Chinese Researches in the History of Science and Technology, 1982

Chinese Science, 1983, 6: 59-83

CHINESE RESEARCHES IN THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY, 1982

XI Zezong

In China the number of organizations and publications in the history of science has been continuously increasing, as has the number of articles on that subject in every sort of publication devoted to the sciences and social sciences. In 1982 the number of articles published throughout the country exceeded seven hundred and fifty, an increase of one and a half times over 1981. I will survey the book and periodical literature under the following headings: 1. Discussions of the failure of modern science to develop independently in China 2. History of natural sciences 3. History of applied sciences 4. History of scientific thought 5. History of scientific organizations References and abbreviations are listed at the end of this essay. A few supplementary references have been provided in footnotes by the Editor. The Failure of Modern Science to Develop Independently in China In 1982 the first general history of Chinese science and technology, by Du Shiran and other members of the Institute for the History of Natural Science, Academia Sinica, was published in preliminary form by Science Press. Its ten chapters, in two volumes, discuss the beginnings of science, the formation of concepts from experience (to 770 B.C.), the foundations (770-221) and formation of a system of science (221-A.D. 220), its strengthening and enhancement (220- 581), its continued development (581-960), its zenith (960-1368), its slowed advance (1368 - 17th century), the first influx of Western science and technology (17th century - 1840), and modem science and technology (1840-1919). The basic structure of the book is chronological, but with some exceptions for the sake of focus. At the end of the book a "Conclusion" of about 27,000 characters takes up four questions: 1. Science as a revolutionary force that propelled history 2. The social conditions for the development of science 3. Whether ancient Chinese science was systematized 4. The reasons for the retardation of Chinese science in modem times The authors believe that, whether we consider the course of development, methods of approaching and solving problems, or content, ancient Chinese science clearly differed from that of ancient Greece, lndia, or medieval Islam, and formed an integral system. Once this system had been produced, it became an invisible barrier that remained to some extent autonomous, conservative, and Professor Xi is a Research Fellow and Director of the Ancient Division of the Institute for the History of Natural Science, Academia Sinica, Beijing, People's Republic of China.

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exclusive. As this system itself became richer and more fully developed, these three characteristics became more prominent, constituting one of the reasons that modern science was unable to be produced or accepted in China. But the authors believe that the reasons for China's backwardness in modern science cannot be found entirely within the old system of science. Analysis must begin with the influence of China's feudal society upon scientific development: 1. The self-sufficient, small-scale agricultural and commercial economies did not develop fully. 2. The feudal oligarchy was able to enforce intellectual orthodoxies. 3. Science and technology as managed by government officials only satisfied the needs of feudal rule. This management to a very large extent meant that the outcomes of scientific research could have little effect on the development of production. 4. The feudal rulers in successive ages, unlike the bourgeoisie, never recognized the social functions of science. 5. Blindly chauvinistic attitudes toward the imperial government and toward Chinese civilization hindered learning about advanced science from foreign countries. Chen Wuquan's "The cultural tradition that shackled the development of Chinese science and technology" approaches this problem from a different angle. "A philosophical tradition that stresses practical application and despises the pursuit of cognitive understanding can rarely provide methodological or intel lectual inspiration for the development of science"; "an ethical tradition that ignores material well-being deprives scientific development of a fundamental stim ulus"; "a scholarly tradition that lacks a conceptualized cognitive logic and quantitative analysis leaves scientific development stalled at the empirical stage, so that the development of systematized theory is unlikely"; "civil service as the aim of excellence in study makes it difficult for scientific talent to matme"; "the attitude that 'those who do mental work rule others and those who do physical work are ruled by others' leads to the divorce of theory and practice, the separation of intellectuals and craftsmen." These five factors, Chen argues, prevented the development of modern science in China. Ye Xiaoqing, in her "Several factors adverse to the introduction of modern science into China," believes that, in addition to political corruption, "superficial acquaintance and eagerness for quick success led to faulty principles governing introduction." She asserts that "when the difference between the original foun dation and what is to be introduced is too great, the ability to digest and assimilate will be lacking," and speaks of "the bonds of the traditional view of nature." Wu Deduo, writing on "Xu Guangqi,f~'; fu llJc and Bacon," goes so far as to argue that China failed to produce modern science because religion was unable to attain a dominant position there. He says, "In Europe the Church, which represented divine authority, held a ruling position; those who held authority, as well as the common people, were merely the children of God, and equal before God.... This made matters simple.... Once the defense line of divine authority had been breached by progressives, ... science was able to strike off its fetters

Downloaded from Brill.com10/10/2021 02:20:55PM via free access XI 61 and, responsive to social needs, begin developing with irresistible force. But in old China, the representatives of feudalism who possessed the highest temporal power were entirely unwilling to tolerate any interference with the diverse measures they took to bind the hands and feet of the people so as to consolidate their own political authority." Explorations in the History of Science and Technology in China was edited by Li Guohao and others in honor of the eightieth birthday of Joseph Needham, F.R.S., F.B.A. Its thirty-one essays, accompanied by a complete bibliography of Needham's wTitings, were contributed by thirty-two scholars in eleven countries. Among the contents of this book is "Why the Scientific Revolution Did Not Take Place in China-Or Didn't It?" by N. Sivin. An essay by Needham entitled "Poverties and Triumphs of the Chinese Scientific Tradition" is translated in the first issue of Science and Philosophy. 1 In October 1982 the publisher of Joumal of Dialectics of Natiire held a confer ence in Chengdu to discuss this "scientific revolution problem." An important paper presented at this conference, "The historical structure of science and technology: Reasons for the backwardness of science and technology in China compared with the West since the seventeenth century," has already been published in the J oumal. The authors, Jin Guantao et al., counted nearly two thousand achievements of science and technology in a period of two thousand five hundred years between the sixth century B.C. and the end of the nineteenth century. According to the role of each achievement in its field and its social influence, they worked out scores ranging from 1 (for the manufacture of white lead) to 1000 (for Chinese printing, gunpowder, and the compass, or for Newton's Principia). From these scores they derived curves for the cumulative increase in the level of science in China and the West. Using different temporal scales, they obtained values for the net (or absolute) increase in scientific achievement in China and the West in different historic periods. Their results clearly demonstrated different characteristics of scientific develop ment in China and the West. In China this was a slow increase, continuous and steady. In the West, after a major hiatus, development accelerated from the fifteenth or sixteenth century on. The authors argue that this acceleration was produced by cycles of "theory-experiment-theory" and "technology-science (including theory and experiment)-technology." The authors further point out that here "theory" refers to theories based on a structural view of nature. Scientific experiment must be controlled experiment; technology must comprise unrestricted systems. "Structural view of nature" has two levels of meaning. One

1The Needham paper was originally published as pp. 117-177 in A. C. Crombie (ed.), Scie11- tific Change (London, 1963), and was reprinted without the valuable discussion as pp. 14-54 in Neeclham, The Gra11d Titration. Science and Society in East and West (London, 1969). A revised and expancled version of the paper by Sivin has been published in Chi11ese Science, 1982, 5: ,b5-66. Note that in Chinese as in English the word "science" is frequently used in a broad sense that includes medicine and technology. It is so used for conciseness in this article. The author wishes to express his thanks to Fan Chuyui'£ f _i and Ding Wei1 f.r for their assistance, to the Editor of Chinese Scie11ce for the English translation, and to Virginia Dalton and David Cowhig for editorial help.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/10/2021 02:20:55PM via free access 62 is the requirement that natural phenomena be comprehended from a structural point of view; the other is the demand that theory be expressed in logical form. "Controlled experiment" refers to the need to carry out experiments under strictly controlled conditions, so that, if anyone anywhere were to perform the same experiment under the same conditions using the same method, the results would appear with steady probability. "Unrestricted" refers to the ability of the technology to dissociate itself beyond the control of individuals who have mastered it. That is, technology is no longer the art and mystery of a specialized group, but becomes a common productive force in society. A structural view of nature, controlled experiment, unrestricted technological systems: these three interact cyclically to produce an acceleration. It was in a structure of this kind that modern science attained its accelerating development. The establishment of such a structure was an internal cause of the development of modern science. Social conditions restricted this development by affecting the corresponding links in the structure. In the ancient Chinese system of science and technology, no such cyclic, accelerating structure ever formed. This is the reason that for the past several centuries Chinese science has lagged behind that of the West. As for how the West established this structure step by step, and why China was unable to establish it, the authors plan to give their answers in another essay, entitled "Historical changes in the structure of science and technology," which we await with interest. The paper of Jin Guantao and his colleagues includes a number of points that call for discussion, but above all it is an attempt at something new. It brings to bear systems theory, information theory, cybernetics, and quantitative method upon the research domain of the history of science. "A preliminary investigation into the laws of development of Chinese and Western medicine," by Li Yongming & Wang Xiaoming, is in some respects similar to the study by Jin et al., and in addition makes use of fuzzy mathematics. In a brief note entitled "Emphasize research on the regularities of the development of Chinese medicine," Nie Guang & Tu Han not only propose that systems theory, information theory, and cyber netics be used to study the history of medicine, but also point out that "research in the history of science not only must answer 'what is it?' but, more important, 'why is it?' Because of this, the inevitable trend of development is from static textual research toward recognition of dynamic relationships, from the collection of empirical facts to the exploration of internal laws." History of Natural Sciences History of mathematics. Mei Rongzhao, differing with the opinions of Mikami of Japan, Youschkevitch of the Soviet Union, Needham of England, and Libbrecht of Belgium, maintains after more than three years of research that ancient Chinese mathematics was theoretical, and that its theory was manifested in a concentrated way in the annotations of the Wei-Jin mathematician Liu Hui JH~to the]itizhang suanshu1(.~ ~~j" . Liu provided rigorous definitions for important concepts. For correct methods of solution he provided explanations in some instances, and in others derived the methods by logical inference. For empirical or incorrect methods he pointed out on the basis of theory the extent of approximation and

Downloaded from Brill.com10/10/2021 02:20:55PM via free access XI 63 the reasons for error, and provided a number of rational deductions. For theo rems or formulas related to geometry he carried out proofs using geometric diagrams or methods that combined geometry and algebra. In addition, he intro 2 duced methods involving limits into mathematics for the first time. You Yuzhu describes the incised bone fragments found at a Paleolithic site (roughly twenty-eight thousand years old) north of Zhiyu Village, Shanxi Province. On these bones are incised diagonal lines, varying in number but mostly five or less. They indicate that in the latter part of the Old Stone Age simple numbers were already known and could be used. This revises the priority given earlier to Lhe Neolithic numbers from the Banpo Village site near Xi'an. Shen Kangshen's "Origin and development of methods for reducing fractions" provides a systematic discussion of methods common in ancient mathematics, especially in the Jiu zhang suan shu. Liu Dun, in "Guo Shoujing's 'Draft of the Season-Granting Astronomical Treatise' and its two projections of the celestial sphere," demonstrates that long before the French mathematician Gaspard Monge (1746-1818), Guo Shoujing tpq. l§i. (1231-1316) used orthogonal projections on two perpendicular planes to show the relationships between the elements of the celestial sphere, a significant achievement in the history of descriptive geometry. History of physics. Among the few publications in this field, notable were Wang Jinguang & Hong Zhenhuan on "Ancient Chinese studies of chromatic dispersion by the rainbow" and Zhang Ruikun and Zhu Xinxuan on discussions of sound in Song Yingxing's ~(fl1;- [ (1587-ca. ] 665) l~un qi iio $-· History of chemistry. Wang Kuike et al., "The hi tory of arsen.i in China," and Zheng Tong & Yuan Shuyu, "Experimental researches in the history of elemental arsenic refining," represent important work in the history of chemistry. In the first half of the fourth century, Ge Hong 1l, Ai; (283-363) in Baopuzi neipian ;re, }t-t [KJ J recorded a method for isolating elemental arsenic, more than nine hundred years before Albertus Magnus' (1193?-1280) use of soap and realgar for this purpose. Ge's book says: "Realgar: ... To ingest it, it may be steamed or boiled, or taken with wine, or first dissolved with saltpeter and then congealed, or steamed in blackgut under a layer of red clay, or mixed with pine resin, or heated with the three substances; it may be stretched out like cloth, and is white as ice." 3 Here "heated with the three substances" may be interpreted in ), blackgut (large intestine of two ways. According to one, the saltpeter (KNO3 pig), and pine resin are heated with the realgar; the result of an experiment was an explosion and fire. According to the other interpretation, the three substances are separately heated with the realgar. The result of heating saltpeter and realgar ) , which is "white as ice." When pine resin together was arsemc oxide (As2 0 3

2Liu Hui's geometrical an

Downloaded from Brill.com10/10/2021 02:20:55PM via free access 64 or pork intestine was heated separately with realgar, the result was silvery gray elemental arsenic. Zhang Yu nming has potnted thal the sulfur that was an imporlnnt iugredient in ancient Chinese gunpowrl r was not native sulfur but was prorlur tl by b11 ilding a furnace at t he si te of a sulfur mine and heating the crude sulfur wilh coal foirn cl alo ngside it or brm1ght £rom a n earby coal mine. Li u J3ingchcng argues that Lhe miueral ummingyi ~ t4f' that appears in the technological encyclopeclin Tir111go11g kaiwu f,. ;:r.. ~ (1 637) cann t be iden tified with pyroh,si ). rli~ tc (MnO 2 lL is a cobalt-bearing mineral fo und. in pyrochroite (Mn( H)2 deposits, or exogcnctic residual eluvial a b lane formed from various superbasic or hasic rocks or fro m the residue.~ of their wea lh r d xtru ions. The llltiqing ~/4 mentioned in the same source is a mineral fou nd in welllhered ball ore deposits, sma ll, or a cobalt-bearing ore found in deposits of cobalt-bearing pyrite and in skarn. Meng Naichang's long "A tentative discussion of 'autumn mineral' " carries further an important discovery by Joseph Needham & Lu Gwei-djen in the 1960's.4 Needham & Lu caused a sensation among endocrinologists by showing that the preparation of crystalline synthetic hormones by the German steroid chemist A. Windaus (1876-1959) in 1909 (for which he was awarded the Nobel Prize in Chemistry in 1928) had been anticipated in China by the eleventh century. This product was what ancient books recorded as "autumn mineral." Meng says that "purely textual research cannot solve the problem" of the composition and hormonal activity of the diverse products. Unfortunately this essay is still largely textual research; he has not yet been able to reproduce experimentally the six processes he describes. But in four articles published in 1981, Liu Guangding of Taiwan has raised doubts about Needham's explanation (for an introduction to this and other recent contributions from Taiwan see the survey of Xi Zezong).5 Further research on this topic is obviously called for. History of astronomy. The second volume of Chen Zungui's four-volume History of Chinese Astronomy is entirely devoted to knowledge of asterisms (the first volume appeared in 1980). Du Shengyun, in "A study of the locations of fixed stars on the Suzhou Planisphere inscription," has discovered that on this star chart, cut ca. 1247 but based on the stellar survey of 1078/1085, the observed values for declination of the stars contain a systematic error of 0° .59. In the celestial hemisphere from the vernal equinox passing through the summer solst~ce to the autumnal equinox, stellar right as censions are low, and in the other hemi sphere, high. "A chronological table of sunspots in Chinese, Korean, Vietnamese, and Japanese history," by Chen Meidong & Dai Nianzu, includes 162 records between 165 B.C. and A.D. 1648, 127 of them Chinese. This is an increase of seventeen Chinese observations over the compilation by the Yunnan Observatory

4 Lu Gwei-djen & Needham, "Medieval Preparations of Urinary Steroid Hormones," Medical Hi.story, 1964, 8.2: 101-121; Needham & Lu, " Sex Hormones in the Middle Ages, " E-ideavour, 1968, 27.102: 130-132. 5 According to a personal communication from Dr. Liu, the o ne essay cited in the bibli ography supersedes the three previously published. He has not yet tested his argument exp erimentally.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/10/2021 02:20:55PM via free access XI 65 published in 1976.6 But Ding Y ouji et aL of the Yunnan Observatory have recently claimed that there are nearly three hundred Chinese records of sunspots. In the period surveyed by Chen and Dai, Ding and his colleagues find 154 years for which sunspots are recorded. This is an increase, but the difficulty inherent in work of this kind is that different standards for distinguishing phenomena lead to different results. Zhuang Tianshan has found five reports of "the sun out at night" in historical sources. Three of these, he has determined, refer to coronal auroras, one to counterglow, and one is unexplainable. Liu Jinyi reports on secular changes in the rising and setting points of the planets as recorded in the twenty-four Standard Histories. His view that the brightness of Jupiter is gradually increasing has aroused much interest. Zha Youliang points out that Chinese astronomy had two major characteristics that have been overlooked but are of practical significance today. One is that its system was founded on a "normal axiomatic method" based on systematic obser vation. This method of establishing a system can be called "system feedback resonance"; it has been used in modern physics to establish several important theories. The other characteristic is that the celestial bodies observed (sun, moon, planets) were treated as an integral multi-periodic system; this might be called a "statistical cyclic approximation," similar to that of quantum mechanics. Zha believes that deep research into these two methods can inspire us to explore the possibility of a new "cosmic quantum mechanics." If for this purpose the solar system and other systems are treated as quantum systems, with their observed periods or frequencies converted into energies, the Schrodinger and Heisenberg equations can be derived. One can then solve for the wave functions and eigen values of the celestial system rather than merely setting up the two-body equations of Newtonian mechanics or the Einsteinian gravitational field equations. On the other hand the two characteristics of ancient astronomy inspire us to consider that if, under certain conditions, we greatly shorten the period of observation, it is also possible to use a method involving particles, orbits, and the two-body method to study the microcosm. This may put a period to the contention between Einstein and Bohr over the adequacy of quantum mechanics, and deepen our understanding of the wave-particle duality and the Heisenberg uncertainty relation. Tiie Xia xiao zheng [,),jl_, as a Confucian canon, has prompted much scholarly research, but no one has noticed that it incorporates a solar calendar in which the year is divided into ten months, and the month into thirty-six days. In recent years Chen Jiujin and his colleagues have carried out a survey of astronomical knowledge in the Liangshan J J.i region of Sichuan province. After learning that the Yib people there used a ten-month solar calendar and tracing it back, they believe that the Xia people, the ruling house of the state of Qi, and the Yi

6Yu,mnn OLservntory-i. iU Ki. a (ed.),~ 11] J1i Ji'(. -f::. Pfl 1.. +i~fi<-tl':J'11! -l'7:,.J; 11hff)flllf;/ fr!. 'i-1 (An orra11gemenl of records of the sunspot in our past generaliOilll and an investigation o{ their aclive pe.riods"), Tian wen xuebao * ~ 't i!t (Acta astronomies sini1:a), 1976, 17. 2: 217-227.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/10/2021 02:20:55PM via free access 66 people are all descended from the Western Qiang Jb ft people. The division of the year into thirty-six jieqi ij;R, in the "Youguan iih1; " chapter of the Qi book Guanzi is a clear indication of a ten-month calendar. The Xia xiao zheng speaks of "the handle of the Dipper hanging downward in the first month," "the handle of the Dipper upright in the sixth month," "the longest day in the fifth month," and "the longest night in the tenth month." The interval between opposed phe nomena is five rather than six months, which proves that the calendar included ten months. Later scholars, unaware of this, mistakenly distributed the book's celestial and other natural phenomena among the twelve months of the con ventional calendar. AI, a result, when this book is compared with the "Yueling ij /,f" chapter of the Li ji there is a systematic error. This explains Kong Guangsen's Jl.i j ~ (1752-1786) prior discovery that "in the Xia xiao zheng the apparent position of the sun differs from that in the 'Yueling' by a constant factor of one qi," that is, one-twenty-fourth of a tropical year. Kong was speaking of the average; actually at the beginning of the year there is no divergence, and it increases as the end of the year approaches. Chen also argues that in the 154th song of the Book of Songs the phrases "the first day-i B ," "the second day," and so on, explicitly referring to days shortly before the new year, are also traces of a ten-month calendar. Ten months amount to 360 days. In a year of 365 or 366 days there is a surplus, treated as intercalary or epagomenic days at the end of the year after the tenth month. "The first day," and so on, refer to these days. For further references see the review essay by Zhuang Wei-feng. History of earth sciences. A special issue of Kexueshi jikan devoted to this topic contains seventeen articles, among them Li Erong on "Fifty years of con tention regarding the quaternary glacier of Lushanj tLi ," Xu Zhaokui on "Wang Xiqi .£ 1~1~ (1855-1913), geographer of the late Qing dynasty," and Tang Xiren on "Tulishen ~~i,i (1667-1741) and his Yiyu lu ,~~-" Tulishen, a Manchu, traveled as an imperial envoy between 1712 and 1715 to the Torgut tribe, in what is now the lower Volga River near the northern bank of the Caspian Sea. After his return to China he compiled topographical information concerning the part of Siberia he had traversed and the parts of the lower Volga valley that he knew about, along with data concerning distances, customs, products, etc. Yiyu lu was the first Chinese book on Russian geography; it entitles Tulishen's name to rank alongside those of China's greatest explorers. Wang Xiqi spent twenty-one years making extracts from general writings on geography (including his own), topographical descriptions, travel itineraries, accounts of travel, information on local conditions and customs, and accounts of the geography of every land and continent. These were compiled in Xiaofanghuzhai yudi congchao ,J-1,i ,jk 1/if-~j;{!'.. "tiY' , China's largest geographical compendium. It is a matter for regret that for many years his name has hardly appeared in writings on the history of Chinese geography. Tang Xiren & Zheng Xihuang's "Thirty years of research in the history of ge ography in China, 1949-1979" and Cao Wanru's "Some problems in the history of ancient Chinese geography" are general and summary in nature, and are worth reading for that reason. Huang Jiqing's "Chinese pioneers of geological science

Downloaded from Brill.com10/10/2021 02:20:55PM via free access XI 67 before the Revolution of 1911" evaluates the writings of Hua Hengfangf,fii'~ (1833-1902) and other important figures. More recent scientists studied mcluae Amadeus William Grabau (1870-1946), an American geologist who worked for a long period in China, by Pan Yuntang, Weng Wenhaof3 -J: Jl (1889-1971) by Weng Wenbo, Dine: Wenjiang "J ~-;:r. (1887-1936) by Zheng Xihuang, and Yang Zhongjian 1.fpif'\i 1897-1978) by Zhou Mingzhen. History of biology. Since 1982 was the centenary of the death of Charles Darwin, Academia Sinica and the Chinese Scientific and Technical Association held a scholarly conference devoted to him in Beijing from 19 to 23 April. At the opening ceremony Wang Zichun reported on "The dissemination and influ ence of Darwin's theories in China." His text was broadcast inside and outside China. Rong Rong, in "The influence of Chinese biology and agriculture on Darwin," finds that in his important writings there are more than a hundred instances in which he cites materials pertaining to China. Darwinian ideas on biological evolution effected by natural selection thus received direct inspiration from the methods and principles of artificial selection as practiced in China. Shi Nianhai's "Ecological imbalance in the loess plateau during the historical period and its consequences" has clear practical significance. Pang Bingzhang's "Ancient Chinese historical materials and exegetical writings pertaining to the crested ibis," Liu Changzhi's "China's earliest extant marine fauna, the W.inzhong haicuo shu iili) sj7 jZt j{Jf.l.(1596)," and Yao Dechang's "Origin and modification of the peony as seen in the sources of ancient Chinese science," all contain original ideas. Applied Science Technology. The reconstruction of the sets of bells and musical stones from the tomb of the Marquess Yi of Zeng f ~~ -z.,, who died in 433 B.C., is a milestone in the history of technology. This work confirms and supplements the records of bells and musical stones in the "Kao gong ji ! :;r.. ie., " of the Zhou Li. Previous discussions of the specifications of bells have depended on this chapter and its commentaries, but reliance on the dimensions of bells in each position as pre scribed there turned out to be completely inadequate for restoration of this set of bells. In order to deal with this problem, the Hubei Provincial Museum, the Institute for the History of Natural Science, and four other organizations surveyed and recorded each of the sixty-five bells excavated from the Marquess of Zeng's tomb in Sui County r1 ! , Hubei. Forty-seven quantitative data were recorded for each beU of the niu fJL type, and fifty-five for each of the yong ~ type (the "Kao gong ji" gives only ten), for a total of more than 3300 data. Statistical methods were used to analyze these data, resulting in a series of discoveries. In addition, it was possible to settle the meaning of the problematic passage in the "Kao gong ji" which says "There are six ratios for metaL If the metal is divided into six parts and xi 1£$., [ tin and lead] corresponds to one of them, that is the 'bell and tripod ratio.' " Over the centuries there have been different interpreta Li.ons of these words. According to one, the xi is one-sixth of the alloy, or approximately 17%; according to another, it is one-seventh, or approximately 14%. Considering the composition of the bells from the Marquess of Zeng's

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tomb, the latter explanation is closer, so that the text expresses a copper-xi ratio of 6:1. The polishing and tuning of musical stones are closely related. While restoring the set of thirty-two chimes from the same burial, the workers from the Hubei Provincial Museum and the Wuhan Institute of Physics found that the larger or thinner the body of the chime, the lower the pitch, and the smaller or thicker the body, the higher the pitch (thickness is defined in proportion to the size of the body). Thus when the pitch is higher than desired, if the flat sides are polished to make the chime thinner the frequency will be lowered; when the pitch is lower than planned, the ends are polished to increase the ratio of thickness to size and raise the frequency. The result proves in practice the correctness of the "Kao gong ji," which says of musical chimes " ... if above, they polish the sides; if below, they polish the ends." A number of far-fetched explanations, which labor to "scratch the itch through the boot," now stand corrected. The successful reconstruction of the Marquess of Zeng's sets of bells and stone chimes, as reported by Hua Jueming & Jia Yunfu (1983), and their use in per formance, is the result of a coordinated approach to a strategic problem by his torians of science alongside other specialists. The outcome is significant for the development of Chinese music, for artistic metal casting that combines traditional art and modern technique, and of course for the endeavor to reconstruct ancient artifacts. 7 The sixty-five bells in this set and their stands together weigh more than five tons. Where clid so much metal come from? Xia Nai & Yin Weizhang have pr vided an answe r in their study of the Tonglushan ,if..]~ iJ-/ copper mines (E. HIib i, in th_ ld state of Ch_u). They point out that at the time mining, smelting of ores, and asting were carried out in different locations and with some division of labor. At the mine sites roughly forty tons of slag have been found, which according to the typical content of twelve to twenty per cent Cu in ore indicate an output of forty thousand tons, adequate for a very great number of bronzes. As for the method of refining, experiments in reconstruction carried out at the site by the Institute of Archeology, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, have shown that the shaft furnaces found at Tongli.ishan made copper by reduction smelting of copper oxide ore. The operation of these furnaces was simple. So long as the temperature was kept high enough, regardless of the grade of the ore, or whether it was powdered or in lumps, they could produce yellow copper. They could be charged and the slag extracted continuously, anrl the copper drawn out intermittently, so that the process was a sustained one. Under normal con ditions, one furnace could produce three hundred kilograms of metal a day. 8

7In addition to the r •f rences given above, readers may wish to consult the seven papers published in Jiang Han haogu ;:i: ~j ~ 1; ,1901, l: 14-51. for an early report on successful experiments to duplicat the an i nt b Ill! and use them in musical performance, Guangming see ribao 1t ~ij e ~ , 10 Jun md !l Feb 1983, P· 1. 8 For a bilingual account of the mines, profusely illustrated in color and black and white, see Huangshi Museum, Huhei, et al, Tongliishan (Mt. Verdegris Daye)-A Pearl nnw11g A11cie11t Mines (Beijing, 1980).

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Another important product of research in the history of technology is the History of Chinese Ceramics by Feng Xianming et aL, published under the editor ship of the Chinese Society of Silicates. The ten chapters of the book narrate in detail the appearance and evolution of Chinese ceramics from the time of primitive society to the mid-Qing period, vividly recording this important contribution to world civilization. Thirty-two color plates, and the same number of black and white illustrations, are appended. Selection of Sources for the History of Chinese Science and Technology, compiled by a research group in the Qinghua University Library, includes primary materials pertaining to the technology of ceramics, glass, and purple sand. Lin Qiaoyuan et al used nuclear magnetic resonance to study the structure of saturated polymer and lacquer particles in Chinese lacquer articles. This work has led the authors to a clearer understanding of what influences the properties of lacquer and determines its quality. They have provided data for testing the latter and improving the former. Zhang Hanying, an expert on Yellow River conservancy, cites voluminous his torical materials in his Exploration of Approaches to Yellow River Water Control through History, providing a systematic survey from high antiquity to recent times. Minister of Water Conservancy Qian Zhengying has published an essay commemorating the birth of the famous hydraulic engineer Li Yizhi{V.f.ll: (1882-1938), accompanied by a bibliography of Li's writings. In Studies of Ancient Navigational Maps Zhang Sun prints sixty-nine manuscript maps drawn before the eighteenth century, showing navigational routes as far north as Liaoning and as far south as Guangdong. In A Concise History of Exploratory Drilling in China, Zhou Guorong is con cerned with the period prior to Liberation. He ma.inly discusses the development of salt well exploration and of geological and mineral exploration using drill cores, but also takes up exploration in connection with water supplies, engineering hydrology, and ocean geothermics. History of agriculture. By 1982 the number of specialist journals in the history of agriculture had increased to three, Agricul.tural Archeology (Nongye Kaogu), Studies in the History of Agriculture (Nongshi yanjiu), and Agricultural History of China (Zhongguo nongshi). These three alone contained ninety-eight articles; adding those on the history of agriculture in other publications, the total is im pressive. Two trends are visible in these essays. One is that the scope of research has widened to include crop cultivation, forestry, animal husbandry, sideline production, and fishing, unlike the predominant concern prior to the Cultural Revolution with field cultivation. The other is that more attention is given to archeology and materials from minority nationality areas. For instance, the March 1982 issue of Studies in the History of Agriculture contains papers with such titles as "Trends in the exploitation of agricultural land as seen in the distri bution of Chinese neolithic sites" by Jia Wenlin, "A preliminary study of the origin, evolution, and dissemination of rice cultivation in China as seen in archeo logical discoveries" by Yang Shi ting, "Ancient crops as seen in excavated artifacts" by Chen Wenhua, as well as an important appendix, "Subject index of materials pcrlaining to agricultmal archeology" by Chen Wenhua & Zhang Zhongkuan.

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This index is divided inlo five parts, concerned with crop , implements, fields and water supplie , illustrations, and domesticated animals. Thi first part covers grains, -fiber plants, v getabl ancl fruits from all parts of China cxca vutcd between ctober 1949 and April 1979. In the January issue of Agricultural History of China we find Li G npan & Lu Xun on "The early primitive agricultural produc tion and lives f lhe K.u cong p ople" aud ong Zha lin on ''Humanity's develop ment from b e-cating to beeke ping as RP. n fr m the Yi people's utilization f wild bees." The Kucong ~ JC~- peopl · are a national m.inority dispersed in three regions of Yunnan province. A small numb r f th m (about three thousand) lived primitiv lives deep in the mountain forests. ln 1958 Lh y wer found by Lhe P ople s Liberation Army, which helped them lo adopt ettlcd habitation . Li Fan has provided a concise st1Jdy of the origin and dissemination of l'hirly seven important Chinese cultivated plants, based on paleob tnni rema.ins i11 their placCI! of origin, historical records the distrilmtion of w·ild seeds, vuriabilily, an ·enl nomenclature, the distribution of varieties, and so on. Zhnng Ynng 11i has writt n on "The relation between limatic •ha.ngcs in historical times and the evolution of Chines rice-growing region .' As for bi graphical tudie , Jiang Yian has publi hed a "Biography of Shi henghan ,6 ,, ~1-- , professor of plant physiology and c.xp-rt on an i nt Chines agricultural classics." Zhang Shouqi proposes lhat th gr 'al literary and philo sophi al figure Liu Zongyuan ~/ii'~ ,t, (773-819) also 'Ligh t to ccupy an im portant place in th history of early agriculture. Zlta.ng argu'S thal Liu's r. ay 011 easonal activities, ''Shiling lun flt-tii" ," is an important discussion of such matters as they relate to agriculture; his "Life of Cam lback G11 th tre planter~ ftfri~1l" i an unusual piece of scientific writing on nrboriculturc; Lu "O rhnp ody!}jij\" had an excellent ffect on the protecti n of oxen u:!,;-d for ploughing in U1e ung peri d; his essay "lne elaphure of Linjiangf1~;:i;:l.}$f," p pulariz d the idea U1at m st farmers could tam and raise deer; his "inscription on the w nfl,it, " with its preface contributed to the improvement of irrigation techniques; hi "Questions about Jiuf ~, " provid a Lively sketch of agricultmc, horse-breeding, and espe ially fore try in Liu' native b.anxi province; it created an excellent style for literary compositions related to agricultural science. History of medicine. The formal establishment of the Institute for Documenta ry Research on the Jfutory of Chinese M di ine as part of the Academy or Traditi mu hinese Medicine on 28 May 1982 indicates a new departure in such studies. Among publications worthy of introduction are Liu Chnnglin 's Philoso phy of the Huangdi neijingfif t Ti??£ and the Methods of Trnditiarr.nl Chinese Medicine and a colle tion of essays on th Neijing (first ccnlury A.O.?) eruled hy Ren Yingqiu in collab ralion with Liu. The latter brings together fifteen essays, including a translation of Yamada Keiji' J.i l1') j~ renowned "The formutiou of 9 the Efoa11gdi nciji11g." They provide meti. 11lous s tudies from variou points of view, including those of philosophy, a lronomy, meteorology, antl philology. A most interesting part of LI tis book i Rens "Researches in the Nczjing: Ten lectures," which summarizes issues in curr nl research and give his own views. 9 Acta Asiatica, 1979, 36: 67-89.

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In textual_studies , the reconstruction of the part on acupuncture loci in Zhenjiu jiayi jing i$<, f If -ZAf ( A.O. 282) by Zhang Shanzhen & Zhang Dengbu makes full use of the relevant literature, and provides a definitive text and explanatory annotations. Fu Fangzhen provides interpretive and supplementary notes on the gynecological chapters of Yi zong jinjian J ff,1:° f (presented to the throne 1743) based on his own clinical experience. An entire issue of the Journal of the Shaanxi College of Traditional Chinese Medicine was devoted to Sun Simiao (or Simo):f* ~ ~ (581 ?-after 673). The fifteen articles include Sun Fuquan, " The influence of the Book of Changes on Sun's scholarship and thought in the Qianjin fang-f-1: 1j ," Ren Chunrong, "The contribution of Sun Simiao to th e development of schools of thought in medi cine," discussions of his contributions to pharmacy, external medicine, and pediatrics, and notes on and translations into modern Chinese of his biographies in the two standard histories of the Tang period. Almost every issue of Zhonghua ishi zazhi contains papers on the history of medicine among minority peoples, which in 1982 included the Mongols (Tai Bao in no. 1), Khitans and Uigurs (Feng Hanyong and Sun Jiande in no. 3 ), and Tibetans (Wang Yao et aL and Hong Wuli in no. 4). No. 2 containsseparate responses by Ji Shilai, Tian Shuren, and Chu Dewei to Li Yousong's "The role of schistosomiasis in Cao Cao 's f t:t: defeat in the Battle of Red Cliff [A .O. 208] ." All three find Li's arguments farfetched, and find the disease irrelevant to the outcome of the battle. The third issue contains an essay by Chen Xianfu on the so- called "Sculpture showing Zhang Zhongjing performing diagnosis by abdominal palpation" at the Baodi.ng Grotto s in Dazu , Sichuan. D pite repeated claims that this carving o f th ong peri d portrays LJ1e fom us physician Zhang Ji3R ~\· rt1,4' J (fl. 196/220), it has nothing to d with medicine. It is simply a d ·tail of a group of Buddhist bas reli fs portraying t.h evil eff cl.s of drunk nncss. History of Scientific Thought The increase in publications on this subject in 1982 was obvious. Xi Zezong's "Clues to th e history of Chinese scientific thought" provides an overview. In addition to tracing in a general way Lh d velopm nt of !tin e cientific thought from antiquity t the -present , it di.scusses th d fi nition and tasks of this field a11d sugg · ts some research topic and som contributions worth reading. Wa rtg Zu tno $ystcmatically takes up "The evolution o f scientific th ught 0 11 the con servatio n of rna ller nnd motion in ancient C hina." Among the significant publi cations of the year is Shu Jingnan, "A preliminary study of Yang Quan' Ji & [ fl. ca. 265] philosophical and astronomical thought," concerned with t he author of the Wuli lun 1Jk7;f.f~. In Philosophical Research w find an essay by Liu Wenying on the cosmology of the Naxi M ~ people of Yunnan, based on one of their literary works, the Chuang shi ji 'M{ltltJ , which was published in 1978. Li Zhongjun has published a critical study of materials on early Chines ideas of the transformation of ocean into dry land. Gou Cuihua & Xu Kangshen~ point out that ancient biological taxonomy was formed by the yin-yang and Five Phases theories, not by the idea of "rectification of names" of the later Mohists (ca. 300 B.C.) and Xunzi t9 -t (fl. ca. 298/238), nor by Dong Zhongshu'st-l''f "lS

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(ca. 179-ca. 104) conception of resonance between the natural and human realms. Zhonghua yishi zazhi includes two graduate theses, Ma Boying's " On the e piste mological and methodological characteristics of fundamental theories of our country's medicin in it for ma live p ri. d" and Hu Naichang s ";\ brid tlisc ussio 11 of medical thought in the Pc::riod or Disu 11 i n (A.O . 220-589)." Z heng ll ongxi n has examined lhe oncept of qi i in medi ine from the philosophic point of view. Other interesting studies include hi Yi & Chr. n Shaoqitmg, "A preliminary study of ideas abou t p ychological counseling in traditional merlicine," Wang Xunling, ' Chinese thought on the unity of heaven, earth, and ma n," 1tnd a trn11s lation of "Th Cartesian Philosophy bef r Des aTt s," an essay published in Hl88 by the American missionary W.A.P. Martin (known in hina as Di11g Weili ang j ru:_ fl.<.) to show that Descart ( (1596-1650) ether-vorl · cosmology had been anti ipated by Zhang Zai's 5b..fi. ( l 020-1078) noti II of qi and lai;rn ~7l _10 History of Scientific Organizations An appeal by the Chinese Scientific and Technical Association resulted last year in a high tide of research in this area. Xia Xiangrong & Wang Gcnyuan have compiled a History of the Geological Society of China (1922-1981). Dizhi lunping, from no. 2 to no. 6, includ a series of article surveying the develop ment and state of each g logi al specialty in Chi ua wrille.11 by the corresponding commission of the Society such as ' ixty y .ars f g ologi ·al w·ork in China on the Pre-Cambrian: retrospect and prospect" and "Principa.1 o omplishments ancl. prospects of geological work in China on nonmetallic mine sites"; for an overview see the essay of Huang Jiqing. To commemorate its sixtieth anniversary, the Chinese Astronomical Society has published a splendid volume that includes a history and chronology of the Society, brief histories of the specialties, and recollections of members. The physics journal Wuli and the chemistry journal Huaxue tongbao both devoted their eighth issu e of the year to sp ecial collections of essays on l he sponsoring ci ties' hi Lory and on l he careers of oulslanrli ng early member·, with special ar ticl s o n Wu Y u un ~ ~ -i,11J (1897-1977), _Ye Qisun i?-t 1t'~,1'(1898-J 977), a B odong fp. )f--J-'!f. (1902-1949), Rao Y11 Lai 1£~fu!' (1891-1968), Wu Chcngluo ii¥- ;~ (1892- ), Hou Dehan ~JAt-1~ (1890- 1974,), Wang Jin.£ !i! (1888-1966), Chen uguang ri1~..1Jiil:, (1893-1955), Zhall g l·longyuim 5! ~~ "7(, (1902- )1 and Fan udong tUt! 1f, (10[!3-1945). Qian Linzhao has contributed an account of the first fifty years of the hi11 c Phy ical ociety. Zhongguo keji shiliao, a journal that specializes in articles on the history of science in the last century, in 1982 provided historical introductions to the Chinese fochanical Engineering ociety (no. 1), the Mohai shuguan.J :-0~ 11f (the science publi hing affiliat of the London Missionary Society at Shanghai), the Chines Nal1.rr al Science Society, the China Association of Scientific Workers, the Chinese Microbiology Society, the Chinese Geographical Soci ety (no. 2), the

lO "The Cartesian Philosophy before Descartes," Journal of the Peking Oriental Society , 1888, 2: 121-137, reprinted in Martin, Hanlin Papers (2d series; Shanghai, 1894), pp. 207-234.

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Chinese Chemical Society, as well as the China Chemical Engineering Society, the China Light Industry Society (no. 3 ), the China Textile and Engineering Society, and the China Plant Physiology Society (no. 4). Other pertinent articles include Lin Chao, "Zhang Xiangwen5Rf~J:: (1866- 1933) and the Chinese Society for the Earth Sciences in the embryonic period of modern geography if!- China," Liu Wenlu, "History of the Institute for National Medicine 4' ,rf; /ID [§1'g ," and Lin Wenzhao's lengthy study of "The establishment of the Science Society of China and its role in the development of modern science in China," which supports the proposition that science is vital to the survival of China. The Shanghai periodical Nature in 1982 published Liu Dagang & Liu Hui on "Fifty years of the Chinese Chemical Society," and Zeng Wuzhu & Fang Wcnhai on "Sixty years of the Chinese Astronomical Society," and several other papers on the history of modern science in China. Conclusion Finally it is appropriate to mention a couple of related matters. One is the exhibition entitled "China: Seven Thousand Years of Discovery," organized under the auspices of the Chinese Scientific and Technical Association. It opened on 30 April 1982 in the Ontario Science Center, Toronto, Canada, for six months, and is being shown 1 June - 2 October 1983 at the Museum of Science and Industry, Chicago. It received an exceptional welcome in North America. The more than five hundred exhibits, many of them involving demonstrators from China or operation by viewers, illustrate papermaking, printing, gunpowder, the compass, astronomy, architecture, ceramics, weaving and embroidery, medicine and pharmacy, bronze casting, machine construction, and traditional handicrafts. Two books compiled to accompany the exhibition provide the most compre hensive collection so far available of high-quality color photographs pertaining to Chinese science and technology.11 Another related matter is the First Internation al Conference on the History of Chinese Science, held 16-20 August 1982 at the Katholieke Universiteit, Leuven, Belgium. It is described elsewhere in this issue.

11 China Science and Technology Palace Preparatory ommittec & Ontario oiencc Cen tre (ed.), Chin

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

ABBREVIATIONS KJ Kexueshi jikan t41'- 1:._ l 4-U KT Kexue tongbao-H 'fiI1-f!t. NK Nongye kaogu Jt,l_ ;;II!. ! -;!; NY Nongshi yanjiu ,;(J_Jt "tifr ~ szx Shaanxi Zhongyi Xueyuan xueb.a~ ~-fe ,as; t@ '}'~ 1-' f& ZB Ziran bianzhengfa tongxun ~ ff.. "%l i,if-; Ji_ if\. ZI Zhonghua yishi zazhi ff §. 'f_ fr- ~- ZK Ziran kexueshi yanjiu i:J 1~: t-f r:'.f 1.',_ :r;-tf 1t, ZN Zhongguo nongshi \f I!.]~¢__ ZS Zhongguo keji shiliao "f [!J H :}_f 'f_ H

REFERENCES Cao Wanru f idl -{Jp -W W-t;-,.\i. ;t-1t. ~ 1 J:.. !t.J Tl, 'I ju'J ~ (Some problems in th history of Chinese geography). ZK, 1982, L 3: 242-250. Chen Jiujin P:f.~ J; ii << l ,J , j'b) ,l + f4 ~ Pfl fn (On the " L er an.nuary of the Xia dynasty" as a ten-month solar ca lendar). ZK, 1982, 1. 4: 305-319. Chen Meidong rf t #. ; Dai Nianzu i 'tf..fl. )f ~ ~ am itJ: -Ara 'f_+!if~ (A ~hronologicaJ tahle of suruipotii in Chinese, Korean, Vietnamese, and Japan- ese history). ZK, 1982, J. 3: 227-236. Chen Wenhua M, :;t 1, ~t_ it ~ -±- ic. 'ttJ 'f tr:J -5 1\ f-11 ># (Ancient crops as seen in excavated artifacts). NY, 1982, 2:; 78-82. --; Zhang Zhongkuan 5ffe. ~ 1 ~ oo ~~If -s i H't ;1 (Subject index of materials pertaining to agricultural archeology). NY, 1982, 2: 159-168. Chen Wuquan ftf, {f._ )j:- tt iidi HH~ ~ t1 1 tf i ~& t~ J: M::,,{t U~ (The cultural tradition that shackled the development of Chinese science and technology). Xinjiang Caijing Xue yuan xuebao Jfr ijf l#if~rR.'f'J'[i, 1982, 1: 18-22. Chen Xianfu P6; ~ ~ ~ 11 \ -A flt r~ ~J .. ~4'f.ftiit~•ij1*

Downloaded from Brill.com10/10/2021 02:20:55PM via free access XI 75 (A correction regarding the so-called "sculpture showing Zhang Zhongjing per forming diagnosis by abdominal palpation" at the Baoding Grottoes in Dazu, Sichuan). ZI, 1982, 72. 3: 187-190. Chen Zungui f;1=,-! -fJ.!J • Zhongguo tianwenxue shi f ~ f;._-J:... •# f_ (History of Chinese astronomy). Vol. 2. Shanghai, 1982. Chu Dewei iJJ t{- ~ i t, ,i, 1! --f1; qlf 5 ~ p»._ ~ :ffel iG I (Schistosomiasis was irrelevant to Cao Cao's defeat at the Battle of Red Cliff

[A.D. 2081). ZI1 1982, 72. 2: 116. Ding Y ouji 'J 1j ~{j- et al. 1i ,1\ f:-. 1B it5 i:h {j- # %J :WJ f Jf- (Ancient solar activity maximum epochs of various cycles). Tianwen xuebao f:.. "R,:tJ,Jl,. ~ 1982, 23. 3.. 287-297. Du Shengyun J±. At 'ii M. ·tH ;G ~~ f-. je ® f~ £ 1:ri .1 ff.J :ffi t (ff study of the locations of fixed stars on the Suzhou Planisphere inscription). Beijing Shi fan Daxue xuebao (Ziran kexue ban)-.J t t- €1

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1983, 2. 1: 72-82, 2 pl. F.nglish translation in the next item.

A Research on the Chinese Ancient Chime Bells. Its History, Casting Process, Design and Calculation Historia Scientiarum (Tokyo), 1982, 23: 63-79. Huang Jiqing -1{ ~/J__ 5l 1 i t-;f~ i1!!, 'A tt 139 ® (Chinese r r t~I[ pioneers of geological science before the Revolution of 1911). ZS, 1982, l: 2-13; also in Dizhi Lunping #.{~itif, 1982, 28. 6: 603-610. ~~~t11t~~tttf~~f~gl~~tht~ (A Brief account of the main achievements in geological science over the last sixty years and the tasks ahead). Dizhi lunping, idem., pp. 515-527. Ji Shilai t1t t . . ~«t~~~$~~•~~~~l~aH»-~~t• (A rejoinder to "The role of schistosomiasis in Cao Cao's defeat in the Battle of Red Cliff"). ZI, 1982, 72. 2: 124-125. Jia Wenlin 1l. -}:_ i.};. ).). ~ 1fil ~fr ~ ,., eJ ,1~ & t.ll: ti~ JJ~ l,p i a 111 if.] .:t:-t!', .fi- (Trends in t ¾1l9 ~ , the exploitation of agricultural land as seen in the distribution of Chi nes neolithic sites). NY, 1982, 2: 54-63. Jiang iani.>t...q -ti~ 1 f :u fa ~Jl t :t. (BiograpHy I "i of hi Shenghan, professor of plant physiology and expert on ancient Chinese agricultural classics). Xibei Nongxue Yuan xuebaoi!!}1t J'; ~ 1t "f. t/1, 1982, 2: 33-36. Jin Guantao '.t i1t ,ftet al. . 1JS(._tf:J t+f tlffJ~~- ;.~ ~ f -ti!° U, z fc, ,cf' lfil,H ~:fl.Mt ti-~f ai is ff:) If!. 15] (The historical structure of science and technology. Reasons for the backward ness of science and technology in China compared with the West since the seventeenth century). ZB, 1982, 5: 7-23. Sec also Zhongguo Kexue Yuan 1983. Li ~rong ,t ~p i r; IJ./ 'I, TJ9 !ti ;,j(.. 11 ] ii' f 50Jf- (Fiftfyears of contention regarding the quaternary glacier of Lushan). KJ, 1982, 10: 1-15. Li Fan -t J£ . . -41 oo i .f- ~ 1-% d ~ t9 ~ ~t ta;~ ..t (Origin and variation of important Chinese cultivated plants). Shijie nongye i!"~'tllr. 1982, 2: 40-43, 4: 54-56, 6: 53-56. Li Genpant*~d; Lu Xun f ~ , :/; '(,f . ;.... -+ jij /fr, ~ ~ :1IL ti9 1- f -f 11 !i (Th ;-t ar l primitive agricultural production and lives of the Kucong people). ZN, 1982, 1: 69-75. Li Guohao 1: @t et al. (ed.) Explorations in the History of Science and Technology in China

Downloaded from Brill.com10/10/2021 02:20:55PM via free access XI 77 Shanghai, 1982. Li Yongmingt,j<..9ij ; \Vnng Xiaoming 3: ,j, llij lf d!:> r! t 1 1'.t ~t in tr. (A preliminary investigation into lhe laws of development of Chinese and West- rn medicin ). Yfxue yu zhexue lf,~.,5 '!V 'i- ,1982, 10: 1-4. Li Yolll:long 1: .ii. i~ t ~- .p; w. .t q A jp_ OJ;...$ /iv J ~ i.. f!P- H (The rol ors hislos miosi in Cao a 's defeat in the Battle of Red Cliff). ZI, 1981, 7 7. 2: 87. See also items by Chu Dewei, Ji Shilai, and Tian Shuren. Li Zhongjun ,$: -if t-~ ~ lID -t 1~ ;/;. f ·· ,$ rt t ct t 1~ ffe. ,rg. ~- ;~ *f ~ ~ (A textual study of materials on geological thought regarding the transformation of ocean into dry land). KJ, 1982, 10: 16-21. Lin Chao#-~ 100~~~~1~Jrj~~~~~~f®~-,~ (Zhang Xiangwen [ 1866 - 1933] and the Chinese Geographical Society in the embryonic period of modern geography in China). ZK, 1982, 7, 2: 150-159. Lin Qiaoyuan ;tttt-:m. et al. 11' @) A~ ti~ t! ~ ~ :t/f-dift t (Research on Chinese lacquer using nuclear magnetic resonance). KT, 1982, 27. 6: 344-346. Lin Wenzhao ~ -:SC ~~- '97 ®H ¢ 1-1 fJ3 Jk.. .:iL JJ-- ~ ,it ~ @.l rri1-1:: 1:11 i ~ f1S ff m (The establishment of the Science Society of China and its role in the development of modern science in China). / indaishi yanjiu i.!J:A';i§:'._;6/f 1i'.,, 1982, 3: 216- 236. Liu Bingcheng ,~ f- irfi. ~ f_.:l'.-ff 9/,Q;,:, tf /J~ 11 £-t-ff "fU "riJ 1f " i~ ,, (A preliminary elucidation of wumingyi ["indefinable strange matter"] and huiqing [Mohammedan blue] in Tiangong kaiwu). ZK, 1982, 7. 4: 300-304. Liu Changlin i(,j -{z;j:;j=- Ne1jing de zhexue he Zhongyixue de fangfa ~ rrg~} ► -a~"B"1~'f [! 1 ii975 ~f; (Philosophy of the Yellow Sovereign's Inner Canon and the methods of tradi tional Chinese medicine). Beijing, 1982. Liu Changzhi i 1J ~ 1. ~ 00 f\t ii+ l -r il~J7J~ f ~h !ftD ;t. , << 1~ tf ~ 1f ..H:L t (China's eai1icst extant marine fauna, Subcommentary on the sea delicacies of Fukien [ 1596] ). ZK, 1982, 7. 4: 333-338. Liu Dagang :f~f1' m; Liu Hui ~•J l 1 00 AtJ ':f ~ ~ -t Jf- (hfty years of the Chinese Chemical Society). Ziran zazhi B~f::/Jc;t 1982, 5. 8: 597-599. Liu Dun 9-'l it ~q~~«~~mf~~*~~~~~® (Guo Shoujing's "Draft of the Season-Granting Astronomical Treatise" and its two projections of the celestial sphere). ZK, 1982, 7. 4: 327-332.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/10/2021 02:20:55PM via free access 78 Liu uangding.Jrj ~ jE ~it -;l t ffe-}-..J! 1,f rt!.* f. iit i1i t+, -tt H tit. ~-1t 'ft; a9 -t !ff: ttt (A discu · on f the importance of science in studies of the history of science, based on claims that sex hormones were iso~at;~ the Northern Sung period). Guo/i Taiwan Daxue wen shi zhe xuebao ~:JZ:.'f 71" :kf 1rf :l';f fl, 1981, ~O: 3?3-376. Reprinted in Zhongguo kejishi yanjiang ji!u xuanji tf j H ~f f 'tlltitqf tlt(Selected lecture notes on the history of Chinese science), II (Taipei, 1983), pp. 119-132. This article supersedes three others published by Liu in Kexue yuekan ~JJlfiJ . Liu Jinyi j-1J j:" ~fr mt st~ f1'J n £ t Ti l 1t (Changes in the brightness of planets in the historical period). Boike zhishi"fj ff ~171,fi, 1982, 6: 59. Liu Wenlu ~1) ~ f,_ ~too@ ti.Jtti (History of the Institute for National Medicine). ZI, 1982, 72. 4: 225-228. Liu Wenying ~1J;C f ,l}s /4;-'i~ilt~l., > i f~ i& ii 'rl'J ~. "'3j '3 J?!f_,1;: (Primitive cosmological conceptions f the Naxi people as seen in the Chuang shiji). Zhexue yon/Ju :1'3f""61t1t 198 , 11: 66-71. Ma B~ying .:!J ,f 9 ~ . i~ i½ t-11. (ID [! ~ f lift_ ,! it j ~ aj $/l 11~ iM~ i"t' ]i 7S 5i -i1: t!,1.iE (On the epistemological and methodological characteristics of fundamental theories of our country's medicine in its formative period). ZI, 1982, 72. 4: 196-199. Martin, W. A. P. r ll t(tr. Cheng Yishan n. 'l J.l./) "f. )-. ,., ,.., " .-1c- , • r- -6!, + • ~ i:; t I'. .!-Ii ..i-, ..Jc- k ,af ~ • ;1, ll1 I' ,J' g-;; ~'}. 1:::-- ' • '' 7i;1:_ ,r~J •7u ~ 31,"- Jt-V 1l :J 1'' !:JJJ. P- '--' 1,7u (The Cartesian philosophy before Descartes). Shaanxi Shifan Daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) MIJ -s.p&-k ?f 1-tllC~'J-ft.iJ41~), 1982, 4: 93-96. Mei Rongzhao $- 1 ~ 5(Jj i»: 89 t.t 'f ~ -i-t (Liu Hui's theory of mathematics). Zil, 1982, 6: 46-52. Meng Naichang _l. ~ ~ ti; i& j;c\ i;Z_ (A tentative discussion of "autumn mineral"). ZK, 1982, 7. 4,: 289-299. Needham, Joseph (tr. Zhu Xihao.i,! Jif) 'If 00 H1-1~ ff, t1'9 I~ ~ .,g fi"i. #t: (Poverties and triumphs of the Chinese scientific tradition). Kexue yu zhexue -t11.a:l,1?f,1982, l: 6-43. Nie Guang Ar ;Du Han ;f..t ~s. ti ~ t i 'Ii l t!t, ~t .,.! ~ t (Emphasize research on the regularities of the development of Chinese medicine). ZI, 1982, 72. 2: 128, Pan Yuntang ;1 * ~ t,{ frj- f l1J ft,~~ 15---i'f-1 i1J ~ trp iffe.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/10/2021 02:20:55PM via free access XI 79 (A. W. Grabau, a good teacher and helpful friend of Chinese geologists). ZS, 1982, 3: 22-30. Pang Ilingzhang ,Jl :J_ f&: tp· ~ .fi ®1i ~ t t ~ ·~ ~ ;t, ~ ~ *' pertaining to the (Anci nt hi11 es hist ri cal materials and cxcg ti al writings er l ed ibis). Dongwuxue zazhi 1"Jb '#g 11, ti-, 1982, 5: 60-61. Qian Lim.Imo -'.ft ~~ ~~- 4' [) ~ it 1'f -t Jz, t .1f- (Fifty years of the Chinese Physical Society). Wuli!/'I;;~, 1982, 11. 8: 449-454. Qian Zhengying ,t~ jl:_" ~e.J-;t-~ ~} fcPl<-¾•J fl 1 jd:1x_tJ1: t!.~/f-<- 100 It]~ (The centenary of the birth of ~1r. Li Yizhi, the outstanding Chinese hydraulic engineer). Z ·, L98 2, 4: ·1-3. _ . Qinghua Daxue Tu huguan ,}f-/Z 1 ~ f-ti (Qinghua niversity Library) Zhongguo kejishl z/llao xuanblan f@ ~ if f:. ;~ :i:4 ~ ~ (Selection of s urces for Lh history of hin e science and technology). Bei jing, 1982. Ren Chunrong ,f ~ ,t ~ ,},], ,t-~ ti, I.t ,t 5~t,~((<.ii_~J:. fl9~ ~ (The contribution of Sun Simiao to the development of schools of thought in medicine). Z , l 9R2, 3: 7-10. Ren \'ingqiu -

Downloaded from Brill.com10/10/2021 02:20:55PM via free access 80 Sivin,N. Why the Scientific Revolution Did Not Take Place in China-Or Didn't It? Chinese Science, 1982, 5: 45-66. Song Zhaolin :i Jt f./f tJ-b 1 i~ -.1 ft ~ 13':J t J lll ~ ;... tt'7 ~ jt !1 J.t,. 'il':J (Humanity's development from bee-eating* !/ff Yi.. i to beekeeping as seen from the Yi people's ntilizat~of of wild bees). ZN, 1982, 1: 76-79. Sun FuJuan N, ~f ;J<. <{il) ~ ~Jff;J,J, .~-~~<{ -t-it ► 1? ~.!, 1!,11:)J-,1116) (The influence of the Book of changes on Sun Simiao's scholarship in Prescriptions and thought worth a thousand). SZX, 1982, 3: 4-6. Sun Jiande 1.J, 4!- 1:t- ~ t ,1, ~ 1 -5 tt ~~ :z_}} (Uigur medicine and the Silk Road). ZI, 1982, 72. 3: 184-186. Tai Bao j:;._1/f_ ~ .q ½1i ~ ~m,. ( n lhe origin of kumiss). ZI, 1982, 12. 1: 62-64. Tang Xire,~~ ~ 1:- ~ J;! ~ ,5 <( ~ s;j t ► (Tulishcn and his Record of exotic territories). KJ, 1982, 10: 07-92. --; Zheng Xihuang¥pi1J·i't 1 &J :t~ iJ 1 t .ff t( =-. t ~ (Thirty years of research in the history of geography in China, 1949-1979). ZK, 1982, 7, 1: 55-62. Tian Shuren lfJ ~J ~;:. ~ 0 iU t .g~ ~ r.J.t t t ,5 ju_ ».. ~ =Jff9 z. Al (More on "The role of schistosomiasis in Cao Cao's defeat in the Battle Cliff"). of Red ZI, 1982, 72. 2: 126-128. _ Wang Jinguang .1,tili ; Hong Zhenhuan ~P; )t J ~ @ id\ ig ~:i:. {/:) t -jt h~_p;ft 'fi'., (Ancient Chinese studies of chromatic dispersion by the rainbow). ZK, 7, 3: 215-219. 1982, Wang Kuike 1 f fl et al. ~f ll~ In f ~ f ~ (The history of arsenic in China). ZK, 1982, 7. 2: 115-126. Wang Xunling 1. ~b pt :i.i. -it ~ ® *- i-ie. • )._ 11~ tt-t, J_!!. (Chinese thought on the unity of heaven, earth, and man). Shengtaixue zazhi, 1982, 4: 38-41. Wang Yao l.i et al. M:. -~1,i;-.~ Ii 1 ~\ i "ift~

Downloaded from Brill.com10/10/2021 02:20:55PM via free access XI 81 conference reIJorl, Beijing, 19 April 1982. Wang Zutao f. ;f.ff. 7~ 100t~if~~~~~1~~,,~~[i (The evolution of scientific tho,1ght on the conservation of matter and motion in ancient China). ZK, 1982, 7. 2: 97-103. Weng \Vcnbo ti j( ~J/i__ :i;1e,!9) 1 tt R ~JR (Weng Wcnhao, the geologist). ZS, 1982, 4: 24-29. Wu De duo~ tt- if ti rt t:,t }j }i -H.._ rr. ~ (Xu Guangqi and Bacon). Fudon xueboo (Shehui kexue ban) 'fk_ ~ 'f =Ii( ttt H~, 1982, 2, 109-110. Xi Zczong ~ ~t ;f. ~ ,t t {lg ~ @) ~ ;ti t ~ fl, (Research on the history of Chinese science in Taiwan). ZS, 1982, l: 98-101.

vb ~ :S;\ P.,t fq . 1t di -99 ~i ;if '1 U;J 4"1 , u, IQ j._ -';""°~ • )'" (Clues to l I hisl ry of Chinese sc.ic-ntific Lho 11 gh L). ZS, l 982, 2: 6- L . Xia Naj l lt1- ; Yin Wei1,ha 11d~ J.' 1-f ;~R ;It: -tf.J ~fl ~ ii if.J ;i;,'" (An ·icnt ·opper min nnd smelting furnaces at Tongl(1slta11 in Rubei). Kaogu xuebao i"f 1; fffi, l982, 1: 1-14. Xia ia ngr ngl :ffl I ;Wang G 11)'11an ~ 1t/<. -ic, Zhongguo Dizhl Xuehui shi tf 00 vtiffk 1~ f__ (7 922 - 798 7) (History of the Geological Society of China [1922-1981] ). Beijing, 1982. Xu Zhaokui ff j~ 1 j~ :t. i\!'..i it 1 t ~~ ~~ (Wang Xiqi, geographer of the late Qing dynasty). KJ, 1982, 10: 82-86. Yang Shiting fh A ;fj! ~A t -1j '/£_ J~ ii frr. fi lfil ~ j! ~ !f;J ;iE!. 5fr, ?~ ·i }9.. '11]: :f£ (A preliminary study of the origin, evolution, and dissemination of rice cultivation in China as seen in archeological discoveries). NY, 1982, 2: 64-77. Yao Dechang -l!J(S tt,; J.J.. t.@J ti ~-£.H1 t tot;fj 11~1{ ~:t-ij il3 U ~t-t11¾'-ft (Ori~n and modification of the peony as seen in the sources of ancient Chinese science). ZK, 1982, 7. 3: 261-266. Ye Xiaoqing 11f el {i f @ ift.. ~ l4 H. ~ Ii!!. a~ t t ;r, /4:•J ro ! (Several fa ctors adverse to the introduction 'of modern science into China). Keyon guonlit:\-ii!t~hf, 1982, 4: 69-72.

i&J 1J if!.{~ -tf H.tl~ ~\~ Ji$.. M ot,;J (Th~ inlroducli n 111td inrlu n' f modern W st ·rn and l'e h11 l gy in !Li na). Lishi yanjiu f1i (:liit'i , 1 82, l: 3-17. You Y111. hu £ 1. ii lllj ..1~J Jll: t•J"\' )..ft ~ ;r,11{1-

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(Preliminary investigation of the incised symbols from the Zhiyu site). KT, 1982, 27. 16: 1008-1010. Zeng Wuzhu?f gJt; Fang Wenhai 75 :;( ,tft "r' 00 * 3[ 1,t ~ -t .tt (Sixty years of the Chinese Astronomical Society). Ziron zozhi, 1982, 5. 12: 931-933. Zha Youliang t ii R -41 [fil --s ,(~ ffj 71';. 1 ~ i41 il 7-i; -it (Discussions of scientific method in ancient Chinese mathematical astronomy). Ziran bianzhengfa xueshu yanjiu ~ ~: ijfi.iJ:;;!111-ft-P!tit'.., 1982, 1: 4 7-58. Zhang Hanying a-t '-. Lidai zhi He fanglue tantao fn ~~ 'lt 3oJ 7j 'jl} f;'f. ·i1 (Exploration of approaches to Yellow River water control through history). Beijing, 1982. Zha11g Ruiklm~~;fi:; Zhu Xinxuan ~!fr.ff ff.-% £. {(-J ~n t ► »-. 1; ~ j, 1 J: t,3 ~ #t ( 'o rw Yingxing':s On qi and its ontribul:ion Lo acoustics ). Huodong Shifan Daxue xuebao (Ziran kexue ban) 1- 1f, jf t 1( :r 1:Ji ('E jt:, H1Jtf.;c), 1982, 2: 113-115. Zhang Shanzhen ~,!tt; Zhang Dengbu~fjr(ed.) _ Zhenjiu Jlayi jlng shuxue chongji ft { ~ u ~ /lti ~ 'f ft:l (Reconstru tio11 of acupuncture loci in The A BC of acupuncture [ A.D.282] ). Jinan, 1982. Zhang ~houqi 5~~ t'- ~ , 1'4f ff, ft:. Jj $<. ~ Ft j" #: ;f (Lm Zongyuan and Tang dynasty agricultural science and technology). NY , 1982, 2: 119-129. Zhang Sunl M Gu hanghai ~~ kooshi 1, i1u 5-a, [!j ~ ,, (Studies of anci nl navigational maps). Beijing, 1982. Zh.311 .,. Y angcai 5R f,. ;f 1 fli f e;t ~ t 11~ t ii ,-, ~ &J ~,1~ i ~'?! i ~':J 1- ~- (The relation between climati hanges in historical times and the evolution of Chinese rice-growing regions). KT, 1982, 27. 4: 237-241. Zhang Yunming ~R \1l eij 1.. -X 19 ,l rfJ :k .#. :fi1,L 1! ~ c. i H 1:1 °J.J ~ (Was traditional Chinese gunpowder made from native sulfur?). ZS, 1982, l: 32-38. Zheng Hongxin ip ~!I; ffr ~ ~ t 'f ~ -it B-!J ~ 1 ~- ~- r,r- H (An exploration of philosophical thought concerning the theory of qi in traditional Chinese medicine). Yixue yu zhexue IK 1',J§ ~~ 1982, 6: 17-20. J -J<'. • , Zheng Tong}~ la]; Yuan Shuyu f-< f-, 1. "J gz ~ 1if -r.tf.1f,i] ~ flJ ~ ~ ;t;'lf 1f, (Experimental researches in the history of elemental arsenic refining). ZK, 1982, 7. 2: 127-130.

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