Andrew Buchanan on the Mediterranean Air War: Airpower

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Andrew Buchanan on the Mediterranean Air War: Airpower Robert S. Ehlers Jr.. The Mediterranean Air War: Airpower and Allied Victory in World War II. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2015. 536 pp. $39.95, cloth, ISBN 978-0-7006-2075-3. Reviewed by Andrew N. Buchanan Published on H-Diplo (August, 2015) Commissioned by Seth Offenbach (Bronx Community College, The City University of New York) The core of Robert S. Ehlers Jr.’s fne account glas Porch’s campaign to assert the pivotal charac‐ of the air war in the Mediterranean during World ter of the Mediterranean theater, and he endorses War II is an operational-level study focused on the Porch’s judgment that victory there was “a re‐ integration of airpower into the overall conduct of quirement for Allied success” (p. 4). To a card-car‐ military activity, or the lack of it. Ehlers’s central rying Mediterraneanist such as myself, this argu‐ contention in The Mediterranean Air War: Air‐ ment seems to be right on the money. power and Allied Victory in World War II is that During the course of the war in the Mediter‐ the Allies’ increasingly competent and binational ranean, the air assets available to the Allies rose integration of land, sea, and air assets stands in from the meager 370 Royal Air Force machines in sharp contrast to the profound disfunctionality Egypt and East Africa under the command of Air that marked similar eforts by the Axis powers. He Chief Marshal Arthur Longmore in May 1940, to argues convincingly that it was possible for the the fve thousand-plus modern combat aircraft Axis to win in the Mediterranean if they had ap‐ available to American lieutenant general Ira Eak‐ proached the theater with a clear strategy, cen‐ er’s Mediterranean Allied Air Force in 1944 (p. tralized leadership, and operational practices 397). This massive air armada enjoyed complete based on the careful allocation of available assets. air supremacy, enabling Allied aircraft both to This, he contends, would have been possible with‐ dominate within the Mediterranean itself and to out committing substantial additional resources range deeply into central Europe. Yet these simple to the theater; the “better use of the ones they had statistics at least partially obscure the fact that could well have done the trick” (p. 9). The war in this was not a process of incremental growth. the Mediterranean, in other words, was not won Rather, from the frst battles with the Italians in by superior numbers--although the Allies increas‐ the summer and fall of 1940 through to the evic‐ ingly benefited from the big battalions--but by the tion of the Axis from the North African littoral side that learned best how to deploy its available with the victory in Tunisia in May, 1943, the issue forces. While this operational question is Ehlers’s was closely contested, with the Axis coming close central focus, he does not stint on discussing both to victory during the great German-led offensives the strategic context and the tactical details of the in North Africa in 1941 and 1942. In this light, application of airpower. In relation to big-picture Ehlers focuses a great deal of attention on the strategy, Ehlers very much follows historian Dou‐ struggle for Malta, arguing—correctly in my view H-Net Reviews —that the repeated suspension and eventual can‐ in June 1941, Tedder quickly recognized that the cellation of Operation Hercules, the Axis plan to air force’s primary initial mission was to secure capture the troublesome island, was “one of the and maintain air superiority, a task that required pivotal blunders of the war” (p. 199). the consistent deployment of air assets against en‐ What comes across most clearly here is, to emy airfields and lines of supply on both land and use a term not commonly used by military histori‐ sea. Ironically, as Winston Churchill noted after a ans, a question of agency. Within a given set of critical meeting with theater commanders and the circumstances, it matters who makes decisions, chiefs of staff in London in July 1941, the struggle how those decisions are made, and above all, how for air superiority would mean that ground units they are executed. From this point of view, would see fewer friendly aircraft overhead. The Ehlers’s account of the individual personalities “mischievous practice” of “keeping standing pa‐ and command structures helps to build a sophisti‐ trols over moving columns” had to be abandoned, cated account of Allied air forces that were gen‐ the prime minister insisted, in favor of round-the- uine learning organizations, fexible enough to clock attacks on the “rearward services of the ene‐ permit experimentation and innovation, yet suffi‐ my” (p. 153). This key lesson in the deployment of ciently centralized to ensure both the organized airpower eluded the Axis forces, with Rommel in‐ generalization of lessons learned and the rational sisting that Luftwaffe assets be used primarily to overall disposition of resources. A high degree of provide close support for fast-moving tank col‐ centralization was initially forced upon the umns. Given the high quality of German pilots British by the necessity of marshaling extremely and equipment, this approach could yield devas‐ scarce resources to the best advantage, not least tating results at the point of contact. It could not, because the latest aircraft types were being held however, counter an Allied air effort whose con‐ for the defense of the British Isles. Having estab‐ certed attacks on the “rearward services” were lished the habits of centralization in extremis, in‐ continually eating into Axis resources (p. 153). cluding the practice of collocating headquarters to Ehlers insists that by misusing their air assets, ensure maximum interservice collaboration, they Axis commanders, and Rommel in particular, became ingrained in British, and later Anglo- threw away the opportunity to leverage their su‐ American, practice in ways that continually maxi‐ perior equipment and well-trained crews to se‐ mized both the use of available assets and the dis‐ cure a decisive advantage in North Africa. semination of doctrinal developments. American As British airpower was deployed with in‐ air units, arriving in the theater in large numbers creasing effect against Axis shipping, and as following the Torch landing in November 1942, British commanders learned to integrate air and were thus able to assimilate the hard-won lessons naval resources in this effort, the Axis forces in of their British allies without having to go through North Africa entered an accelerating “logistical their own protracted learning experience. As death spiral” (p. 239). Ironically, by extending his Ehlers makes clear, the Axis experience was, in advance to El Alamein without having secure air contrast, marked by a chronic lack of centraliza‐ superiority, Rommel succeeded only in placing his tion, constant breakdowns in communication be‐ head very frmly in the noose. At this point, it tween ground and air forces, and by profound di‐ seems, the significance of a concentrated effort to visions between the Axis partners. secure air superiority fnally dawned on him; it The central fgure in all of this was Chief Air was, to say the least, a little late in the day. If Axis Marshal Arthur Tedder, and Ehlers rightly high‐ logistics were catastrophically shambolic, Ehlers lights his leadership. Taking over from Longmore does a fne job of discussing the increasingly com‐ petent logistical and support effort that facilitated 2 H-Net Reviews Allied air operations. In particular, he highlights north across the Mediterranean; it is striking that the remarkable work performed by Air Vice-Mar‐ the Desert War occupies nearly three hundred shal Graham Dawson, Tedder’s chief maintenance pages of text, while the Italian and French cam‐ officer. Under Dawson, recovery teams scoured paigns, despite the larger forces involved, cover the desert for damaged aircraft that were then re‐ barely one hundred. furbished with parts manufactured in new plants By the time the Allies moved north into Sicily set up in Egypt; again, the contrast with the Luft‐ and Italy, they were well on the way to achieving waffe, which frequently abandoned aircraft for air supremacy; indeed, with the exception of lim‐ want of spares, is striking. ited attacks on Allied invasion forces by aircraft Over the course of the war in the North equipped with guided bombs, the Luftwaffe virtu‐ African desert, the Royal Air Force (RAF) perfect‐ ally disappears from the story. Despite this advan‐ ed the integration of airpower into fast-moving tage, however, complex terrain, slow-moving bat‐ ground battle. RAF squadrons became adept at tlefronts, tenacious German defenses, and poor “leapfrogging” to new airfields as ground forces flying weather negated the application of many of advanced or retreated; at one point RAF airfields the close support techniques developed in North were operating under German artillery fre in ad‐ Africa. Instead, in early 1944 Allied tactical air‐ vance of forward Eighth Army ground units! As power was concentrated on an effort to force Ger‐ this integration progressed, airpower came to be man ground forces to retreat by cutting off their viewed less as a “support” for ground and naval supplies. Operation Strangle thus saw airpower units, and more as a key component of a genuine‐ concentrated on railroads (there was a heated dis‐ ly “combined” bi- or trilateral effort. cussion about the relative efficacy of bombing As British aircraft secured air superiority, bridges or marshaling yards) and truck convoys they were able to pay increasing attention to the in a concerted effort to starve out well-entrenched provision of tactical support for their ground German troops. There was, Ehlers suggests, some forces. Here, too, the Desert Air Force was work‐ “excessive enthusiasm” in the planning process, ing out in practice the complexities of targeting, with Eaker arguing that the Germans could be dis‐ resource allocation, and the avoidance of “friend‐ lodged by airpower alone (p.
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