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Unorganized Interests and Collective Action in Communist China Author(S): Xueguang Zhou Source: American Sociological Review, Vol

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Unorganized Interests and Collective Action in Communist China Author(S): Xueguang Zhou Source: American Sociological Review, Vol Unorganized Interests and Collective Action in Communist China Author(s): Xueguang Zhou Source: American Sociological Review, Vol. 58, No. 1 (Feb., 1993), pp. 54-73 Published by: American Sociological Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2096218 Accessed: 19/05/2010 23:15 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=asa. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. American Sociological Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to American Sociological Review. http://www.jstor.org UNORGANIZED INTERESTS AND COLLECTIVE ACTION IN COMMUNIST CHINA* XUEGUANGZHOU Cornell University I explore how the institutional structure of state socialism systematically transforms indi- vidual behavior into collective action in China. State monopoly of the public spherefosters and reproduces large numbers of individual behaviors with similar claims, patterns, and targets. The state bureaucratic apparatus at the workplace also generates similar discon- tents and links them with national politics. The "large numbers"phenomenon provides the basis for theformation of collective action. The institutional arrangements also inducefre- quent state policy shifts and alternative modes of mobilization,providing the opportunityfor collective action. Finally, individual behaviors based on unorganized interests tend to con- verge in the same direction and assume a "collective" character - that is, they are often causally defined as "collective action" in this particular institutional structure. The phe- nomenon of "collective inaction" is discussed in the same vein. T he popularuprisings in Chinaand Eastern Chinese state that eventuallywent beyond state Europein 1989 are recentexamples of the controland became a challengeto the state. "powerof the powerless"in state socialist soci- How can we explain collective action based eties. However, the currentliterature on collec- on the unorganizedinterests in the statesocialist tive action,which emphasizesorganizing capac- context?I examine the link between the institu- ity, resourcemobilization, and interestarticula- tional structureof state socialism and collective tion, is ill-preparedto account for such events action in China. My central theme is that the understate socialism. In typical socialist states, formationand outbreakof collective action are societyconsists of unorganizedinterests that con- rooted in the particularinstitutional structure of trastwith the organizational apparatus of the state. the state-societyrelationship. I arguethat collec- China,for example,evidenced minimal autono- tive actionin Chinais less a processof purposive mous organizingefforts prior to the outbreakof and rationalorganizing than an aggregationof the 1989 pro-democracymovement. The lack of large numbersof spontaneousindividual behav- strategicmaneuvering and the prevalence of con- iorsproduced by the particularstate-society rela- flicts among studentleaders illustrate the unor- tionship.Although individuals are unorganized, ganized natureof the movement. Nonetheless, theiractions in pursuitof theirown self-interests withina shorttime, millionsof people acrossthe tend to convey similarclaims, sharesimilar pat- nation poured into the streets.The participants terns,and point to the state,i.e., they "converge" cut across the boundariesof work units, locali- into collective action. ties, andsocial groups. And the 1989pro-democ- racy movement,although the most spectacular, THE CHINESEPOLITY AND THE LOGIC was means an by no isolated event. Instances OF COLLECTIVEACTION abound of mass mobilizations initiatedby the Marx([1852] 1963) arguedthat the Frenchpeas- * ants of the nineteenthcentury sharedthe same Direct all correspondenceto Xueguang Zhou, economic situationand had the same political Departmentof Sociology, Uris Hall, CornellUniver- demands. But the lack of communicationand sity, Ithaca,NY 14853. Earlierversions of this paper organiclinks among the peasantsled to isolated were presentedat the RegionalConference of the As- and unorganizedinterests; peasants formed "a sociationof Asian Studies,Stanford University, 1990 and the Regional Conferenceof China Studies, UC class of itself' but not "a class for itself."More Berkeley, 1991. I am gratefulto ValerieBunce, James thana centurylater, Chinese citizens are far more March,John Meyer, Victor Nee, David Stark,Sidney organicallyintegrated into the national system and Tarrow,Andrew Walder, Robin Williams, the editor more interrelatedwith each otherthan were the and reviewersof ASRfor theirhelpful comments. French peasants.In terms of self-organization, 54 AmericanSociological Review, 1993, Vol. 58 (February:54-73) UNORGANIZEDINTERESTS AND COLLECTIVEACTION 55 however,the Chinese are no betterthan the French Of course, state penetrationof society is not peasants.Studies of theChinese polity have found complete or always successful. Indeed,in most the uniquedual institutional structure of the state- Communist societies, there are some private society relationship:strong organizationalcon- realms, such as "the second economy"in Hun- trol over society by the state and the systematic garyand the free marketin China.During the era positive incentivesfor complianceoffered by the of economicreform in China,state political con- socialisteconomic institutions. From the metropo- trolover societyhas weakenedconsiderably. The lis to ruralareas, social life in China has been emergenceof the privatesector has providedso- organizedby the statebureaucratic system (Par- cial space outside the realm of immediatestate ish and Whyte 1978; Whyte and Parish 1984). administrativecontrol. This intermediatecivil Accompanyingthe state organizationalappara- structurehas facilitatedlateral interaction among tus are political sanctionslike political labeling, individualsand social groups,but by and large, monitoring,and campaignsthat systematically these privaterealms are either closely monitored repressand deter oppositionto the state (White by the state or too narrowto escape state domi- 1989).Thus, the Communiststate has effectively nance. The emergingelements of a civil society monopolizedthe resourcesfor social mobiliza- are far from the organizedinterests commonly tion and denied the legitimacyof any organized perceivedin the collective actionliterature. interestsoutside its control. To studentsof collective action, particularly At the same time, "thepositive incentivesof- those who take a "resourcemobilization" ap- feredfor compliance"(Walder 1986, p. 6) in the proach,the Chinesepolity appearsto presentfor- so-called "unit-ownership system" (danwei midableobstacles to collective action opposing suoyouzhi)ties workersto theirworkplaces, peas- the state. If the success of collective action de- antsto theirvillages, and individuals to their"work pendson the strategyadopted, the extent to which units." Workunits function not only as the state interestsare organized(Gamson 1968) or on a apparatusof political control,but as redistribut- socialmovement "industry" (Zald and McCarthy ing agenciesin which rewardsand opportunities 1987), China is a puzzle. The absence of orga- are linked to individuals'political attitudesand nized interestsmakes it impossible to identify loyalty. One consequence of this institutional stableinterest groups or to find some systematic structureis the prevalenceof the clientelist sys- distributionof rewardsor sanctionsthat would tem "in which individualmembers of subordi- motivateindividuals to join in collective action. nate social groups pursue their interestsnot by The dualinstitutional structure - organizational banding togetherfor coordinatedgroup action, control and positive incentives for compliance but by cultivatingties based on the exchange of - has severelylimited, if not eliminated,collec- loyalty and advantagewith individualsof higher tive actionbased on organizedinterests. Collec- statusand power"(Walder 1987, p. 47). In con- tive action outside state control has invariably trast to "civil society," in which autonomous met with a state crackdown,and the state has groupsare formed and interests articulated through kept the cost of organizedresistance high. Fur- the politicalprocess, its counterpartin Chinacan thermore,positive incentives based on workunits best be labeled"subordinate society." The popu- have erodedthe basis for social mobilizationby lace constitutessociety, but does notconstitute an encouragingindividuals to pursue personal in- organizedpolitical force countervailing the state. I tereststhrough privileged
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