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Getting Home from Work: Narrating Settler Home in British Columbia's

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Getting Home from Work: Narrating Settler Home in British Columbia's Getting Home From Work: Narrating Settler Home in British Columbia’s Small Resource Communities by Stephanie Keane B.A. (Hon.), University of British Columbia, 1997 M.A., University of British Columbia, 2001 A Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in the Department of English © Stephanie Keane, 2016 University of Victoria All rights reserved. This dissertation may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without the permission of the author ii Supervisory Committee Getting Home From Work: Narrating Settler Home in British Columbia’s Small Resource Communities by Stephanie Keane B.A. (Hon.), University of British Columbia, 1997 M.A., University of British Columbia, 2001 Dr. Misao Dean, Supervisor Department of English Dr. Jamie Dopp, Departmental Member Department of English Dr. John Lutz, Outside Member Department of History iii Abstract Stories of home do more than contribute to a culture that creates multiple ways of seeing a place: they also claim that the represented people and their shared values belong in place; that is, they claim land. Narrators of post-war B.C. resource communities create narratives that support residents’ presence although their employment, which impoverishes First Nations people and destroys ecosystems, runs counter to contemporary national constructions of Canada as a tolerant and environmentalist community. As the first two chapters show, neither narratives of nomadic early workers nor those of contemporary town residents represent values that support contemporary settler communities’ claims to be at home, as such stories associate resource work with opportunism, environmental damage, race- and gender- based oppression, and social chaos. Settler residents and the (essentially liberal) values that make them the best people for the land are represented instead through three groups of alternate stories, explored in Chapters 3-5: narratives of homesteading families extending the structure of a “good” colonial project through land development and trade; narratives of contemporary farmers who reject the legacy of the colonial project by participating in a sustainable local economy in harmony with local First Nations and the land; and narratives of direct supernatural connection to place, where the land uses the settler (often an artist or writer) as a medium to guide people to meet its (the land’s) needs. All three narratives reproduce the core idea that the best “work” makes the most secure claim to home, leading resource communities to define themselves in defiance of their industries. Authors studied include Jack Hodgins, Anne Cameron, Susan Dobbie, Patrick Lane, Gail Anderson-Dargatz, D.W. Wilson, Harold Rhenisch, M.Wylie Blanchet, Susan Juby, and Howard White. iv Table of Contents Supervisory Committee ...................................................................................................... ii Abstract ............................................................................................................................... iii Table of Contents ............................................................................................................... iv Acknowledgments ............................................................................................................... v Dedication ........................................................................................................................... vi Introduction: Stories of Home As Claims to Land .......................................................... 1 Chapter 1: There Were Men Here: Stories of Early Resource Workers .................... 57 Chapter 2: Unmanning Work: Stories of Contemporary Resource Workers .......... 101 Chapter 3: Homesteads: Stories of Small Town Home as a Pioneer Legacy ............ 155 Chapter 4: Farms in Eden: Stories of Home as Part of an Eternal Balance ............. 199 Chapter 5: The Spirits of Place: Stories of Land Choosing Its People ...................... 248 Conclusion ....................................................................................................................... 287 Works Cited ..................................................................................................................... 296 v Acknowledgments I was granted the luxury of following my interests through a departmental scholarship, a Canada Graduate Scholarship, a B.C. Government Research Grant, and the Charles and Ruth Hayward Memorial Scholarship. I am grateful to my supervisor, Dr. Misao Dean and to my committee members, Drs. Jamie Dopp, John Lutz, and Sarah de Leeuw. Drs. Chris Fox and Susan Wilson helped me to eliminate less-integrated chapters. I have relied on many lay readers who have lived in the province’s resource towns and worked in their industries, most notably Margaret Keane, Dawn Stevens, Lia Grundle, Anna Harrop, Anne Falvo, and Lois Liesch. My copyeditor and husband, Edward Cottrill, consistently sees what I cannot, in life as much as in text. Dr. Ira Nadel, Alan Twigg, and Jean Baird suggested my first texts. I have had great teachers all my life, especially Christine Dickinson, Romas Ramanciauskas, and Dr. Jane Flick. Thanks to Caley Ehnes, Kylee Anne Hingston, Marina Devine, Luke Maynard and Leina Pauls for peer support; to Laura, Lesley, Greg, and Amanda for encouragement; to Esther, Sean, Kelly, Sarah, Jessica, Nancy, Kristy, and Jordan for baby-wrangling; and to Leon, the kid. I owe my knowledge of how rich and supportive a cultural life a few people can establish to Michael Monkman, a teacher in School District 54. Mr. Monkman taught us to enjoy thinking as hard as we could, for as long as we could, about just about anything. He has retired, but he was an incandescent example of a passionate scholar, and he lived and modelled a life of the mind. When he taught, it was impossible to imagine that there was any other way to live. Thank you, Michael. vi Dedication For my mother, who assumed I could, and for Ed, who expected I would. 1 Introduction: Stories of Home As Claims to Land In 1992, the silver mine in Houston. B.C. closed, and about a tenth of the town’s residents left. Those who remained, mostly sawmill workers and their families, could joke that the closure caused a lumber boom, as bright sheets of plywood soon covered the windows and doors of empty houses and townhouses. In April of 2014, one of the two sawmills closed, causing another mass decampment. I grew up in Houston, as much as anywhere else, and I saw one of my old elementary school classmates on the national news, being asked what he would do next. He said he had no idea. He owned his house, but he couldn’t imagine that it would sell, and his job was a specialized one at the mill. He’d lived in town all his life – about forty years, or roughly since it was incorporated in conjunction with a large expansion for a sawmill. Houston is one of many British Columbian small mill and mining towns built, incorporated, and/ or greatly expanded during what historian Brent McGillivray calls “the long boom” of the 1950s to the 1980s (Canada: A Nation of Regions 326), and these places anchor my way of reading some narratives about settler home-making in rural post World War II mining and forestry dependent B.C. communities. My experiment has been one in parallel reading of literary works and what I call public narratives written in the period to discover and analyse what, if anything, the two sets of stories had in common: I am drawing together two discourses of small resource industry B.C. I wanted particularly to know whether and how stories might present industry workers and their families as “at home,” considering that the same period has been one of increasing local and global 2 awareness of the environmental consequences of primary resource use, and of the clear, unextinguished Indigenous title to most the land of the province. My overall conclusion is that, if those of us who are settlers understand ourselves as “at home” in colonial space, we might sometimes narrate ourselves into place through accepting “work” as what binds land and people together, through creating stories that associate certain ways of working on the land with virtue, and through articulating community values as ones that foster and enshrine these virtues, whatever the actual “work” we do. As must be fairly clear already, I have had to draw on several disciplines to collate and discuss the works I do, to identify and situate them in relation to other discussions of patterns in Canadian and British Columbian literature, and to explore why and how we settlers might tell stories of belonging in the environs of small British Columbian resource extraction communities. Before I discuss the texts I work with in relation to Canadian literature, in relation to analysis of the development of liberal ideology in contemporary Canadian culture, or in relation to other studies of trends in British Columbian literature, however, I will explain how I arrived at the two parts of my data set: the literary works, and the works produced by public narrators such as municipal councils, museum societies, and festival committees. My focus includes several deliberate exclusions of groups of texts and has accidentally created several more, and I make note of the exclusions I see. Readers will likely see categories of omission I have not. This project, the collection of texts I examine as a part of literary British Columbia from the 1960s to 2011, and
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