he is often quite ignoiant of the original context of his material

Thus, in general we can be confident to have a rather good tradition of Arius' work However, the problem is hovering in the background that we have no independent source to distinguish between tradition and possible redaction by Eusebius and Stobaeus.

C. Tlie Contents of Arms' Work

In discussing the contents of Arius' work, the first question which needs to be addressed is whether the fragments under consideration belong to one or to several works of Arius. H. Dorrie and M. Baltes for example hypothesize that Arius wrote only one work.49 Accordingly, they believe the title given by Eusebius in his Praep. evang. (XI 23,2) was not the title of a monograph on Plato's philosophy, but rather was Eusebius' own paraphrase of a chapter title in Arius' extensive work on the great ancient schools of philosophy. In juxtaposition to this view, Ρ Moraux and J. Mejer also believe that Arius composed only one work.10 Hahm asserts that Arius probably wrote more than one doxographical work/1 He discerns works entitled Περί αιρέσεων (cf. Stob. II 1,17 [W- H II β])12 and Επιτομή or Έπιτομαί.^

+ ) Η Dorne f and M Baltes, Der Piatoni smus in der Antike Grundlagen— System— Enluicklung Vol 3 Der Platomsmus im 2 und 3 Jahrhundert nach Christus Bausteine 73 100 Text, Übersetzung, Kommentar (Stuttgart-Bad Cannstadt 1993) 60-61 237 )() Moraux, Aristotelismi, 270-271, J Mejer, Diogenes Laertius and his Hellenistic Background (Hermes Lmzelschnften 40, Wiesbaden 1978) 76 }i Cf Hahm, "Ethical Doxography", 3047 >? On this title, cf Diels, Doxographi, 78-79 and the apparatus cnticus in the edition of W-H ){ On epitomes in philosophical literature cf I Opelt, "Epitome," RAC 5 (1962) 944-973, 950-952 368 CHRISTOPH HEIL

Despite claims made by the above mentioned scholars, it seems prudent to leave this question open, due to the tenuousness of the given evidence.^ We know for certain that Arius wrote one, or more, extensive compendia where he collected the teachings of the philo­ sophical schools of Plato, Aristotle, and the Stoa.)5 As a second organ­ izing principle the presentation of the three schools was further structured in accordance with the three philosophical fields of logic, physics, and ethics. This structure is attributed to Plato who is said to have divided philosophy in those three fields; the Stoics accepted this division, but modified the meaning to suit their own purposes.56 Given the fragmentary and incomplete nature of the texts, any effort to reconstruct Arius' work or works must remain hypothetical. However, the general structure of his work(s) may have been organized the fol­ lowing way/7

• Προοίμιον περί φιλοσοφίας - λογικον μέρος - φυσικον μέρος - ηθικόν μέρος

• Πλάτωνος και τών λοιπών 'Ακαδημαϊκών δογμάτων επιτομή - λογικον - φυσικον (Eusebius, Praep. evang. XI 23,2-6 = Stob. I 12,2a) - ηθικόν (Stob. II 7,1-4 ["ethical doxography A"])

• Αριστοτέλους και τών λοιπών Περιπατητικών δογμάτων επιτομή - λογικον - φυσικον (Stob. I [large number of fragments])^8 - ηθικόν (Stob. IV 39,28 = II 7,17) (Stob. II 7,13-26 ["ethical doxography G"])'9

,+ Cf Mansfeld and Ruma, Aetiana h, 242-243 " There is no interest in the Epicurean school )() Diogenes Laertius, Ewes VII 39-41 Gf Ρ Hadot, "Philosophie I Antike F Die Einteilung der Philosophie in der Antike," in Historisches Wörterbuch der Philosophie Vol 7, eds J Rittei | and Κ Grunder (Basel 1989) 599-607, 600-601, Ue Hellenistic phloso phers, Vol 1, eds A A Long and DN Sedley (Cambridge 1987) 160 )7 Cf Diels, Doxographi, 12-1^ ìH Cf Ruma, "Fragments," 380 )() Cf Η \on Arnim, Anus Didymus' Abriß der penpatetischen Ethik (Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien Philosophisch-historische Klasse 204/3, Wien-Leipzig 1926), Moraux, Anstotelismus, 316-434, Η Β Gottschalk, "Aristotelian philosophy in the Roman world from the time of Cicero to the end of the second century AD ," AJVRW 2/36/2 (1987) 1079-1174, 1125-1129, G Magnaldi, ¿Όίκείωσις peripatetica in Ano Didimo e nel "Defimbus" di Cicerone (Università degli Studi di Tonno, Fondo di Studi Panm-Chivio ARIUS DIDYMUS AND LUKL-ACTS 369

• Ζήνωνος και τών λοιπών Στωικών δογμάτων επιτομή - λογικον - φυσικον (Eusebius, Piaep. evang. XV 15) (Eusebius, Praep. evang. XV 18-20) (Stob. I [large number of fragments])00 - ηθικόν (Stob. II 7,5-12 ["ethical doxography Β"])01 • Epicui eorum?

Arius, it should be noted, was not always neutral, and his polemics are most often directed against Aristotle and the Peripatos. Since Andronicus of Rhodes had published editions and commentaries of parts of Aristotle's work in the first century B.C.E., a certain renais­ sance of Aristotelian studies took place, and it seems clear that Arius is reacting to this. Indeed, his doxographical work, to a certain degree, seems to reflect his own philosophical interests.02 Does Arius' work convey a unified and cohesive philosophical stance? Arius is most often labeled a "Stoic",03 and he was originally included in the lost end of Diogenes Laertius' Vitae philosophoium, book 7 on the Stoics.0{ However, this Stoic standpoint is not expressedly stated in his

Pilologia lesti e Studi 2, I ìren/c 1991) Cl tin review oí Magnaldi's stud) bv A Samuels in Ehe Classical Reneu Ϋ2 (1992) 459-60 ()0 Beginning with Anon oí Kition and ending with Posidonius Ci Ruma, "Lragmcnts", *8(M81 11 Ci the new edition Anus Didymus E.pilome of Stoic Elhcs, ed Pomeioy Further, Λ Λ Long, "Anus Didvmiis and the Exposition oí Stoic Ethics,1' in On Stoic and Peripatetic Ethics, ed loitenbaugh, 41-65 On Stob II 7,11-12 (II 93,14-116,18 W-H) ci M Schofield, Elie Stoic idea of the City (Cambridge 1991) 95-101 ()> Regarding the accounts oí Stoic and Peripatetic ethics Anus seems to be less objective than Diogenes Lac rtius Ci J Mejei, "Diogenes Laertius and the Iransmission oí Cnek Philosophy," A\R\\ 2/tt/5 (1992) 3556-3602, 3582 () Lesk\ refers to Anus as "der platonisierendc Stoikci" (Lesky, Geschichte, 978j Seneca ((oruolatio ad Marciam 4,^-5,6) lcpoits the consolatici which Anus Didymus wrote for the Empress Livia at the death oí her son Drusus (9 Β C L) I his text is certainly written b\ a Stoic (e g, admonition not to surrender to pain without resistance, mis­ fortune as ente non ior the moral character and the high esteem ior apatheia as the highes* value) ()1 Ci L Schwartz, "Diogenes Laertius," PW 5, 738-763, 739,41 (reprinted in Id, Gnechsche Crescinehtssclireiber ed Kommission íui spatantike Religionsgeschichte bei der Deutschen Akademie der Wissenschaften /u Berlin [Leipzig 1957] 453-491, 455), Mansield and Ruma, Aetiana /, 240 Ihat Diogenes Laeitius knew Anus Didymus' work is shown b\ Mejci "Diogenes Laertius and the Iransmission of Greek Philosophy," 3579 ('it is indeed significant that Diogenes1 section on Stoic ethics (7 84-131) both m stiuctuie and content is similar to Anus Didvmus' as preserved by Stobaeus , though Anus1 is more detailed and longer' ì and Schofield, Stoic Idea of the (iti, 122 with n 5 370 CHRISTOPH HEIL own doxographical work.65 Is this conclusion due to the literary genre or to the historical circumstances of Arius? Or is Arius influenced by the Stoic Posidonius of Apamea (ca. 135-ca. 50)66 who minimized the differences between Academy, Peripatos, and Stoa? Regardless of the conclusion, it is clear that for the history of the Peripatos and the Stoa, Arius' work is of great importance.

D. Anus and his Sources

O. Gigon noted in 1965 that the sources Arius utilized have not been adequately researched. Fortunately, this is no longer the case.67 However, Arius rarely refers to any sources in his work, which makes this issue rather difficult to settle. The following remarks on Arius' sources of Academic, Perpatetic, and Stoic thought may illustrate the status quaestioms. a) Academic thought. Dorrie and Baltes think that Arius was not a Platonist philosopher, but that he used summaries of Plato's philoso­ phy for his own presentation of it.68 In this vein, for example, Goransson holds that Arius is dependent on the Didaskahkos, a summary of Plato's doctrines designed as a handbook for the general public. However, this dependence is argued against the contrary and traditional major­ ity view of scholars.69 b) Peripatetic thought. H.B. Gottschalk compares the relationship of the extant fragments of Arius with Aristotle's treatises. He writes,

Some of them, especially the long fragments on meteorology (fr 11-14), are very close to the corresponding chapters of Aristotle and include passages that have been virtually transcribed word for word, the only changes are those due to com­ pression and the need to fit Aristotle's doctrine into a systematic handbook, and some modernisation of the technical vocabulary, including the use of some terms which can be traced to Posidonius Other fragments reflect Aristotle's teaching accurately enough, but have been ruthlessly abbreviated But when dealing with subjects which Aristotle had not discussed in detail, Areius was prepared to take his material from others, especially Theophrastus, and most interestingly, some doctrines which are basically Aristotelian have been given a form Aristotle would

b> Therefore, Gigon only states, "unbestimmter Schulzugehongkeit" (O Gigon, "Areios Didymos," in L·xιkon der Alten Welt, eds C Andresen et al [Zurich-Munchen 1965] 289) òb Cf D L Balch, "The Areopagus Speech An Appeal to the Stoic Historian Posi­ donius against Later Stoics and the Epicureans," in Greeks, Romans, and Christians Essays in Honor of Abraham J Malherbe, eds DL Balch et al (Minneapolis, MN 1990) 52-79 07 Cf Gottschalk, "Aristotelian philosophy", 1127, η 239 hH Dorne and Baltes, Platonismus III, 237 69 Goransson, Albmus On this question cf Η J Blumenthal's review of Goransson's book in The Classical Review 47 (1997) 84-85, 85 ARIUS DIDYMUS AND LUKE"ACTS 371

not have accepted This applies particularly to matters oí philosophical rather than purely scientific interest which continued to be debated in the Hellenistic and Roman eras The same tendency can be observed in the compendium of ethics70

According to B. Wyss,71 Arius had indirect knowledge of Theophrastus' Φυσικών δόξαι (3rd cent. Β.CE.) which he used for his presentation of the older physical δόγματα. c) Stoic thought. According to Runia,72 Arius knew and used the cor­ pus of Andronicus on Stoic ethics.

E. The Literary Genre of Anus' Work

In Arius' time, philosophy was undergoing an intense process of specialization and differentiation. As such, persons participating in these ongoing philosophical debates73 were in need of handbooks which provided "abstracts" of philosophical opinions. With the serious and industrious attitude of an Alexandrian scholar, Arius produced such a handbook.74 His handbook (επιτομή) is an example of the doxo­ graphical Περί αιρέσεων genre.75 He does not collect philosophical opi­ nions on particular topics but, rather, paints comprehensive pictures of philosophical systems. Other examples of this genre are provided by Hippobotus (end of 3rd cent. B.C.E.?)76 and the Stoic Panaetius of Rhodes (ca. 180-110 B.C.E.).

70 Gottschalk, "Αιistotelian philosophy", 1126-1127 Cf ibid, 1128 "Areius adapted Aristotle's ideas to the preoccupations of his own time, but he did not try to obliter­ ate the differences between the Aristotelian and other philosophies The questions he posed and the form in which he stated the answers were Hellenistic and largely Stoic, but the essentially Aristotelian character of the answers is not in doubt "FM Schroeder sees "ethical doxography C" as "a redaction of various anonymous Peripatetic sources" (F M Schroeder, "Friendship in Aristotle and Some Peripatetic Philosophers," in Greco- Roman Perspectives on Fnendshp, ed J Τ Fitzgerald [SBLRBS 34, Atlanta, GA 1997] 35- 57, 49) Cf also Moraux, Aristotelismi, 271-276, 435-443 71 Wyss, "Doxographie", 201-202 72 Ruma, "Areios [1]", 1042 75 Cf Horace, Sat II 6,73-76 Further, A Dihle, Gnechische Literaturgeschichte (München ;1991) 279, Id , Die gnechische und lateinische Literatur der Kaiser zeit Von Augustus bis Justinian (München 1989) 89-90 74 Maybe for Emperor Augustus? This is the conjecture by W Nestle (ed ), Die JVachsokratiker hn Auswahl übersetzt und herausgegeben, Vol 1 (Jena 1923) 75 7) Cf Wyss, "Doxographie", 199, Mejer, Diogenes Laertius and his Hellenistic Background, 75-81, A le Boulluec, fji notion d'heresie dans la littérature grecque (hP-hhhe siècles) I De Justin a hrenee, II Clement dAlexandne et Origene (Pans 1985) 44-48 ^Hairesis philosophique et Pen haireseôn"), M Schofield, "Philosophy, History of," OCDj, 1170-1171, Ruma, "Doxographie", 804, Mansfeld, "Sources," 19-23 7h Known only through the work of Diogenes Laertius 372 CHRISTOPH HEIL

3. Anus and Luke-Acts

A. Vocabulary and Contents (a) Vocabulary Greek philosophical terms were rather commonplace in the first cen­ tury C.E., and therefore not every "philosophical" word means a con­ scious reference to a philosophical concept.77 Nevertheless, a listing of "philosophical" terms in Luke-Acts in relation to Arius seems to be helpful. A common word in the NT is ή διδαχή ("teaching"); it appears 30 times. Luke utilizes it five times, for the teaching of Jesus (Lk. 4:32) as well as for the teaching of the apostles (Acts 2:42; 5:28) and of Paul (Acts 13:12; 17:19). He underlines that the Christian teaching is old, not new (Lk. 4:36 cliff. Mk. 1:27 [διδαχή καινή]; Lk. 5:39 diff. Mk. 2:22; Acts 17:19). Like the other New Testament authors, Luke never uses δόξα in the meaning "teaching; philosophical maxim".78 The word δόγμα is used in Luke-Acts,79 but—like in the rest of the NT—never in the sense of "philosophical doctrine".80 The terms τα άρέσκοντα ("the dogmas of philosophers")81 and ή επιστήμη ("science"; "scientific knowl­ edge")82 do not appear in the NT at all. Like the other New Testament authors, Luke never uses βίος in the meaning "life of Jesus" or "life of an apostle".83 Arius does not use this word in a "biographical" sense either;84 such a usage would vio­ late the Περί αιρέσεων form (cf. below 3.Β).

77 Η Gorgemanns, "Philosophie II Patnstik und Mittelalter A Griechische Patnstik," in Historisches Wörterbuch der Philosophie Vol 7, eds J Ritter f and Κ Grunder (Basel 1989) 616-623, 617 78 Theophrastus (ca 371-287 BCE, associate and successor of Aristotle) wrote a work called Φυσικών δόξαι, and Epicurus' (341-270 BCE) compilation of the 40 prin­ cipal moral maxims was titled Κύριαι δόξαι Anus Didymus uses the word δόξα in the sense of "philosophical teaching" in Stob I 24 (W-H I 520) Like the LXX, however, Luke uses δόξα in the meaning of "glory, splendour" Lk 2 9, 14, 32, 4 6, 9 26, 31, 32, 12 27, 14 10, 17 18, 19 38, 21 27, 24 26, Acts 7 2 55, 12 23, 22 11 7<) Lk 2 1, Acts 16 4, 17 7 80 For this usage, cf Anus in Eusebius, Praep evang XV 18,3 (Mras 383,9) 81 Anus has a chapter on Plato's physics entitled Περί τών άρεσκόντων Πλάτωνι (Eusebius, Praep evang XI 23,2) For αρέσκει in the sense of "someone has a philo­ sophical opinion" in Anus, cf Eusebius, Praep evang XV 18,1 (Mras 382,22) H) Cf Stob II 7,5' (II 73,19-74,3 W-H) 85 Cf Lk 8 4, [43J, 15 12, 30, 21 4 84 When Anus uses the word βίος, it sounds like this, Τρεις δε προηγουμένους είναι βίους, τόν τε βασιλικον καί τον πολιτικον και τρίτον τον επιστημονικό ν "There are three ARIUS DIDYMUS AND LUKE"ACTS 373

In Acts 20:3, the word γνώμη appears in the meaning of "intention, purpose", but not of "practical maxim" (nowhere in the NT). It was not the later Atticistic movement,85 but the doxographer Hippobotus (end of 3rd cent. B.C.E.?), who in his work Περί αιρέσεων first gave the word αϊρεσις a new meaning, namely, a "system of philo­ sophical principles, or those who profess such principles". Arius, for instance, refers to the αϊρεσις τών Στωικών φιλοσόφων (Stob. II 7,12 [W-H II 116,17]).86 This meaning of αϊρεσις is used in the NT only by Luke,87 that is, in Acts 5:17 (of the Sadducees); 15:5 (of the Phari­ sees); 24:5, 14 (both times of the Christians); 26:5 (of the Pharisees); 28:22 (of the Christians). Josephus uses the word αϊρεσις 15 times in the meaning of "philosophical school"/"religious party".88 With two exceptions, only the Essenes, the Sadducees and the Pharisees are designated as αϊρεσις. S. Mason, who thinks that Luke had some know­ ledge of Josephus,89 takes the parallel usage of αϊρεσις as an indica­ tion that Luke "implies that the young church should be viewed as another Judean philosophical school".90 However, Luke never uses the term αιρεσις for Christians with sympathy, but always as a label used

preferable lives, the kingly, the political and thirdly, the scholarly" (Stob II 7,1 lm [II 109,10-11 W-H], translation from Hellenistic philosophers, eds Long and Sedley, 433, cf Anus Didymus Epitome of Stoic Ethics, ed Pomeroy, 91) 81 Pace Η J Cadbury, The Style and Literary Method of Luke (HTS 6, Cambridge, MA 1920) 25, le Boulluec, Notion d'heresie, 41-44 ("Les sens de hairesis a partir du iiic siècle avant J-C "), Ν Brox, "Häresie," RAC 13 (1986) 248-297, 256 To be sure, Dionysius of Hahcarnassus {De compositione verborum 2) used the word, but the Atticists did not coin the word For Diogenes Laertius' definition of αϊρεσις, cf his Lives I 19-20 86 Cf further Eusebius, Praep evang XV 15,8 (Mras 380,15), XV 18,1 (Mras 382,22), XV 18,3 (Mras 383,10), Stob I 10,16 (W-H I 129,2), II 7,6 (W-H II 76,17) 87 Elsewhere in the NT it means "faction" (1 Cor 11 19, Gal 5 20) or "opinion" (2 Pet 2 1) in a negative sense Cf Η Schlier, "αϊρεσις," TWNT 1 (1933) 180-183, M Meinertz, "Σχίσμα und αϊρεσις im Neuen Testament," BZ NF 1 (1957) 114-118, G Baumbach, "αϊρεσις, αιρετικός," EWNT 1 (1980) 96-97 (ET EDNT 1 [1990] 40) For the later development of the term αϊρεσις in the Patristic literature, cf le Boulluec, Notion d'heresie 88 BJ2 118, 122, 137, 142, 162, AJ 7 347, 13 171, 288, 293, 20 199, 15 6, Vit 10, 12, 191, 197 Cf Cancik, "History", 677 with n 15, Brox, "Häresie", 256, S Mason, * Flavius Josephus on the Pharisees A Composition Critical Study (SPB 39, Leiden et al 1991) 125-128, 282-285 For the Jewish religious "parties" Josephus can also use the words τάγματα and εϊδη Cf C Heil, Die Ablehnung der Speisegebote durch Paulus %ur Frage nach der Stellung des Apostels zum Gesetz (BBB 96, Weinheim 1994) 81 For Philo's use of αιρεσις cf D Τ Ruma, "Philo of Alexandria and the Greek Hairesis-Modei" VigChr 53 (1999) 117-147 89 Cf SN Mason, Josephus and the New Testament (Peabody, MA 1992) 186, 214, 224-225 90 S Ν Mason, "PHILOSOPHIAI Graeco-Roman, Judean and Christian," in Voluntary 374 CHRISTOPH HEIL by non-Christians. This makes it highly uncertain that Luke is posi­ tively interested in describing Christianity as a philosophical αϊρεσις. Anus91 uses the word ή σχολή in the same sense as Luke in Acts 19:9 (hapax legomenon in the NT).92 The word σχίσμα does not occur in Luke-Acts. However, in Acts 14:4 (έσχίσθη—the residents of Iconium were divided) and 23:7 (έσχίσθη—the assembly in Jerusalem was divided) Luke uses the stem of the word.93 While the word φιλοσοφία, which is of course frequently used by Anus, appears in the NT only in Colossians (2:8), Luke is the only NT author who uses the word φιλόσοφος (Acts 17.18). Here a certain knowledge of the contemporary philosophical schools is conveyed: "Also some Epicurean and Stoic philosophers debated with him" (τινές δε καΐ τών Επικούρειων και Στοικών φιλοσόφων συνέβαλλον αύτω).94 This is the only place where Epicureans and Stoics are explicitly mentioned in the NT. The word διάδοχος appears in Acts 24:27 as a hapax legomonenon in the NT, but there it is used in the context of the succession of two Roman procurators (Felix was succeeded by Porcius Festus). Luke does not call the apostles or anyone else διάδοχοι of Jesus. Furthermore, the word διαδοχή is not used in the NT at all. Thus, the count of typical doxographical vocabulary does not sug­ gest that Luke was very interested in doxographical issues. There is no statement in Luke-Acts which is close to the following statement of Arius Didymus,95

Associations in the Graeco Roman World, eds J S Kloppenborg and S G Wilson (London- New York 1996) 31-56, 49 Cf already Id, Josephus, 215-24 Mason's view is shared by C Park, "Johannes der Taufer und Jesus von Nazareth—Eine sozio-redaktionelle Untersuchung zu ihrem Bild bei Josephus und Lukas" (Diss masch , Heidelberg 1997) 150 Park refers to Roloff, Apostelgeschichte, 336 Note that also the designation Χριστιανός is only used by non-Christians in Acts (11 26, 26 28), while at the only other occurence of Χριστιανός in the NT (1 Pet 4 16), it is used positively as a self-designation 91 Eusebius, Praep evang XV 18,3 (Mras 383,11) 92 Cf C Κ Barrett, "School, Conventicle, and Church m the New Testament," in Wissenschaft und Kirche FS Eduard Lohse, eds Κ Aland and S Meurer (Texte und Arbeiten zur Bibel 4, Bielefeld 1989) 96-110 9^ Cf Meinertz, "Σχίσμα" 94 Cf Balch, "Areopagus Speech", Ν C Croy, "Hellenistic Philosophies and the Preaching of the Resurrection (Acts 17 18, 32)," NovT 39 (1997) 21-39, MD Given, "The Unknown Paul Philosophers and Sophists in Acts 17," SBLSP 35 (1996) 343- 351, Η -J Klauck, Magie und Heidentum in der Apostelgeschichte des Lukas (SBS 167, Stuttgart 1996) 92-94 100-106, J Η Neyrey, "Acts 17, Epicureans, and Theodicy A Study in Stereotypes," in Greeks, Romans, and Christians, eds Balch et al, 118-134 9' Eusebius, Praep evang XV 18,3 (Mras 383,9-12) ARIUS DIDYMUS AND LUKE"AGTS 375

Και τοΰτο το δόγμα τών από της αιρέσεως οι πρώτοι και πρεσβύτατοι προσήκαντο, Ζήνων τε και Κλεάνθης και Χρύσιππος τον μεν γαρ τούτου μαθητήν καί διάδοχον της σχολής Ζήνωνα φασιν επισχειν περί τής εκπυρωσεως τών όλων

And this is the teaching (το δόγμα) which was accepted by the first and oldest of the school (η αιρεσις), Zeno, Cleanthes, and Chrysippus, for it is said that his [Chrysippus'] disciple (ο μαθητής) and his successor as head (ο διάδοχος) of the school (η σχολή), Zeno [of Tarsus] remained quiet about the universal conflagration

However, it would be interesting to ask how far Luke himself was influenced by the philosophy of his day, especially Stoicism.96

(b) Contents Regarding the influence of contemporary philosophy on Luke-Acts, P. Hoffmann97 points to Luke's critique of the Hellenistic ethics of rec­ iprocity (Lk. 6:32-35; 14:12-14), the opposition of "many things" (πολλά) and the "one thing" (εν) in Lk. 10:41-42, the use of the psychologi- cal/paedagogical technical term μετεωρίζομαι (Lk. 12:29; hapax legomenon in the NT), εγκράτεια as a central Christian concept (Acts 24:25), and the Stoic-pantheistic statement in Acts 17:28 ("For 'In him we live and move and have our being'; as even some of your own poets have said, Tor we too are his offspring'."). Further, the summaries in Acts 2:41-47; 4:32-35; 5:12-16 "depict the believers as an ideal philosophical community sharing all things in common".98 Consistent with his entire two-volume work, Luke here

% Cf G E Sterling, "Hellenistic Philosophy and the New Testament," in Handbook of Exegesis of the New Testament, ed S E Porter (NTTS 25, Leiden 1997) 313-358, 321 "I think that, in the case of a Gospel such as Luke, it would be worth examining how philosophy shapes the larger narrative " Cf further M Dibelius, "Paulus auf dem Areopag," in Id , Aufsatze zur Apostelgeschichte, ed H Greeven (FRLANT 60, Gottingen 1951) 29-70, 59 regarding Acts 17 22-31 "Die Hauptgedanken der Rede von Gottes­ erkenntnis und Gottverwandtschaft des Menschen sind stoisch und nicht christlich Der Areopagredner ist der Vorlaufer der Apologeten " H -J Klauck, Die religiose Umwelt des Urchristentums II Henscher und Kaiserkult, Philosophie, Gnosis (Kohlhammer Studienbucher Theologie 9/2, Stuttgart et al 1996) 75-143, 77 (" die Stoa , die allgemein als wichtigste Vergleichsgroße fur das entstehende Christentum akzeptiert wird") 97 Ρ Hoffmann, "Der Q-Text der Spruche vom Sorgen Mt 6,25-33/Lk 12,22- 31 '*, in Id , Tradition und Situation Studien zur Jesusuberheferung in der L·gιenquelle und den synoptischen Evangelien (NTAbh 28, Munster 1995) 62-87, 79, n 67 Cf also n 99 below 98 S C Winter, "Whv Is Christianity Anti-Body? Or Is It?," in Putting Body and Soul Together Essays in Honor of Robin Scroggs, eds V Wiles et al (Valley Forge, PA 1997) 46-57, 52 Winter refers to G E Sterling, "'Athletes of Virtue' An Analysis of the Summanes in Acts (2 41-47, 4 32-35, 5 12-16)," JBE 113 (1994) 679-696, AJ Malherbe, '"Not in a Corner' Early Christian Apologetic in Acts 26 26," in Id, Paul and the Popular Philosophers (Minneapolis, MN 1989) 147-163, 150 Cf also Roloff, Apostel geschehe, 89-90 376 CHRISTOPH HEIL

intends to impart the Christian ideals to addressees who are familiar with popular Hellenistic ethics.99 The following observations may illus­ trate this. House and City. In Luke-Acts the concept of "house" plays an impor­ tant role.100 Together with the "city" it is the context of the Christian mission according to Luke. At the end of Arius' presentation of Peripatetic ethics this inherent connection of οίκος and πόλις is explained (Stob. II 7,26 [II 148,5-9 W-H]),101

Πολιτεία δε πρώτη σύνοδος ανδρός και γυναικός κατά νόμον επί τέκνων γεννήσει και βίου κοινωνία Τοΰτο δε προσονομαζεται μεν οίκος, αρχή δε πόλεως εστί Μικρά γάρ τις εοικεν είναι πόλις ο οίκος A primary kind of association is the legal union of a man and a woman for begetting children and for sharing life This is called a household and is the source for a city For the household is like any small city 102

In a very similar passage, Philo of Alexandria explains the fact that Joseph was made overseer of the house of Potiphar; this was due to divine providence to prepare Joseph for being a statesman, since accord­ ing to Philo,103

οικία τε γαρ πόλις εστίν εσταλμένη καί βραχεία καί οικονομία συνηγμένη τις πολιτεία, ως καί πόλις μεν οίκος μέγας, πολιτεία δε κοινή τις οικονομία [De Josepho 38)

For a house is a city compressed into small dimensions, and household manage­ ment may be called a kind of state management, just as a city too is a great house and statesmanship the household management of the general public

99 Ρ Hoffmann speaks of the "Absicht des Lk, das christliche Lebensideal dem Denken eines mit der hellenistischen Popularethik vertrauten Adressatenkreis zu ver­ mitteln" ("Jesu 'Verbot des Sorgens' und seine Nachgeschichte in der synoptischen Überlieferung", in Id, Tradition und Situation, 107-134, 127-130, quotation from 127) Cf also Hoffmann, "Q/Text", 75-80, E Plumacher, "Apostelgeschichte," TRE 3 (1978) 483-528, 517, Klauck, Magie, 109 "Lukas hat sich in der Sprache auf die hellenisti­ sche Popularpfnlosophie eingelassen " 100 Cf Β Blue, "Acts and the House Church," in The Book of Acts in its First Century Setting Η The Book of Acts in Its Graeco Roman Setting, eds DWJ Gill and C Gempf (Grand Rapids, Mi-Carlisle 1994) 119-222, Η-J Klauck, Hausgemeinde und Hauskirche imfruhen Christentum (SBS 103, Stuttgart 1981) 47-62, DL Matson, Household Conversion Nanatwes in Acts Pattern and Interpretation (JSNTSup 123, Sheffield 1996) 101 Cf E Plumacher, fdentüatsverlust und Identitatsgewinn Studien zum Verhältnis von kaiser zeitlicher Stadt und frühem Christentum (Biblisch-Theologische Studien 11, Neukirchen- Vluyn 1987) 41 with n 155 102 Translation by D L Balch, "Household Codes," in D E Aune (ed), Graeco-Roman Literature and the New Testament Selected Forms and Genres (SBLSBS 21, Atlanta, GA 1988) 25-50, 41 103 Philo Vol 6 (LCL) With an English Translation by F H Colson, London- Cambridge, MA, 1935, 161 In an appendix (ibid, 600), F Η Colson points to the parallels in Plato, Pit 259c and Aristotle, Pol III 10 2 ARIUS DIDYMUS AND LUKE"AGTS 377

In his doxography of Stoic ethics Arius Didymus mentions the oppo­ sition of mean rusticity and civilized urbanity,

Φασί δε και άγροικον είναι πάντα φαΰλον την γαρ αγροικίαν άπειρίαν είναι τών κατά πόλιν εθών καί νόμων η πάντα φαΰλον ενοχον ύπάρχειν (Stob II 7,1 lk [Π 103,24-104,1 W-H])

They also say that every worthless person is rustic For rusticity is a lack of expe­ rience of the customs and laws of the city to which every worthless person is subject 1()4

Although Luke is generally positive about πόλις and νόμος, there is no such formula "urbanity equals experience of the practices and laws in a city". The closest we come in Luke-Acts is Acts 22:3 where Paul reports that he has been "brought up in this city [sc. Jerusalem] at the feet of Gamaliel, educated strictly according to our ancestral law." The Wise Man. Especially in his doxography of Stoic ethics ("ethi­ cal doxography B"), Arius focuses on the wise man (ο σοφός). According to Arius,105 for example, the Stoic Chrysippus claimed that the wise man is always simple and straightforward (άπλοΰς),106 without disguise (άπλαστος) and never employs irony (το είρωνεύεσθαι). Luke, on the contrary, has no positive interest in this topic. He did not find the word σοφός in Mark, and the only occurrence of σοφός in Luke-Acts is taken from Q: "I thank you, Father, Lord of heaven and earth, because you have hidden these things from sages and the learned (από σοφών και συνετών) and have revealed them to children" (Q 10:21). In Q 11:49 Lady Wisdom says, "I will send them prophets and sages (προφήτας και σοφούς)",107 but Luke changed this to, "I will send them prophets and apostles". The word σοφία is positively used by

104 Translation from Anus Didymus Epitome of Stoic Ethics, ed Pomeroy, 81 (cf Schofield, Stoic Idea of the City, 135) On the presentation of the Stoic idea of the πόλις in Anus Didymus cf ibid, 130-135 l()) Stob II 7,11 (W-H II 108,11-13) Cf Anus Didymus Epitome of Stoic Ethics, ed Pomeroy, 89, J Τ Frednckson, "ΠΑΡΡΗΣΙΑ in the Pauline Epistles," in Fnendshp, Flattery, anjd Frankness of Speech Studies on Friendship in the New Testament World, ed J Τ Fitzgerald (NTS 82, Leiden 1996) 163-183, 173 n 80 l0h In the NT, the adjective άπλοΰς appears only in Lk 11,34 par Mt 6,22, ie Q 11,34 Luke formulates, "If your eye is healthy (άπλοΰς), your whole body is full of light " Cf HD Betz, Tie Sermon on the Mount A Commentary on the Sermon on the Mount, including the Sermon on the Plain (Matthew 5 3 7 27 and Luke 620 49) (Hermeneia, Minneapolis, MN 1995) 450-451 107 This is the reconstruction in the Critical Edition ofQ, 284-285 Pace M C Moreland and J M Robinson, "The International Q, Project", JBL 113 (1994) 495-499, 498 378 CHRISTOPH HEIL

Luke, but with its Jewish connotations, not as a Greek philosophical concept.108 Another feature of the wise man in Arius is rather foreign to Luke, that is, "Areius Didymus regarded Cynical behaviour as normal for the Stoic sage".109 Note, however, how Arius qualifies the κυνισμός as an external description, not the central motivation of a Stoic sage's life.

κυνιείν τε τον σοφον λέγουσιν, ίσον <δν> τω έπιμένειν τω κυνισμω, ου μην σοφον όντα ενάρξεσθαι του κυνισμού (Stob II 7,1 Γ [II 114,24-25 W-H])

They say that the wise man will live like a Cynic, which is equivalent to stick­ ing with the Cynic lifestyle, but certainly he will not start out on the Cynic lifestyle when he is a wise man "°

Friendship. Examining more thoroughly a Socratic belief, the Stoics maintained that friendship is possible only among the wise.111 For this unanimous relationship among the wise the Stoics coined a new term, ομοδογματία. This word, a hapax legomenon, only occurs in Stob. II 7,5 1 (II 74,4 W-H),

Φιλίαν δ είναι κοινωνίαν βίου συμφωνίαν δε ομοδογματίαν περί τών κατά τον βίον

Friendship is a partnership in life Harmony is an agreement in beliefs concern­ ing matters in life ' '?

According to this reference in Stobaeus the Stoics defined συμφωνία as ομοδογματία περί τών κατά τον βίον. The terms ομοδογματία, συμ­ φωνία and φιλία are synonymous in Stoic thought. The theoretical

108 Luke deletes the only occurence of σοφία in Mark (Mk 6 2) but preserves the three occurences in Q,(Q,7 35, 1131, 49) In Lk 7 35, 11 49 wisdom appears personified, and in Lk 11 31 the wisdom of Solomon is mentioned—"and see, something greater than Solomon is here'" In Lk 2 40, 52 wisdom is attributed to Jesus, and in Lk 21 15 Jesus promises his disciples to give them "a wisdom that none of your opponents will be able to withstand or contradict" (diff Mk 13 11, but cf Lk 12 12 [Q¡]) In Acts wisdom is a requirement for the seven "assistants" (6 3), and is explicitly attributed to Stephen (6 10) Finally, in Stephen's speech wisdom is ascribed to Joseph (7 10) and the Egyptians (7 22) 109 C E Manning, "School Philosophy and Popular Philosophy in the Roman Empire," ANRW 2/36/7 (1994) 4995-5026, 4999 110 Translation from Anus Didymus Epitome of Stoic Ethics, ed Pomeroy, 99 111 Cf Schoneld, Stoic Idea of the City, 29, 46-48, A Fürst, Streit unter Freunden Ideal und Realität in der Freundschafts lehre der Antike (Beitrage zur Altertumskunde 85, Stuttgart- Leipzig 1996) 127, Id, "Freundschaft als Tugend Über den Verlust der Wirklichkeit im antiken Freundschaftsbegriff," Gymnasium 104 (1997) 413-433, 427-430 112 Translation from Anus Didymus Epitome of Stoic Ethics, ed Pomeroy, 35 ARIUS DIDYMUS AND LUKE'ACTS 379

consensus on ethical and other doctrines is a conditio sine qua non accord­ ing to the Stoic teaching on friendship.in For Luke, the motif of friendship is very important. Of the 29 occur­ rences of φίλος in the New Testament, 18 appear in Luke-Acts (Lk. 15 and Acts 3).114 The word φίλος does not appear in Mark and only once in Matthew (Mt. 11:19, copied from Q 7:34). Luke's appeal to Greco-Roman friendship traditions is obviously more than just a hol­ low idealizing, but it serves as an encouragement of his own commu­ nity to be real friends regardless of social status. Nevertheless, it seems that there is still no special treatment (monograph or article) of this feature in the whole of Luke-Acts.115 Regarding the two summaries in Acts 2:44-47 and 4:32-37, A.C. Mitchell concludes,116

Luke uses friendship to equalize relationships in his own community He por­ trays the early Jerusalem community in Acts as a community of friends to show how friendship can continue across status lines and the poor can be benefited by the rich Redefining friendship this way helps Luke to achieve his social objec­ tive encouraging the rich to provide relief for the poor of his own community

Customs and Habits. Arius opens his account of Peripatetic ethics (Αριστοτέλους καί τών λοιπών Περιπατητικών περί τών ηθικών—"Aristotle and the other Peripatetics on Ethics", Stob. II 7,13-26 [II 116,19- 152,25 W-H]) with the following sentence,117

To μεν ούν ήθος τοΰνομα λαβείν φησιν άπο του εθους

Character, he says, has its name from habit

This is a well known Aristotelian γνώμη (cf. Eth. Nie. 1103a),118 which, for instance, is also applied by Plutarch (De prof. virt. — Mor. 75A-86A,

1M Cf also Arms' presentation of the Peripatetic teaching Περί φιλίας in Stob II 7,22 (Π 143,1-143,16 W-H) On Stob II 7,22 cf von Arnim, Anus Didymus' Abriß, 77-83, Schroeder, "Friendship", 49-53 Schroeder (53 with n 94) compares Anus Didymus ap Stob II 7,13 (II 120,20-121,3 W-H) with Lk 10 27 114 Lk 7 6, 34, 11 5[for], 6, 8, 12 4, 14 10, 12, 15 6, 9, 29, 16 9, 21 16, 23 12, Acts 10 24, 19 31, 27 3 11 ' For now, cf Κ Treu, "Freundschaft," RAG 8 (1972) 418-434, 425-426, G Stahlin, "φίλος, φίλη, φιλία," TWNT 9 (1973) 144-169, 156-162 » 11() AC Mitchell, "The Social Function of Friendship in Acts 2 44-47 and 4 32-37," JBL 111 (1992) 255-272, 272 Cf also AC Mitchell, "'Greet the Friends by Name' New Testament Evidence for the Greco-Roman Topos on Friendship," in Greco Roman Perspectives on Friendship, ed J Τ Fitzgerald, (SBLRBS 34, Atlanta, GA 1997) 225-262, 236-257, M Wacht, "Gütergemeinschaft," RAC 13 (1986) 1-59, 26-27 117 English translation in H Gorgemanns, "Oikewsis in Anus Didymus," in On Stoic and Peripatetic Ethics, ed Fortenbaugh, 165-189, 168-173 118 Cf E Lohse, Theologische Ethik des Neuen Testaments (Theologische Wissenschaft 5/2, Stuttgart 1988) 9 380 CHRISTOPH HEIL here 82F-83E).119 Among the NT authors, Luke is most interested in forming, explaining, and defending Christian customs and habits (εθη).120 True Religion. In the NT only Luke, the Pastoral Letters and 2 Peter are using the word family ευσέβεια (Acts 3:12; 10:2, 7; 17:23). The true ευσέβεια was also a concern of Arius Didymus; in his section on Stoic ethics he writes,121

ευσέβειαν δε επιστήμην θεών θεραπείας

True religion is the understanding of the worship of the gods

In his section on Peripatetic ethics he writes,122

ευσέβειαν μεν ούν είναι εξιν θεών καί δαιμόνων θεραπευτικήν, μεταξύ ούσαν αθεότητος καί δεισιδαιμονίας

True religion is therefore a worshipful attitude toward gods and daimons, being between atheism and superstition

Conclusion. The differences between Arius and Luke seem to be much larger than the similarities. Is it nevertheless conceivable that Luke may have known a doxographical work like that of Arius?123 Any answer to this question must remain speculative, but let us consider the possibility that the answer is 'yes'. A good reason for this may be Luke's relatively good knowledge of Hellenistic culture. If Luke some­ how knows line 5 of the poem Phainomena of the third century Stoic Aratus of Soloi (compare Acts 17:28), why should he not have known some parts of the work of the Stoic Arius Didymus? Reference works like the doxography of Arius were the standard medium in Luke's time for becoming familiar with philosophical rea­ soning.124 This has an analogy in Luke's use of the Old Testament.

I|(| CfWA Meeks, The Moral World of the First Christians (LEC 6, Philadelphia 1986) 15 45 1.0 Ihe word appears in Lk 1 9, 2 42, 22 39, Acts 6 14, 15 1, 16 21, 21 21, 25 16, 26 3, 28 17 (Elsewhere in the NT, it is only used in John 19 40 and Heb 10 25 ) Cf D L Balch, "Paul m Acts ' you teach all the Jews to forsake Moses, telling them not to observe the customs' (Act 21,21)," in Panchaia FS Klaus Thraede, ed M Wacht (JAC Ergänzungsband 22, Munster 1995) 11-23 1.1 Stob II 7,5 (W-H II 62,2-3) Translation by Betz, Sermon, 334 n 29 Note the typographical errors in Betz's n 29, θεού must be θεών, "Stobaeus Anthol 2 147" must be "Stobaeus Anthol 2 7 5, ρ 62,2-3 (ed Wachsmuth) " Cf also Anus Didymus Epitome of Stoic Ethics, ed Pomeroy, 17 p' Stob II 7,25 (W-H II 147,1-3) Translation by Betz, Sermon, 334, n 28 1} ' Cf Sterling, "Hellenistic Philosophy", 342 " doxographies (e g Arms Didymus and Aetius), which may have served as the source for many early Christians' knowl­ edge oí Hellenistic philosophy " 1 H Gottschalk notes on Anus' compendium of Aristotle's ethics, "What is interest- ARIUS DIDYMUS AND LUKE"ACTS 381

He probably did not have the whole Septuagint on his bookshelf, and he shows no meticulous concern to quote the Septuagint verbatim all the time. Moreover, Luke frequently copies Septuagint quotations from Mark and Q, even if they differ from the Septuagint.125 There­ fore, if Luke knew philosophical works, then probably not through reading the original texts but through reading (or hearing) doxographical compendia or popularized versions of the originals. "It is the com­ pendium that lies at the centre of the paideia of the period".126 However, z/Xuke knew doxographical works, then he does not convey very much influence from knowing them.127

B. Redaction and Presentation of Traditional Material

What can we say about Arius' redaction and presentation of his tra­ ditional material? Are there parallels to Luke's redactional method? The introductory statement in Arius' exposition of Stoic ethics is significant,

ing is that summaries of this kind continued to circulate widely after Andronicus had made Aristotle's genuine writings accessible" ("Aristotelian philosophy", 1129) Further, V A Tchenkover assumes that already the author of Ep Anst (end of 2nd cent Β C E ) used a philosophical handbook " the entire wisdom of the Jewish elders as reported by Ansteas is no more than current opinion taken from some com­ pendium of Greek ethics and politics, with the addition of the Jewish belief in one God " Cf Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum, vol 1, ed VA Tchenkover in collaboration with A Fuks (Cambridge, MA-Jerusalem 1957) 42 120 Cf C Heil, "'Πάντες έργάται αδικίας' Revisited The Reception of Ps 6,9a LXX in Q and in Luke," in Von Jesus zum Chnstus—Chnstologische Studien Festgabe fur Paul Hofmann zum 65 Geburtstag, eds R Hoppe and U Busse (BZNW 93, Berhn-New York 1998) 261-276, 271-272 with η 69 126 G Sandy, The Greek World ofApukius Apuleius and the Second Sophistic (Mnemos Suppl 174, Leiden 1997) 73 Among others, Sandy mentions Plutarch "From the pen of Plutarch the so-called catalogue of Lampnas records some dozen doxographical aide mémoires two books of philosophical abstracts, a five-volume epitome of the physical doctrines of the various philosophical schools, a collection of Stoic contradictions, another of Stoic maxims, still another of Epicurean contradictions, extracts of the philo­ sophical views of Epicureans and Stoics and so on" {ibid) Cf also Sandy's description of Plin HN, ibid, 73-74 LA Holford-Strevens comments on the production of com­ pendia of traditional knowledge "to help their readers shine at cultured tables" {Aulus Gellms [London 1988] 6) 127 Thus it is an exaggeration to find a "strong philosophical tone" in Luke-Acts {pace Mason, "PHILOSOPHIAI", 49) Cf A Harnack, Beitrage zur Einleitung in das Neue Testament I Lukas der Arzt, der Verfasser des dntten Evangeliums und der Apostelgeschichte (Leipzig 1906; 12 with η 1 "Philosoph von Beruf ist der Verfasser gewiß nicht gewesen, auch nicht Rhetor oder Sachwalter—mit all diesen Berufen zeigt er nur so viel Berührung 382 CHRISTOPH HEIL

Περί δε τών ηθικών εξής ποιήσομαι τον υπομνηματισμον τα κεφάλαια τών αναγκαίων δογμάτων αναλαβων (Stob II 7,5 [W-H II 57,15-17])

Next I will offer a summary (ο υπομνηματισμός) of their ethics (τα ηθικά), repeat­ ing the essentials (τα κεφάλαια) of their principal beliefs 128

In this statement the adverb έξης is interesting, because in the New Testament it is only Luke who uses it, although restricted to its tem­ poral sense.129 With έξης Arius means the order of philosophical sub­ jects. Even more interesting is the parallel statement in Lk. 1:3 that he has written in an "orderly" manner (καθεξής).130 Like Arius the third Evangelist means by "orderly" the correct order according to theological regards. Luke does not intend a correct chronological order or a presentation which includes all possible details. Anus calls his work υπομνηματισμός which seems to be the same as the more common designation υπομνήματα (commentarli; "treatises").131 According to ancient histonographical theorists, υπομνήματα functioned as the starting point for historians. D.E. Aune explains,132

wie sie ein gebildeter Mann besitzt Reflexionen oder philosophische Darlegungen, dialektische Beweisführungen und dergl sind nicht seine Sache In Bezug auf letztere zeigt Lukas eme Anspruchslosigkeit, die bei einem gebildeten Griechen auffallend ist " Similarly M Meiser, Die Reaktion des Volkes auf Jesus Eine redaktionskritische Untersuchung zu den synoptischen Evangelien (BZNW 96, Berlm-New York 1998) 331 128 Translation from Anus Didymus Epitome of Stoic Ethics, ed Pomeroy, 11 129 Lk 7 1, 9 37, Acts 21 1, 25 17, 27 18 H0 This word too appears in the NT only in Luke-Acts, Lk 1 3, 8 1, Acts 3 24, 114, 18 23 On καθεξής in Lk 1 3 cf L C A Alexander, The Preface to Luke's Gospel Literary Convention and Social Context in Luke 114 and Acts 1 1 (SNTSMS 78, Cambridge 1993) 131-132, DP Moessner, "The Meaning of ΚΑΘΕΞΗΣ in the Lukan Prologue as a Key to the Distinctive Contribution of Luke's Narrative among the 'Many','' in The Four Gospels 1992 FS Frans Neirynck, eds F Van Segbroeck et al (BETL 100, Leuven 1992) 1513-1528, G Schneider, "Zur Bedeutung von καθεξής im lukamschen Doppel­ werk," in Id , Lukas, Theologe der Heilsgeschchte Aufsatze zum lukamschen Doppelwerk (BBB 59, Komgstein/Ts-Bonn 1985) 31-34 1,1 Cf also Anus' descriptions of his method in Stob II 7,12 (W-H II 116,15-18), II 7,26 (W-H II 147,26-148,4, 150,1, 152,24-25) Steinmetz ("Stoa", 713) translates υπομνηματισμός as "wissenschaftliche[s] Kompendium[]" The LXX uses υπομνημα­ τισμός in the sense of "memoirs" in 2 Esra 4 15 and 2 Mace 2 13 Further, cf Η J Cadbury et al, "The Greek and Jewish Traditions of Writing History," in The Beginnings of Christianity Part 1 The Acts of the Apostles 1/2 Prolegomena Criticism, eds F J Foakes Jackson and Κ Lake (London et al 1922) 7-29, 9, M Fuhrmann, "Hypomnema," KlPauly 2 (1967) 1282-1283, Ρ Hadot, "Philosophie VI Literarische Formen der Philosophie," in Historisches Wörterbuch der Philosophie, Vol 7, eds Ritter and Grunder, 848-858, 851 According to Hadot, υπομνήματα are "Sammlungen, aufge­ zeichnete Erinnerungen, Lekturenotizen, Anekdoten und vereinzelte Bemerkungen" M2 DE Aune, The New Testament in Its Literary Environment (LEC 8, Philadelphia 1987) 82 ARIUS DIDYMUS AND LUKE-AGTS 383

The first stage in writing history involved the preparation of a preliminary sketch of events {hypomnêma) in chronological order (Josephus, Against Apion 1 47-50, Lucían, History 16, 48) Hypomnêmata characteristically lacked speeches, dramatic episodes, digressions, and topical organization, all composed and inserted later

In Ρ Oxy. I 37 i,l (49 CE.) the term υπομνηματισμός means the official "minute" of court proceedings.133 Another usage of υπομνηματισμός could illuminate the source(s) which Luke may have used in Luke- Acts.134 For this term also designated the sober and short itineraries and diaries of Roman officials which they wrote about their travels and official acts.135 The papyrologist U. Wilcken has shown, for instance, how Aman (in his Anabasis of Alexander) and Plutarch (in his biography of Alexander) used the υπομνηματισμοί which were written by Alexander's secretaries.136 In view of the huge number of original philosophical works Anus' υπομνηματισμός certainly met the needs of philosophical instruction and academic discussion. When Arius says that he just presents the "main points" (τα κεφάλαια) of the various philosophical doctrines, he is characterizing a necessary feature of a reference tool without particular philosophical or literary ambitions. Of course Luke was also forced to reduce and condense his tradition,137 but there is a clear difference of condensing the teach­ ing of several philosophical schools which had flourished for cent­ uries, and the teaching of only one "school" which was just some decades old.

133 J Η Moulton, and G Milhgan, The Vocabulary of the Greek Testament Illustrated from the Papyri and Other Non Literary Sources (London 1930) 659 134 Cf Norden, Agnostos Theos, 316-327, Aune, The New Testament, 123 For a critique of this analogy, cf J Jervell, Die Apostelgeschichte (KEK 317, Gottingen 1998} 64, E Plu­ macher, "Wirklichkeitserfahrung und Geschichtsschreibung bei Lukas Erwägungen zu den Wir-Stucken der Apostelgeschichte,"

Anus' lack of literary ambition is conveyed by his diverse methods of presenting traditional material.138 Sometimes he quotes verbatim or in paraphrase, then he reproduces bare philosophical maxims, finally he uses the form of the diaeresis. The disiunctio and the diaeresis were prominent methods in ordering his traditional material.139 Only rarely Arius uses discursive argumen­ tation, but mostly he presents the philosophical issues by means of divisions and definitions. An example of the διαίρεσις method can be found in Stob. II 7,2 (διαίρεσις ήθικοΰ τόπου κατά τους Ακαδημαϊκούς). First Arius presents the division of philosophy as it was given by the Platomst philosopher Philon of Larissa (159/158-84/83 B.C.E.).140 After the διαίρεσις by Philon of Larissa Arius presents another one by Eudorus of Alexandria (end of first century B.C.E.)141 with the fol­ lowing reason,

ηγούμενος δ εμαυτω πρέπειν προ παντός την ουσίαν δείν επισκοπείν ου τις πραγ ματεύεται, κάπειτα ποιότητα την περί αυτήν καί ποσότητα, καί τούτοις εφεξής το προς τι, νομίζω προσεπιπονητέον τε είναι καί τα τών άλλων επισκοπείν, καθάπερ ου πάντων, οΰτως τών περί ταΰτα διενεγκάντων

Since I believe, however, that it is fitting for me to look especially at the essence of which one is concerned, then at the respective quality and quantity, and finally at the relation, therefore I am convinced that I both have to take pains and must look at the divisions of others, if not of all others, then surely of those who have distinguished themselves m this

The quest for the "essence" of Christian teaching is also present in Luke. Compare Acts 24:24-25,142

Some days later when Felix came with his wife Drusilla, who was Jewish, he sent for Paul and heard him speak concerning faith m Christ Jesus (περί τής εις Χριστον Ιησοΰν πίστεως) And as he discussed justice, self-control, and the coming judg­ ment (διαλεγομένου δε αυτοΰ περί δικαιοσύνης και εγκράτειας καί τοΰ κρίματος τοΰ μέλλοντος), Felix became frightened

138 Cf Steinmetz, "Stoa", 713 m Cf n 39 140 II 39,19-42,6 W-H Cf the German translation and commentary in Η Dorne, Der Platomsmus in der Antike Grundlagen—System—Entwicklung Begründet von Η Dorne Fortgeführt von M Baltes unter Mitarbeit von F Mann, vol 1 Die geschichtlichen Wurzeln des Piatonismus Bausteine 1 35 Text, Übersetzung, Kommentar Aus dem Nachlaß heraus­ gegeben von A Dorne (Stuttgart-Bad Cannstadt 1987) 170-175, 436-438 141 Cf M Giusta, "Ano Didimo e la diairesis dell'etica di Eudoro di Alessandria," Atti dellAccademia delle Scienze di Tonno, Classe di Scienze morali, storiche e filologiche 120 (1986) 97-132 142 However, cf the caveat by van Unmk ("Book of Acts", 351) "Words like δικαιοσύνη and εγκράτεια read as if a teacher of Hellenistic philosophy and ethics is speaking, but then the situation is misunderstood " ARIUS DIDYMUS AND LUKE'AGTS 385

Another example how Arius presented his material is taken from his section on Stoic ethics,14S

Τών δ αρετών τας μεν είναι πρώτας, τάς δε ταΐς πρώταις ύποτεταγμένας πρώτας δε τέτταρας είναι, φρόνησιν, σωφροσύνην, ανδρείαν, δικαιοσύνην Τη μεν ούν φρονήσει υποτάττεσθαι εύβουλίαν, εύλογιστίαν, αγχίνοιαν, νουνέχειαν, (εύστοχίαν,) εύμηχανίαν τη δε σωφροσύνη ευταξίαν, κοσμιότητα, αιδημοσύνην, έγκράτειαν τη δε ανδρεία καρτερίαν, θαρραλεότητα, μεγαλοψυχίαν, ευψυχίαν, φιλοπονίαν τη δε δικαιοσύνη ευσέβειαν, χρηστότητα, ευκοινωνησίαν, εύσυναλλαξίαν

Some virtues are primary, but others are subordinate to these The pnmary virtues are four prudence, moderation, courage, justice To prudence are subordi­ nated good sense, good calculation, quick-wittedness, discretion, resourcefulness, to moderation, good discipline, semmhness, modesty, self-control, to courage, endurance, confidence, high-mindedness, cheerfulness, industriousness, to justice, piety, honesty, equity, fair dealing

This method of defining and listing is not totally foreign to Luke,144 but it is certainly not a favorite method in presenting his material. For instance, there is no single Virtue or Vice List in Luke-Acts (with the possible exception of Lk. 18:11);14^ Luke prefers narrative, dramatic episodes, to tell his story.146 Further, I agree with Aune147 about the way in which Luke gives movement to his story, namely,

the characteristic response to messengers of God or prophets rejection (pri­ marily by Jews) and acceptance (primarily by Gentiles) This theme shapes the prophetic image of Jesus, structures many individual episodes, and determines the basic structure of both books

m Stob II 7,5 (W-H II 60,9-11 18-24) Translation from Hellenistic philosophers, eds Long and Sedley, 380 Gf Anus Didymus Epitome of Stoic Ethics, ed Pomeroy, 15 144 Some "lists" in Luke are taken over from the Sayings Gospel Q, Indeed the more primitive text of Q, mostly presents "lists" of sayings, while Luke produced a nar­ rative account (διήγησις) Cf J D Crossan, "Lists in Early Christianity A Response to Early Chnstmnity, Q and Jesus," Semeia 55 (1992) 235-243 ,4' Cf J Τ Fitzgerald, "Virtue/Vice Lists," ABD 6 (1992) 857-859, Sterling, "Hellenistic Philosophy", 325-327 DL Balch has compared Anus apud Stob II 7,26 (II 147,26- 152,25 W-H) to the New Testament household codes Cf Balch, "Household Codes", 27-28 40-45 But again, Luke has no household codes 146 Cf J Τ Squires, "Fate and Free Will in Hellenistic Histories and Luke-Acts," in Ancient History in a Modern University II Early Christianity, Late Antiquity and Beyond FS Edwin Judge, eds Τ W Hillard et al (Macquarie University, NSW Australia-Grand Rapids, MI 1998) 131-137, 135 "Luke is aware of the dilemma which his emphasis on divine providence produces, but he refrains from such an explicitly philosophical discussion of free will and determinism Luke offers a resolution of the problem through the flow of his story-line " 147 Aune, The New Testament, 131 386 CHRISTOPH HEIL

However, there is nothing comparable in Anus, who does not report rejection or acceptance of certain philosophical opinions. Anus seems to have paraphrased his authorities or at least he has copied traditional paraphrases. Here we have a clear parallel to Luke. However, Luke is not very much interested in giving his traditional material a new, more systematic order (in contrast to Matthew who creates speeches with specific topics, e.g., Mt. 18 or 23.) However, both Arius and Luke show interest in harmonizing dis­ crepancies among individual proponents of their own (Stoic/Christian) 'philosophies'.148 Both Anus and Luke have no interest in highlighting historical or existing conflicts, and they do not deliver flat apologetics of their own causes. The proofs that their position is true is to be found between the lines.149

C Literary Genre

How far can a comparison between the Gattung of Arms' work and that of Luke go?150

148 For Anus, cf Hahm, "Ethical Doxography", 3050 (" harmonizing discrepan­ cies among the individual Stoics, probably down to his own time ") For theological (and literary) harmonization as characteristic for Luke's and Josephus' redaction, cf F G Downing, "Redaction Criticism Josephus's Antiquities and the Synoptic Gospels Part I Josephus Part II Luke and the Other Two Synoptists," in New Testament Interpretation and Methods A Sheffield Reader, eds S E Porter and G A Evans (The Biblical Seminar 45, Sheffield 1997) 161-179,180-199 149 Luke knows the terminology of "proving", e g , Lk 3 19 (ελέγχω), Acts 2 22 (αποδείκνυμι), 17 2, 17, 18 4, 19 (διαλέγομαι), 18 28 (έπιδείκνυμι), 19 8-9, 20 7, 9, 24 12, 25 (διαλέγομαι), 25 7 (άποδείκνυμι), however, he is no pleading lawyer or a teaching philosopher but a historian Exactly this attitude was criticized by later oppo­ nents of Christianity Cf W Nestle, "Die Haupteinwande des antiken Denkens gegen das Christentum," in Christentum und antike Gesellschaft, eds J Martin and Β Quint, (WdF 649, Darmstadt 1990) 17-80, 44 (" die herrschenden philosophischen Systeme arbeiteten mit Beweisen Das Christentum hingegen verlangte blinden Glauben und verdammte den Zweifel, in dem der Grieche die Wurzel der Philosophie erkannt hatte So rügt Galen an Juden und Christen, daß sie 'unbewiesene Gesetze' [νόμοι άναπόδεικτοι] aufstellen, und ähnlich Lukian, daß die Christen die bei ihnen geltenden Lehren 'ohne irgendeinen genaueren Beweis annehmen' Celsus sieht gerade dann einen Unterschied zwischen Griechen und Barbaren, daß letztere zwar 'Dogmen erfinden', jene aber allein sie 'beurteilen und begründen' können ") Cf also S Benko, "Pagan Criticism of Christianity during the first two Centuries AD ," ANRW 2/23/2 (1980) 1055-1118, R Walzer, Galen on Jews and Chnstians (Oxford Classical and Philosophical Monographs, London 1949) 13-14, 37-48 1,0 Cf Cancik, "History", 687-693 ARIUS DIDYMUS AND LUKE"AGTS 387

In the case of Arius Didymus, the problem of the definition of the genre is rather insignificant. Arius certainly had no biographical inten­ tions. The lives of the quoted philosophers are secondary; of impor­ tance for Arius are the philosophical teachings of a particular school. For this reason, Arius refers to older and younger representatives of a school without chronological interest. In other words, Arius writes περί αιρέσεων, not βίοι. However, some parallels between Arius and Luke can still be observed. For example, both Arius1 ^ and Luke can speak in the first person, and the word συντεταγμένα ("compositions; compilations") is used in Eusebius, Praep. evang. XXIII 2 for Arius Didymus' compilation of Plato's "opinions".152 This reminds us of Luke's own words, . . . πολλοί επεχείρησαν άνατάξασθαι διήγησιν περί . . .153 Both ανατάσσομαι and συντάσσομαι can mean "compose; compile". The title Περί τών άρεσκόντων Πλάτωνι makes it clear that Arius is only treating thoughts, not deeds. Again, it is hard to detect any bio­ graphical elements in Arius' work. Arius concentrates on the doctrines of the philosophical schools; names of individual members of a par­ ticular school are only interspersed in the text, and this even more in the physical fragments than in the ethical sections of his work. Here is a fundamental difference to the narrative theologian Luke who relates πράγματα (Lk. 1:1) and speeches of important protagonists of Early Christianity. Luke uses chreiai found in Mark and Q, and he formulates new ones.154 There are no chreiai and no missionary intentions in Arius, which of course no ancient reader would expect in Περί αιρέσεων literature.

151 Cf also Zeller {Philosophe, 639, n 2) on the change of indirect and direct speech in Anus Didymus 1 )2 Gf Papias of Hierapolis, Ματθαίος Έβραίδι διαλέκτφ τα λόγια συνετάξατο (Eusebius, Hist eccl III 39) Cf Papiasfragmente Hirt des Hermas, eingeleitet, herausgegeben, übertragen und erläutert von U H J Kortner and M Leutzsch (Schriften des Urchrist­ entums 3, Darmstadt 1998) 58 1 )3 The verb ανατάσσομαι is a Lucan hapax in the NT, compared with συντάσσο­ μαι it is very rarely used in ancient Greek texts On Lk 11-4 in general, cf Alexander, Preface, Η J Holtzmann, Die synoptischen Evangelien Ihr Ursprung und geschichtlicher Charakter (Leipzig 1863) 243-248 ("Der Prolog des Lucas") 1 )4 Cf G Schneider, "Jesu überraschende Antworten Beobachtungen zu den Apoph- thegmen des dritten Evangeliums," in Id, Lukas, Theologe der Heilsgeschiche, 130-145, G Hezser, "Die Verwendung der hellenistischen Gattung Chne im frühen Christentum und Judentum," JSJ 27 (1996) 371-439 388 CHRISTOPH HEIL

Maybe the genre of Arius' work is closer to the genre of the Sayings Gospel Q? Q is a collection of words and short speeches of Jesus and John with only marginal narrative. This has lead J.S. Kloppenborg to conjecture QJs incipit as, Ούτοι οι λόγοι ους έλάλησεν Τησοΰς και Ιωάννης. "These are the sayings which Jesus (and John) spoke".155 With all due modesty regarding the reconstruction of a hypothetical beginning of Q¿ the International Q, Project has suggested, Οι λόγοι τοΰ Ίησοΰ.156 It cannot be excluded that those λόγοι may have appeared to some ancient hearers and/or readers as a listing of philosophical maxims as found in Arius' work157—but only at first glance. By closer examina­ tion no contemporary recipient could have confused ÇVs composition of prophetic and sapiential sayings with the doxography of a philo­ sophical school, e.g., the Cynics. The genre of Luke-Acts may be closer to Diogenes Laertius' Lives than to Anus' On the Sects.1™ In Diogenes Laertius' work we have a mix of the two different "ideal" literary genres biography and

1} ' J S Kloppenborg, Q, Parallels Synopsis, Critical Notes and Concordance (Foundations and Facets Reference Series, Sonoma, CA 1988) 2 Cf J M Robinson, "The Sayings Gospel Q," in The Four Gospels 1992 FS Frans Neirynck, eds van Segbroeck et al, 361-388, 386 Such a conjecture readily builds upon the incipit of Tie Gospel of Thomas {P Oxy 654,1-2a) οίτοι οι {οι} λόγοι οι [απόκρυφοι ους έλά]λησεν Ίη(σοΰ)ς ο ζών Cf Η W Attridge, "Appendix The Greek Fragments," in Nag Hammadi Codex 11,2 7, together with XIII,2*, Bnt Lib Or 4926(1), and Ρ Oxy 1, 654, 655 Vol 1 Gospel according to Thomas, Gospel according to Philip, Hypostasis of the Archons, and Indexes, ed Β Layton (Nag Hammadi Studies 20, Leiden 1989) 95-128, 113 1)6 MC Moreland and J M Robinson, "The International Q, Project," JBL 114 (1995) 475-485, 477 Also cf the detailed discussion by J M Robinson, "The Incipit of the Sayings Gospel Q," RHPhR 75 (1995) 9-33 1 )7 An unusual number of Jesus' sayings in Q resemble philosophical maxims found in Hellenistic gnomologia and chnae collections, in particular of the Cynic tradition, cf J S Kloppenborg, The Formation of (¿ Trajectories in Ancient Wisdom Collections (Studies m Antiquity and Christianity, Philadelphia 1987) 289-316 Cf further A Batten, "Patience Breeds Wisdom Q, 6 40 in Context," CBQ60 (1998) 641-656 (654-655 "The framers of the first level of the Q document clearly intended that it be a source of teaching for the members of the community I have intended to suggest not that the Q peo­ ple did constitute a philosophical movement, but simply that their document—at least its first layer— provokes comparison with such groups "), W Braun, "Socio-Mythic Invention, Graeco-Roman Schools, and the Sayings Gospel Q," Method and Theory in the Study of Religion 11 (1999) 210-235 1,8 For a comparison between Diogenes Laertius and Luke cf C H Talbert, Literary Patterns, Theological Themes and the Genre of Luke-Acts (SBLMS 20, Missoula, MT 1974) 125-140, Id , Acts of the Apostles Reactions to this comparison can be found in the fol­ lowing publications G Schneider, "Der Zweck des lukamschen Doppelwerks," m Id , Lukas, Theologe der Heûsgeschchte, 9-30, 27-30, E Plumacher, "Neues Testament und hellenistische Form Zur literarischen Gattung der lukamschen Schriften," Theologia ARIUS DIDYMUS AND LUKE"ACTS 389

historiography.159 This is already apparent in the title of Diogenes Laertius' work Βίοι καί γνώμαι. . . Such a mix can be found in Luke's work, too, which shows features and influences of more than one genre. Diogenes Laertius' biographical interest, however, is much stronger than his histonographical concerns.160 Mejer writes on the genre of Diogenes' work,161

Though Diogenes never explicitly states the purpose of his book, there can be little doubt that he was more interested in the personalities of the philosophers and in their lives than in philosophical problems and arguments Thus, Diogenes had a good reason for choosing to compose his book within the Successions- genre, ι e in a structure where it is the personal relationships between individ­ ual philosophers that determine the sequence in which they are presented rather than the affinity of their philosophical positions, and where the idea of philo­ sophical development seems to play a minor role Nor is it a coincidence that so many anecdotes in his book concern matters which testify to an interest in the 'art of living' under which circumstances does one become a philosopher, is it good to be married, how does one deal with tyrants, does philosophy benefit one's way of living, how does one face death?

Doxographical compendia served primarily as reference tools and start­ ing points for one's own philosophical thinking. Regardless to which doxographical subspecies (or mixture of subspecies) one may wish to relate Luke-Acts, did Luke at all intend to provide such a reference tool or such a starting point? In Lk. 1:4 it is explicitly stated that Luke wants to provide his patron with "exact information" (ασφάλεια) about the historical and theological basis for the Christian faith. Thus, is Luke-Acts a 'handbook' presenting Christian maxims and teachings?

Viatorum 14/15 (1977/80) 109-123, 110-111, Aune, The New Testament, 78-79, Cadbury, Knox, and Talbert American Contnbutions to the Study of Acts, eds M C Parsons and J Β Tyson (SBLBSNA SBL Centennial Publications, Atlanta, GA 1992) 131-251 (articles by M C Parsons, L Β Chance, and D Ρ Moessner with a response by C Η Talbert), G Strecker, Literaturgeschichte des Neuen Testaments (UTB 1682, Gottingen 1992) 237-238, L C A Alexander, "Acts and Ancient Intellectual Biography," m The Book of Acts in Its First Gentury Setting I The Book of Acts in Its Ancient Literary Setting, eds Β W Winter and AD Clarke (Grand Rapids, Mi-Carlisle 1993) 31-63, MC Parsons and RI Pervo, Rethinking the Unity of Luke and Acts, 14, 36-37, Balch, "Apostelgeschichte," 643 109 Cf Donng, Histona Philosopha, 32-40 160 Cf Donng, Historia Philosopha, 35 Note that one of the main (though not direct) sources of Diogenes Laertius was Sotion of Alexandria who wrote Διαδοχή τών φιλοσόφων in thirteen books (between 200 and 170 Β C E ) 161 Mejer, "Diogenes Laertius and the Transmission of Greek Philosophy," 3561 390 CHRISTOPH HEIL

From her study of the prefaces of Luke-Acts, L.C.A. Alexander saw the openings of the two books in such a 'handbook' tradition. She contends that the closest parallels to Luke's prefaces are to be found in Greek scientific and technical manuals of the Hellenistic and Roman periods.162 However, the comparison with Arius Didymus gives me some reasons not to exaggerate this comparison with contemporary manuals. To be sure, Arius is neither a natural scientist nor a tech­ nologist, but in his philosophical "manual" Arius in general provides philosophical argumentation, long series of classifications and labori­ ous lists of school maxims. This is no easy read for the general audi­ ence which probably would have preferred the entertaining anecdotes of Diogenes Laertius. Luke-Acts, on the other hand, is a narrative historical work (διήγησις Lk. 1:1) in 'dramatic, episodic style'.163 Even Luke's sources (Mark, Q,, Sondergut) were not meant to be reference tools, but authoritative for­ mulations of the Christian kerygma, i.e., Gospels. However, it was probably possible that educated readers of Luke- Acts could think that they read two books on a new Oriental philo­ sophical or religious "sect" 164 I am not arguing that Jesus and his early movement themselves have actually to be understood as philoso­ phers,165 but the new Classicism of the Augustean time showed increas-

162 Alexander, Preface, 211 " we are moving on from the observation that Luke- Acts and the scientific treatises studied belong to the same socio-cultural stratum of Greco-Roman society to the proposal that Luke is writing from within a Christian social context which is in significant respects like that of the hellemstic schools themselves " 16 * E Plumacher, Lukas als hellenistischer Schriftsteller Studien zur Apostelgeschichte (SUNT 9, Gottingen 1972) 80-136, E Haenchen, Die Apostelgeschichte (KEK 3i6, Gottingen 71977) 114-117 (cf 117, n 1 "dramatische[r] Episodenstil") !b4 Cf Nestle, "Haupteinwande", 43 ("Der gebildete Grieche oder Romer konnte das Christentum nicht wohl anders auffassen denn als eine Art neuer Philosophie, beanspruchte es doch, über Gott und Welt, Himmel und Erde, Leben und Tod, und nicht zum wenigsten über Seligkeit und Verdammnis im Jenseits Bescheid zu wis­ sen und den richtigen Weg zu einer entsprechenden Lebensführung zu weisen "), R L Wilken, "Kollegien, Philosophenschulen und Theologie," in £w Soziologie des Urchnstentums Ausgewählte Beitrage zum frühchristlichen Gemeinschaftsleben in seiner gesellschaft­ lichen Umwelt, ed WA Meeks (Theologische Bucherei 62, München 1979) 165-193, Id, The Christians as the Romans Saw Them (New Haven, CT-London 1984) 72-93 (esp on Galen's view of Christianity as a philosophical school), Aune, The New Testament, 137 From the second century C E on, there is a considerable interest among Greek intellectuals about Judaism and Christianity Cf R Doran, Birth of a Worldview Early Christianity in Its Jewish and Pagan Context (Explorations, Boulder, CO et al 1995) 47-49 ("Pagans on Christians") On Alexander of Lycopohs' (late 3rd cent C E ) view of Christianity cf Ρ W van der Horst, " Ά Simple Philosophy' Alexander of Lycopohs on Christianity," in Polyhistor, eds Algra et al, 313-329, Walzer, Galen, 72-74 1(" Pace D Seeley, "Was Jesus like a Philosopher? The Evidence of Martyrological and ARIUS DIDYMUS AND LUKE"ACTS 391

ing interest in 'old' and 'foreign' wisdom.166 Luke is very well aware of this interest and uses it in his presentation 167 The interpretatio Graeca of Luke and the later Chnstian apologists made it possible to understand the eschatological Jewish prophet and his followers as "philosophers". Already some early Hellenistic Greek authors saw the Jews as a philosophical αϊρεσις.168 In his Περί Ευσέβειας, Theophrastus (372-288/ 287 B.C.E.) classifies the Jews as φιλόσοφοι το γένος οντες ("being philoso­ phers by race").169 Also Megasthenes (ca. 300 B.C.E.) includes the Jews among the philosophers in his Indica}1*0 As a third example one may name Clearchus of Soli (ca. 300 B.C.E.), De somno.171 On the other hand, Hellenistic Jews could call their religion quite positively a "philosophy".172 Aristobulus (first half of the 2nd cent. B.C.E.), for instance, described Judaism as a αϊρεσις.173

Wisdom Motifs m Q, Pre-Pauline Traditions, and Mark," SBLSP 28 (1989) 540-549, 549 "The evidence leads our speculation m the direction of seeing Jesus as a philosopher " 166 Cf Dihle, Literatur der Kaiser zeit, 73 "Die Ruckwendung der Schulphilosophie zu den 'Alten', die dem Aufkommen des Attizismus um eine Generation vorausging, aber denselben Geist bekundet, laßt sich endlich dem steigenden Interesse an der sog Doxographie, an der Geschichte der Lehrmeinungen, entnehmen Es ist besonders fur die Zeit des Augustus bezeugt und hielt die ganze Kaiserzeit hindurch an " Cf fur­ ther, A Dihle, Die Griechen und die Fremden (München 1994) 105-121 ("Die Anziehungskraft des Exotischen m der Romischen Kaiserzeit")

167 Qç p!umacher5 Apostelgeschichte, 506-509 ("Septuaginta-Mimesis und hellenistischer Klassizismus", "Archaismen"), Sterling, Historiography, 373-374 Regarding Acts 17, Balch observes that "against the defense of images by contemporary Stoics like Dio [Chrysostom] , Acts pictures Paul presenting the ancient, authentic, philosophical opinion Understanding Luke's picture of Paul m Athens depends on recognizing this appeal to the true, ancient philosophical tradition, parallel to Luke's picture of Paul m continu­ ity with true Judaism" (Balch, "Areopagus Speech", 71-72) For the notion of Christianity as βάρβαρος φιλοσοφία in Late Antiquity, cf Stroumsa, "Philosophy," 60-72 108 For the following, cf A Momigliano, Alien Wisdom The Limits of Hellemzation (Cambridge 1975) 85-86, Ρ Pilhofer, PRESBTTERON KREITTON Der Altersbeweis der judischen und christlichen Apologeten und seine Vorgeschichte (WUNT 2/39, Tubingen 1990) 73-74, Sterling, "Hellenistic Philosophy," 314, G G Stroumsa, "Philosophy of the Barba­ rians On Early Christian Ethnological Representations," in Id , Barbarian Philosophy The Religious Revolution of Early Christianity (WUNT 112, Tubingen 1999) 57-84, 61-62 1(>q M Stern (ed), Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism I From Herodotus to Plu­ tarch fJerusalem 1974) 10 (# 4) In the commentary, Stern remarks that obviously Theo­ phrastus sees the Jews as "a type of philosophical caste among the Syrians" {ibid, 10) 170 Stern (ed), Greek and Latin Authors, 46 (# 14) 171 Stern (ed), Greek and Latin Authors, 49-50 (# 15) 172 For the following, cf O Michel, "φιλοσοφία, φιλόσοφος," TWNT9 (1973) 169-185, 177-180, RE DeMaris, "Philosophy," ABD 5 (1992) 346, M Hengel, "Der alte und der neue 'Schurer'," in Id , Judaica, Hellenistica et Christiana Kleine Schriften II (WUNT 109, Tubingen 1999) 157-199, 188-189, JL Kugel, The Bible As It Was (Cambridge, MA-London 1997) 545-548, Id , Traditions of the Bible A Guide to the Bible As It Was at the Start of the Common Era (Cambridge, MA-London 1998) 863-865 m Eusebius, Praep evang XIII 12,7-8 (Mras 195), CR Holladay, Fragments from 392 CHRISTOPH HEIL

πάσι γαρ τοις φιλοσοφοις ομολογείται διότι δει περί θεοΰ διαλήψεις οσίας ε'χειν, ó μάλιστα παρακελεύεται καλώς η καθ ημάς αιρεσις

All philosophers agree that it is necessary to hold devout convictions about God, something which our school prescribes particularly well (Fragment 4 8, lines 95- 97 Holladay)

4 Maccabees counters the charge that the religion (θρησκεία) of the Jews is foolish φιλοσοφία (5:7-11); the author defends obedience to the Law as sound philosophy because it enables one to achieve the car­ dinal Greek philosophical virtues (5:22-24).174 Philo of Alexandria referred to the Jewish religion as the "philosophy of our fathers" (πάτριος φιλοσοφία; De vita Mosis II § 216 [cf. II § 211-212]; De vita contempi. § 28). Also Josephus was concerned to recommend Judaism as a philo­ sophical religion. However, he uses the term φιλοσοφία more narrowly, applying it to each of the religious parties in pre-70 C.E. Jewish Palestine; the Pharisees, Sadducees, and Essenes constitute the philoso­ phies of the Jews (AJ 18.11; cf. BJ 2.119).175

4. Conclusion

We are left to repeat today's majority view that the two volumes of Luke-Acts are somehow idiosyncratic monographs, of which the first presents the biography of Jesus and the second the missionary history of the young Christian movement in connection with two outstanding personalities, Peter and Paul.176

Hellenistic Jewish Authors Vol 3 Anstobulus (SBLTT 39 Pseudepigrapha Senes 13, Atlanta, GA 1995) 174-175 Cf M Hengel, Juden, Griechen und Barbaren Aspekte der Hellenisierung des Judentums in vorchristlicher £eit (SBS 76, Stuttgart 1976) 141-142 174 Cf J W van Henten, The Maccabean Martyrs as Saviours of the Jewish People A Study of 2 and 4 Maccabees ( JSJ S 57, Leiden et al 1997) 278-288, 289-294 ("Jewish philos­ ophy in 4 Maccabees" "The Jewish people as a people of philosophers") ]7i Cf Aune, The New Testament, 108, D Sanger, "Heiden—Juden—Christen Erwägungen zu einem Aspekt frühchristlicher Missionsgeschichte," £NW 89 (1998) 145- 172, 168 17(1 Cf Hengel, Geschichtsschreibung, 37 " eine recht eigenwillige 'historische Monographie', eine Spezialgeschichte, welche die missionarische Entfaltung einer jun­ gen religiösen Bewegung in Verbindung mit zwei überragenden Persönlichkeiten, Petrus und Paulus, darstellt " After a detailed Forschungsbericht, A J M Wedderburn arrives at a similar conclusion "Weil keine Zeitgenossen oder Nachfolger solche Acta geschrie­ ben haben, ist sein Werk eigentlich ein Werk sui genens Es gehört zu keiner Gattung, wenn eine Gattung per definitionem aus mehreren Werken bestehen sollte Und seine Verwandtschaft mit anderen Werken in diesem Sinne bleibt nur eine lose Verwandtschaft und Bekanntschaft, allerdings zugleich eme Verwandtschaft mit mehr als einer Literatur-'Famihe' " ("Zur Frage der Gattung der Apostelgeschichte," in ARIUS DIDYMUS AND LUKE"AGTS 393

The classification of Acts as "history" is also presupposed by Cancik. Inspired by his observations, however, the comparison of Luke-Acts with Arius Didymus showed only a few, rather superficial connections and, at the same time, made the exceptional position of Luke's his­ tory clear. The author of Luke-Acts does not share the strictly philo­ sophical and histonographical features of the Περί αιρέσεων genre. Therefore Cancik's thesis that Luke's second book is related to the ancient historiography of philosophy, must be rejected. Regarding genre, it is suggested that actually the Sayings Gospel Q is closer to the work of Arius than Luke-Acts, but even Q cannot be classified as an ancient historiography of philosophy (cf. section 3.C above). To be sure, Luke used the sayings collection as a kind of revered compendium or υπομνηματισμός, but not for producing a history of the early Christian "philosophy". Luke was not a Christian doxographer in the historiographical sense, but maybe it can be said that he was leading the way to later Christian "doxographers" (apologists and heresiologists).177 Already in the Gospel of Thomas Jesus is compared with a wise philosopher,178 Matthew said to him "You are like an (especially) wise philosopher " {Gos Thorn 13 3)

However, it was still two generations until the Platonist philosopher and Christian apologist Justin Martyr (ca. 100-165 CE.) could explic­ itly call Christianity a φιλοσοφία (Dial. 8.1-2).179 At about 180 CE., Galen is "the first pagan author who implicitly places Greek philoso­ phy and the Christian religion on the same footing".180

Geschichte—Tradition—Reflexion FS Martin Hengel, Vol 3, eds Ρ Schafer et al [Tubingen ' 1996] 303-322, 319) Similarly G Schneider, Die Apostelgeschichte (HTKNT 5/1, Freiburg et al 1980Ì 73-76 177 For Christian doxographers, cf Wyss, "Doxographie", 203-210 178 Cf Synopsis Quattuor Evangeliorum, ed Κ Aland (Stuttgart !)1996) 522, SJ Patterson and J M Robinson, The Fifth Gospel The Gospel of Thomas Comes of Age With a New English Translation by H -G Bethge et al (Harnsburg, PA 1998) 10 179 Cf Ρ Hadot, Wege zur Weisheit oder Was lehrt uns die antike Philosophe? (Berlin 1999) 273-284 180 Walzer, Galen, 42 ^s

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