Witness' Family & Given Names: JASTRZĘBSKI Zygmunt
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Polish Research Institute at Lund University, Sweden Date of the protocol: Trelleborg, 26th May, 1946 Protocol No. 324 Witness’ family & given names: Mr. XXXXXXXXXX Places of internment Born on: March 24, 1919 Time period Placed in Prisoner data Notes from/to (triangle, number, letter) Birth place: Radom, Poland Till July 27, 1944 RADOM Political prisoner, Concentration Occupation: Dental technician number 1568 camp Citizenship: Polish Religion: Jewish Aug 10, 1944/ VAIHINGEN/Enz Parents names (F/M) Majer/Lea Apr 7, 1945 Last residence in Radom Poland: Present residence: Johan Kocksgatan 5, Trelleborg, Sweden The testimony consists of seven and a half pages of handwritten text and covers the following main items: 1.Deportation of the Little (Glinice) Ghetto. Alarm assembly of the Jewish Police in the Big Ghetto; speech of the action SS-leader; wake-up of people and order to report at the deportation area. Shootout; SS-men looting apartments; executions of people found in apartments; placing dead bodies in ditches; loading people into railroad cars; return of the policemen to the Big Ghetto. 2.First deportation from Ghetto I (Big Ghetto). Second deportation. Second day of deportation: liquidation of patients; common grave in the center of the city; komando removing traces of atrocities; execution of the komando members. Page 1 of 8 Polish Research Institute at Lund University, Sweden Date of the protocol: Trelleborg, May 26, 1946 Protocol No. 324 Institute member at the protocol: Luba MELCHIOR (Translation from Polish by Kris Murawski1) RECORD OF WITNESS TESTIMONY No. 324 Name: Mr. XXXXXXXXXX Born: March 24, 1919 In: Radom, Poland Occupation: Dental technician Religion: Jewish Parents 1st names: Majer, Lea Last residence in Poland: Radom Current residence: Johan Kocksgatan 5, Trelleborg, Sweden Instructed about the importance of truthful testimony as well as on responsibility and consequences of false testimony, the witness testifies as to the following: I was in: concentration camp RADOM as political prisoner with number 1568 from: to: Jul 27, 1944 then I was in: VAIHINGEN/Enz from: Aug 10, 1944 to: Apr 7, 1945 Asked if in connection with my incarceration, my work in concentration camp, I have any specific information about camp organization, the camp regimen, prisoners’ work conditions, treatment of prisoners, medical and pastoral care, sanitary/hygienic conditions, and also any specific events in all aspects of the camp life, I testify as follows: The testimony consists of seven and a half pages of handwritten text and covers the following main items: 1.Deportation of the Little (Glinice) Ghetto. Alarm assembly of the Jewish Police in the Big Ghetto; speech of the action SS-leader; wake-up of people and order to report at the deportation area. Shootout; SS-men looting the apartments; executions of people found in apartments; placing dead bodies in ditches; loading people into railroad cars; return of the policemen to the Big Ghetto. 2.First deportation from Ghetto I (Big Ghetto). Second deportation. 1 Translator’s notes (if any) are in italics, enclosed in square brackets. Page 2 of 8 Polish Research Institute at Lund University, Sweden Date of the protocol: Trelleborg, May 26, 1946 Protocol No. 324 Second day of deportation: liquidation of patients; common grave in the center of the city; komando removing traces of atrocities; execution of the komando members. I was a member of the Ordnungsdienst [Jewish Ghetto Police]. On August 5, 1942 at 11 PM an order came to report for an alarm assembly. We did not know for what purpose. A purpose of an assembly was never known. We assumed it was to roundup people for work, which was normal in the Ghetto. Our group of 50 Ordnungsdienst members was escorted by Schupo and SD-men. We went in the direction of SD headquarters. We saw commotion, vehicles. The SD people were assembled and wore helmets. Knowing how Lublin was deported in April earlier the same year, we understood that what we saw was most likely a deportation. Already there was no way of return or escape. Approaching the outskirts of Ghetto II in Radom-Glinice, we saw it lighted and first SS guards on horseback and in automobiles. There was complete silence. In that silence we were directed to the headquarters of the Jewish Police of District II Glinice. We were all gathered in one room. SS-men, SD-men, Schutzpolizei officers, Reichspost officers and higher officers of the Wehrmacht were already there. SS- Hauptsturmführer FEUCHT, commissioner for Jewish affairs spoke to us. He declared that deportation is taking place; it is now 12 midnight, and by 2 AM all Ghetto residents are to report at designated points. Those who have a Meldekarte with an appropriate stamp of the Stadthauptmann are to assemble at Kośna and Kolejowa Streets. Those who don’t have a Meldekarte will gather at Dolna and Staroopatowska Streets. People without a Meldekarte are allowed to bring luggage, as much as they are able to carry; food for 3 days, jewelry, foreign currency and valuables. People with a Meldekarte (qualified workers) were advised to bring their work tools and food for one day. He reminded us of the bloody action in April, known in the Ghetto as the “Tuesday action,” when more than twenty policemen were taken away, more than fifty people were killed, while one hundred were arrested. He said that if we wanted to return to our families at Wałowa Street, i.e., to Ghetto I, we must follow his directives. To be able to gather all residents by 2 AM as ordered, we were not allowed to walk but to run. We were divided in two groups of policemen: those from Glinice who knew the area and those from the city, i.e., Ghetto I. We were made into pairs, a policeman from Glinice and a policeman from the city. Each pair got a list of addresses. We read on the run where to go to wake up people and to notify them where were they instructed to go. A commotion arose in Glinice, banging at the doors, screaming of terrified people who did not understand what was going on, unprepared, small children crying and us calming down people although we knew what awaited them. We did not want to create panic knowing that those numerous armed SS-men look for a commotion to respond with shooting to any sign of resistance. We wanted at least those people with a Meldekarte to be saved. After 15-20 minutes people began to leave their apartments. People with bundles, mothers with children, and some people already separated as husbands with the right documents went in one direction while women with children in another. The husbands assumed that families will be later reunited, Page 3 of 8 Polish Research Institute at Lund University, Sweden Date of the protocol: Trelleborg, May 26, 1946 Protocol No. 324 that they will not be separated. A terrible shootout started. First screams of fallen people and shouts of drunken soldiers who were lined up on both sides on the sidewalks and forced people to the center of the street chasing them and shooting. I have seen a scene that I will never forget: A women of 26-28 years of age walked carrying a 3-month swaddled baby. An SS-man approached her, quietly removed the baby from mother’s arms, took it from the swaddle, grasped the baby at its leg and slammed baby’s head at the brick wall. It happened on the Luboński Street. To mother’s scream he responded with a kick in the abdomen, and when she fell, he shot her dead. The shooting was nonstop. It was so chaotic that finally Hauptsturmfürer FEUCHT ordered to stop it – not for our benefit, but clearly stating that an SS-man can be hurt by a stray bullet. The action of emptying the apartments was completed by 1:30 AM. There were 7,000 people. Searching of apartments began. An SD-man was assigned to each pair of Jewish policemen. Jewish police were no longer trusted. I was with the SD-man BENTZ, well known from his excesses in the Radom Ghetto; he was a Volksdeutscher from Łódź. SD functionaries were forbidden by their authorities to rummage for money and gold during apartment searches. They were supposed to search only for people in hiding and to shoot them on the spot. We found an old sick woman in bed. He ordered us to carry her to the backyard. As soon as we were behind the fence and not even reached the gate, we heard a shot and a scream. He ordered us to carry “Mist” to a street ditch and place her there. From there the corpses were transferred to a common grave in the Dolna Street waste dumps. In an apartment of a rich Jew, in spite that looting was forbidden, our SD-man searched clothing and drawers and items found there hid in his pockets, looking around to assure that we do not see it. We did not care. Being under enormous stress, we craved for tobacco. We noticed tobacco on the table. We asked the SD-man for permission to take the tobacco; he allowed us to do so, willing to divert our attention from what he was doing. Suddenly he noticed the SS-man’s face in the window. Before I was able to push aside the tobacco and the cigarette tubes, the SS- man was already inside the apartment; he was the sector commanding officer, Sturmscharführer KRAUZE. He did not ask questions – he punched me twice in the face. Only after that he asked me if I knew that it was not allowed to touch anything in the apartment.