Fig. 27.1: The Nordic flags. From left to right: Iceland, Denmark, , , and Norway. The Nordic cross flags are examples of Christian heritage still present in the symbols of the nation state. Although the myth of the Danish flag, the Dannebrog, falling down from heaven during a crusade in Estonia in the early thirteenth century is a much later fabrication, the Dannebrog is indeed among the world’s oldest national flags currently in official use, dating back to the fourteenth century. Originally a military banner, it was adopted as an of the state in the mid-nineteenth century. The Dannebrog served as a model for the other Nordic cross flags established in the sixteenth century (Sweden), the nineteenth century (Norway and Finland), and the twentieth century (Iceland) respectively. Photo: Jan Rietz/pixgallery.com.

Open Access. © 2021 Anna Bohlin, published by De Gruyter. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110639476-028 Anna Bohlin Chapter 27 God’s Kingdom on Earth: Liberal Theology and Christian Liberalism in Sweden

The social movements and political ideas that shaped the Scandinavian welfare states were manifold, yet in the narrative of the secular, democratic, Nordic coun- tries of the twentieth century, the notion of the Kingdom of God is often neglected. This chapter aims to highlight the Jerusalem code in the genealogy of the welfare state by focusing on one case: Sweden. The Kingdom of God on earth was a concept promoted in public debate primarily by the Christian from the 1840s and onwards, and this idea was also discussed and elaborated in theology by liberal theologians. The views of Viktor Rydberg (1828–1895), a writer and liberal Member of Parliament, merit special attention. Rydberg influenced the Social Democrats, whom were the architects that devised what was to become close ties between folkhemmet (the people’s home) and folkkyrkan (the ). These close ties provide an example of the simultaneous secularization and fragmentation of the Jerusalem code.

The Kingdom of God was a key issue at the first ecumenical meeting in 1925, which took place in . The meeting was instigated by the of the , Nathan Söderblom (1866–1931) and it gathered 600 dele- gates from 37 different countries. Most Christian denominations were repre- sented, except the Roman- and the Pentecostal Movement. As a response to the ravages of World War I, the Christian churches recognised the need to work together for peace – for the Kingdom of God – despite their differ- ences.1 The Kingdom of God also became a model for the future society and the national church envisioned by Harald Hallén (1884–1967),apriestandamember of the Social Democratic Party.

1 Torsten Bohlin, Den kristna gudsrikestanken under 1800-talet och i nutiden (: C. W. K. Gleerups förlag, 1928), 2; Urban Claesson, Folkhemmets kyrka: Harald Hallén och folkkyrkans genombrott: En studie av socialdemokrati, kyrka och nationsbygge med särskild hänsyn till perioden 1905–1933 (: Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis, 2004), 323.

Note: I am grateful to church historian Urban Claesson for his insightful reading of an earlier draft of this article, and his many useful suggestions. Remaining mistakes are of course my own.

Anna Bohlin, Associate Professor of Nordic Literature, Department of Linguistic, Literary and Aesthetic Studies, University of Bergen, Norway 542 Anna Bohlin

In Sweden, new government directives on Christian education in schools had been issued in 1919, which removed the and ’ Sermon on the Mount from the curriculum, and stressed the ethical rather than the eschato- logical aspects of Christian beliefs.2 Backed up by these new approaches to Christian teachings, Hallén’s efforts would result in close ties between the Church of Sweden and the welfare state – the so-called Swedish folkhem (people’s home).3 The Kingdom of God was on the agenda. This chapter will track the Jerusalem code as one of many different paths leading into the secular welfare state, by focusing on one case: Sweden. It seeks to highlight some instances of how the idea of the Kingdom of God on earth was used and trans- formed from the interpretations by Christian Liberals in the 1840s – such as (1801–1865) and Carl Jonas Love Almqvist (1793–1866) – to the split into, on the one hand, an eschatological interpretation, and, on the other, a civic interpreta- tion that merged with the welfare project. The understanding of the Kingdom of God also became a key issue in theological debate in the second half of the nineteenth century. Liberal theology, promoting the idea of the Kingdom of God on earth, would gain influence in leading circles of the Church of Sweden at the beginning of the twentieth century. Granted, the conflict between a future, eschatological Kingdom of God versus a realisation of the Kingdom in the present time dates back to the Gospels themselves.4 Furthermore, as Howard P. Kainz makes clear, a whole range of political ideologies has been “buttressed by variant interpretations misinterpretations of the concept of the Kingdom,” including Marx’s “final ‘communist’ stage” and the Nazi import of “external accoutrements . . . from the Judaeo-Christian tradition for the construction of [a] secular-nationalistic Kingdom.”5 Nevertheless, the second half of the nineteenth century and the first decades of the twentieth century appear in- tensely preoccupied with the Kingdom of God. The wide range of simultaneous inter- pretations suggests the pressure on, and consequent fragmentation of, the Jerusalem code. In what way, then, did the Kingdom of God contribute to the Swedish folkhem?

Folkhem

The concept of folkhemmet, “the people’s home,” was prominent in Swedish debate across all political ideologies long before the Social Democrat leader Per Albin

2 K. G. Hammar, Liberalteologi och kyrkopolitik: Kretsen kring Kristendomen och vår tid 1906-omkr. 1920 (Lund: CWK Gleerups bokförlag, 1972), 193–209. 3 Claesson, Folkhemmets kyrka. 4 See Chapter 2 (Walter Sparn), 55–73, Chapter 10 (Vidar L. Haanes), 189–211; Howard P. Kainz, and the “Kingdom of God” (Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1993), 62. 5 Kainz, Democracy and the “Kingdom of God” 2, 133, 136. Chapter 27 God’s Kingdom on Earth 543

Hansson (1885–1946) claimed it for his own party in 1928. Furthermore, this notion is directly linked to Bremer and to the Swedish women’s movement of the early twentieth century. The home as a model for society – a fundamental idea for Bremer and many of her contemporaries – was equally fundamental to, for exam- ple, Selma Lagerlöf (1858–1940), in her famous speech at the international suffrage conference in Stockholm 1911, entitled “Hem och stat” [Home and State].6 Bremer’s idea of the “second mother”–a person with nurturing qualities rather than the birth mother – was developed into the concept of “social motherhood” in 1903 by Ellen Key (1849–1926), a controversial feminist and “early folkhem ideologist.”7 Political scientist Fredrika Lagergren observes that virtue constituted the moral un- derpinning for the folkhem ideology. As opposed to an individualistic, liberal state, where the state is supposed to be neutral, the folkhem is collectivistic in the sense that the individual is understood as formed by the community. Consequently, the state is tasked with fostering citizens that will subject to the needs of the commu- nity, while politics will be based on virtues.8 The similarities to the storyworld of Christian salvation history are striking, but the transcendental aspect – still the mo- tivating goal for Bremer’s utopian city – had to a large extent transformed into ma- terial ends. A feminist take on the Kingdom of God, was set forth by Emilia Fogelklou (1878–1972), the first woman to obtain an academic degree in theology in Sweden. Fogelklou suggested that the realisation of the Kingdom of God was dependent on women: the exercise of social motherhood is a prerequisite for God’s Kingdom on

6 Selma Lagerlöf, Troll och människor I (Stockholm: Albert Bonniers förlag, 1915); Anna Bohlin, Röstens anatomi: Läsningar av politik i Elin Wägners Silverforsen, Selma Lagerlöfs Löwensköldtrilogi och Klara Johansons Tidevarvskåserier (Umeå: Bokförlaget h:ström, 2008); Inger Hammar, “Kvinnokall och kvinnosak: Några nedslag i 1800-talets debatt om genus, medborgarskap och offentlighet,” in Kvinnor på gränsen till medborgarskap: Genus, politik och offentlighet 1800–1950, eds. Christina Florin and Kvarnström (Stockholm: Atlas Akademi, 2001), 116–48; Inger Hammar, “Fredrika Bremers Morgon- väckter. En provocation mot rådande genusordning,” in Mig törstar! Studier i Fredrika Bremers spår, eds. Åsa Arping and Birgitta Ahlmo-Nilsson (Hedemora: Gidlunds förlag, 2001), 141–64; Lisbeth Stenberg, “A in a constellation. The international women’smovementasacontextforreadingthe works of Selma Lagerlöf,” in Re-Mapping Lagerlöf: Performance, intermediality, and European transmis- sions, eds. Helena Forsås-Scott, Lisbeth Stenberg, and Bjarne Thorup Thomsen (Lund: Nordic Academic Press, 2014), 24–38. Lagerlöf was among those women who signed a petition in support for the Swedish Jerusalem Society and the Swedish School in Jerusalem: see Chapter 26 (Inger Marie Okkenhaug), 518–39. 7 Key renounced the Christian faith and developed her own belief in Life. Ellen Key, Lifslinjer I. Kärleken och äktenskapet (Stockholm: Albert Bonniers förlag, 1903); Claudia Lindén, Om kärlek: Litteratur, sexualitet och politik hos Ellen Key (Stockholm and Stehag: Symposion, 2002); Fredrika Lagergren, På andra sidan välfärdsstaten: En studie i politiska idéers betydelse (Stockholm and Stehag: Symposion, 1999); Bohlin, Röstens anatomi. 8 Lagergren, På andra sidan välfärdsstaten, 122–3, 127; Bohlin, Röstens anatomi, 110. 544 Anna Bohlin

earth.9 The Quakers’ practical impressed her, and later, in the 1930s, she would establish the Society of Friends in Sweden. Fogelklou influenced, and was influenced by, Natanael Beskow (1865–1953), who was central to a group of lib- eral theologians and their views on God’s Kingdom on earth. From 1916, Fogelklou and Beskow worked together at Birkagården in Stockholm. The establishment of Birkagården was inspired by the British settlement-movement, in which educated people moved to working-class areas in to share living conditions and to help better the prospects of the poor by practical means and education.10 Birkagården was an early welfare project whose explicit goal was to bring about the Kingdom of God on earth. As Inger Marie Okkenhaug relates, in her contribution to this volume, one of the co-workers at Birkagården, Signe Ekblad (1894–1952), would in 1922 move on to become the headmistress of the Swedish School in Jerusalem, organized by the Swedish Jerusalem Society.

Liberal Theology

In the late 1830s and 1840s, the publication of D. F. Strauss’ Das Leben Jesu, kritisch bearbeitet [The Life of Jesus Critically Examined] (1835–1836) caused a scandal all over – not least in Sweden – with repercussions reaching far beyond theo- logical debate. The development of liberal theology and Christian Liberals were equally inspired by Strauss’ book. Christian Liberals such as Almqvist and Bremer were both engaged in the subsequent debate, and so was the vicar Nils Ignell (1806–1864), who, according to Edvard Rodhe, was the first – and for a long time the only – liberal theologian in Sweden.11 Ignell’s life-changing experience was, however, the encounter with the writings of Friedrich Schleiermacher (1768–1834), whom he translated into Swedish, but he also translated anonymously a discussion on Strauss.12 Ignell approached Bremer on the premise that their views on Strauss’

9 Cecilia Johnselius Theodoru, “Så ock på jorden”: Emilia Fogelklous gudsrikestanke – en femini- stisk utopi (Stockholm: Avdelningen för idéhistoria, universitet, 2000), 61. For a discus- sion on feminism and Christian notions in the Socialist Owenite movement in the first half of the nineteenth century, see Barbara Taylor, Eve and the New Jerusalem: and Feminism in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1993). 10 Theodoru, “Så ock på jorden”; Malin Andrews Bergman, Emilia Fogelklou, människan och gärningen – en biografi (Skellefteå: Artos bokförlag, 1999), 96, 106, 147–54;K.G.Hammar, Liberalteologi och kyrkopolitik,37,270. 11 Edvard Rodhe, Den religiösa liberalismen: Nils Ignell – Viktor Rydberg – Pontus Wikner (Stockholm: Svenska kyrkans diakonistyrelsens bokförlag, 1935), 15. 12 Rodhe, Den religiösa liberalismen,16–7; Anders Burman, Politik i sak: C.J.L. Almqvists samhällstänkande 1839–1851 (Stockholm and Stehag: Symposion, 2005), 194–7. Chapter 27 God’s Kingdom on Earth 545

work coincided. Bremer did not agree. Nevertheless, she did appreciate that they were joined together in hoping for the growth of God’s Kingdom on earth.13 Theologian K.G. Hammar stresses the apologetic character of liberal theology: Challenged by the natural science and the historical-critical interpretations of the Bible, liberal theologians tried to update Christian beliefs to harmonize with mod- ern society. The theory of verbal inspiration was replaced by an emphasis on the religious experience, invoking the Lutheran idea of faith as trust.14 Liberal theology was in essence a German Protestant theological line of thought, introduced by Albrecht Ritschl (1822–1889), who accorded the Kingdom of God a central position in his theology. Ritschl had some influential followers in Sweden. In fact, Nathan Söderblom himself – who, in 1914, had been appointed archbishop to considerable complaint from the Conservative clergy – used to belong to Beskow’s liberal group, which was centred around the journal Kristendomen och vår tid [Christianity and Our Time]. This journal was modelled on the German journal of Liberal theology, Die christliche Welt [The Christian World]. Liberal theology dominated the debate across Europe for a long time, claims K. G. Hammar (later archbishop), who studied Beskow’s liberal group in his Ph.D. thesis. By 1920, Hammar argues, liberal theol- ogy was replaced by the dialectical theology represented by the Swiss Karl Barth.15 Both liberal and dialectical theology, however, reflected upon the notion of the Kingdom of God. The wide range of different conceptions of the Kingdom of God is the object of a study published in 1928, by the theologian Torsten Bohlin (1889–1950), which dealt primarily with Evangelical theology of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centu- ries. The extent of the differences between the many interpretations of the Kingdom of God may be suggested by the categories Bohlin used to map different conceptions: Bohlin separates the individualistic from the universalist concepts, and each group is further divided between predominantly transcendent-eschatological notions on the one hand, and predominantly immanent-ethical notions on the other. Obviously, lib- eral theology falls within the category of universalist, immanent-ethical concepts. In accordance with Barth, Bohlin critiques the idea of creating God’s Kingdom on earth, and claims that such an interpretation erases the line between humans and God, and between history and eternity. A fundamental problem is the Lutheran idea of justifi- cation by faith: the Kingdom of God should be delivered as a gift – not earned and achieved as a result of co-workmanship with God.16 Theological debate did inform

13 Rodhe, Den religiösa liberalismen, 18. 14 Hammar, Liberalteologi och kyrkopolitik, 10. 15 Hammar, Liberalteologi och kyrkopolitik, 332. 16 Still, Bohlin contends, the Kingdom of God must also be considered to be at hand, and Man recognized as more than a selfless tool for God’s will. Bohlin, Den kristna gudsrikestanken under 1800-talet och i nutiden, 315–20, 345–50, 439–58. For a discussion on Ritschl and his influence on Scandinavian theology, see also Joar Haga, “‘. . . at vinde et høiere personlig liv med herredømme 546 Anna Bohlin

the development of the folkhem ideology, but the Christian Liberal tradition was more important in relation to the Jerusalem code. Regarding the evolution of the Swedish welfare state a key figure stands out: the writer, academic, mythologist, and Member of Parliament Viktor Rydberg (1828–1895).

The Legacy of the Christian Liberalism in the Welfare State

Rydberg’s political ideals were formed by the Christian Liberals of the 1840s, such as Bremer and Almqvist, and highly influenced by the Utopian Socialism of Charles Fourier (1772–1837) and Henri de -Simon (1760–1825).17 From the 1870s and onwards, as the political landscape was becoming more and more polarized, Rydberg became trapped between a Liberal laissez-faire politics and Marxism – a dif- ficult position he shared with many European intellectuals. Like Thomas Carlyle (1795–1881) and John Ruskin (1819–1900) in Britain, Rydberg would have a major im- pact on the Socialist movement, despite the fact that he explicitly renounced anti- Christian Socialism. The later Social Democrat of Finance, Ernst Wigforss (1881–1977), declared famously that it was Viktor Rydberg, rather than Karl Marx (1818–1883), who aroused his anti-capitalism, and Rydberg’sworkswere,infact, read in workers’ educational associations well into the 1920s.18 Rydberg’s harsh anti- capitalism was motivated by his strife for the New Jerusalem, and his controversial contribution to the theological debate was the pamphlet Bibelns lära om Kristus [The Bible’s Teachings on Christ] (1862). Rydberg approved of Darwin and he was a fierce promoter of scientific critique of Christian dogmas, but this did not stop him from believing in Christian salvation history. In line with Bremer and Almqvist he adopted an evolutionistic view of God’s continuing work in history, although, in his advocacy for a critical-historicist interpretation of the Bible, he was certainly more radical than his predecessors. He attacked the Lutheran church – and the Church of Sweden in particular – for impos- ing dogmas that were not based on the Bible. Yet Rydberg did not intend to

over sin givne natur’: Ånd og kropp hos Johannes Ording og tysk nyprotestantisme,” in kirke, kultur, politikk: festskrift til professor dr. theol. Bernt T. Oftestad på 70-årsdagen, eds. Birger Løvlie, Kristin Norseth, and Jan Schumacher (Trondheim: Tapir forlag, 2011), 45–59. 17 Andreas Hedberg, En strid för det som borde vara: Viktor Rydberg som moderniseringskritiker 1891–1895 (Hedemora: Gidlunds förlag, 2012). 18 Arne Helldén, Ernst Wigforss: En idébiografi om socialdemokratins kultur- och samhällsideal (Stockholm: Carlsson Bokförlag, 1990), 29–37; Hedberg, En strid för det som borde vara, 219. Chapter 27 God’s Kingdom on Earth 547

overthrow the church: On the contrary, he aimed “to create a solid foundation for the future church,” writes literary historian Andreas Hedberg.19 In The Bible’s Teaching on Christ, Rydberg’s main target is the Trinity. To under- stand the Biblical idea of Messiah you need to study the Jewish tradition, he argues. According to the Scriptures, Jesus is indeed created first of Man and will judge the world at the end of times, but the point is that he is human and not God himself. Rydberg states that the completely senseless idea of the Trinity is a late misunder- standing, and a great obstacle for every rational person to believe in Christianity. Church historians Anders Jarlert and Alexander Maurits point out that Rydberg was hardly unique in questioning the divinity of Jesus and the Trinity: This had been a recurring critique through the ages, and it was in fact shared by other prominent figures in contemporary Swedish debate. Rydberg was not alone either in his po- lemical use of Luther, claiming that his Teachings on Christ continued the Lutheran . In the nineteenth century, Luther was probably read more than ever before, or after, according to Jarlert and Maurits.20 Science, God, and political free- dom, may be very well be accommodated: “To believe in freedom in science,” said Rydberg, “is to believe in the human intellect; to believe in freedom in politics and social work, is to believe in a moral world order; to believe in freedom in , is to believe in God.”21 Like Bremer, Rydberg believed that the Kingdom of God would include, and could be promoted by, people who did not confess to the Christian faith. That position proved to be a corner stone for Harald Hallén’s concept of the national church.22 Hallén was captured, at an early age, by Rydberg’s idea of the Kingdom of God on earth and, in particular, by The Bible’s Teachings on Christ.23 Unlike Rydberg, how- ever, Hallén became a member of the Social Democratic Party, and he was instrumen- tal in establishing the understanding of the national church as an ethical foundation for the welfare project. When free churches were permitted, through subsequent changes of the church laws from the year 1858 onwards, the state church had compe- tition. Church historian Urban Claesson emphasises that the Lutheran state church,

19 Andreas Hedberg, “Modernitetens lära om Kristus,” in Bibelns lära om Kristus: Provokation och inspiration, eds. Birthe Sjöberg and Jimmy Vulovic (Lund: Absalon, 2012), 110. My translation. 20 Anders Jarlert and Alexander Maurits, “Kants rätta arftagare och den äkta bibelteologien – Viktor Rydbergs lära om Kristus,” in Bibelns lära om Kristus. Provokation och inspiration, eds. Birthe Sjöberg and Jimmy Vulovic (Lund: Absalon, 2012). 21 “Att i vetenskapen tro på friheten är att tro på menskliga förnuftet; att i det politiska och sociala tro på friheten är att tro på en sedlig verldsordning; att i det religiösa tro på friheten är att tro på Gud.” Viktor Rydberg, Bibelns lära om Kristus: Samvetsgrann undersökning, 2nd ed. (Göteborg: Handelstidningens bolags tryckeri, 1862), 7. My translation. Rydberg had contact with Bremer, who approved of The Bible’s Teachings on Christ, even though she did not fully share his views on Jesus. Carina Burman, Bremer. En biografi (Stockholm: Albert Bonniers förlag, 2001), 453–4. 22 Claesson, Folkhemmets kyrka, 112. 23 Claesson, Folkhemmets kyrka, 123. 548 Anna Bohlin

at the beginning of the twentieth century, had to legitimize its existence by invoking the new power in political life: the people.24 Still, controversy persisted regarding the nature of the bond between the church and the people. The concept of a “national church” (folkkyrka) was coined by the conservative movement The Young Church (Ungkyrkorörelsen). Their leader Manfred Björkquist (1884–1985) introduced the “The people of Sweden – a people of God,” sug- gesting that the Swedish people was chosen by God to safeguard the Protestant church against in the East and Catholicism in the South.25 Although the nationalistic conception of the national church would vanish rather quickly, this kind of vocational nationalism, more or less aggressive, was common in many European countries during the nineteenth century and may be found in the Danish Nikolaj Frederik Severin Grundtvig (1783–1872) as well as in the Finnish national author Zacharias Topelius (1818–1898) – and to some extent in Almqvist and Bremer.26 The nation had been inserted as an essential step in salvation history. In 1933, Björkquist had to acknowledge that the Conservative concept of the national church did indeed have striking similarities to the Nazi state church, but he claimed that there was a crucial difference between being called to the Kingdom of God and being forced.27 Claesson argues that Hallén used the Conservative concept of “the national church” and filled it with a democratic, liberal idea of the people promoted by liberal theology: an active people of enlightened citizens constructing the na- tional church from below.28 This standpoint also entailed picking a fight with the Social Democrat doctrine that religion ought to be regarded as a private matter. Hallén successfully argued that religion did indeed belong to the res publica, and that the Church of Sweden, though independent from the state, had an obligation to include every citizen in the Kingdom of God.29

24 Claesson, Folkhemmets kyrka, 20. 25 Claesson, Folkhemmets kyrka, 105–6; Alf Tergel, “Ungkyrkorörelsen och nationalismen,” in Kyrka och nationalism i Norden: Nationalism och skandinavism i de nordiska folkkyrkorna under 1800-talet, ed. Ingemar Brohed (Lund: Press, 1998), 343–55. 26 Anthony D. Smith, “Biblical beliefs in the shaping of modern nations,” Nations and Nationalism 21, no. 3 (July 2015), 403–22; Dag Thorkildsen, “‘For Norge, kjempers fødeland’–norsk nasjona- lisme, skandinavisme og demokrati i det 19. Århundre,” in Kyrka och nationalism i Norden: Nationalism och skandinavism i de nordiska folkkyrkorna under 1800-talet, ed. Ingemar Brohed (Lund: Lund University Press, 1998), 129–155; Matti Klinge, Idyll och hot. Zacharias Topelius – hans politik och idéer (Stockholm: Atlantis, 2000), 28. See also Anthony D. Smith, Chosen Peoples: Sacred Sources of National Identity (Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press, 2003). 27 Manfred Björkquist, Den kristne och nationalsocialismen (Stockholm: Sveriges Kristliga Studentrörelses Förlag, 1933), 12–3. 28 Claesson, Folkhemmets kyrka, 107, 113, 150–52, 177. For a discussion on the Swedish national church, see also Ragnar Ekström, Gudsfolk och folkkyrka (Lund: Gleerups förlag, 1963). 29 Claesson, Folkhemmets kyrka, 284. Chapter 27 God’s Kingdom on Earth 549

K.G. Hammar observes that at the end of the 1920s, the theologian (1879–1977) crushed the basis for liberal theology. He accused liberal theology for humanising God: the historicist interpretations of Christ would invariably fail to ar- rive at the truth and, worse, would entail a hopelessly static view of the church. Instead of a monistic, worldly, individualistic, anthropocentric Christianity, Aulén proposed an alternative based on holiness, dualism, eschatology, and commu- nity.30 The days of the Kingdom of God as a viable political concept were over, but the community that the national church would offer would still provide an ethical formation of the citizens. The Swedish national church would hence teach the Kingdom of God as an eschatological concept, but it would administer its members according to the territorial concept of the national church developed by liberal the- ology. The folkhem ideology, on the other hand, would sever the ties to the Kingdom of God. The Jerusalem code was split. The construction of the Swedish welfare state, nevertheless, was clearly informed by the idea of the Kingdom of God on earth.

30 K. G. Hammar, Liberalteologi och kyrkopolitik,334–5.