National Identity, Political Power, and the Commemoration of World War

DISS T E RIES: L IDE TI p LITIC ER, A DTHE C E JI F RLD R S ITZER D

by Christof Dejung

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The commemoration of wars is central for for binding its citizens into the national commu­ national identity in many countries. War memo­ nity. It is a powerful narrative which legitimates ries not only have the function of translating authority and socialises populations into a individual grief into public mourning, grief common culture but supersedes at the same being a human response to the death and suffer­ time memories of minorities or marginalised ing that war engenders on a vast scale. Since social groups that have no chance to articulate they commemorate the willingness of members their memories in public.' Interestingly, war of a nation to kill and die in its defence, they memories not only seem to be important in also have a fundamental political significance.' countries which actually did wage war but also Commemorating war is a key element in the in non-belligerent countries. In Switzerland for symbolic repertoire available to the nation-state instance, the commemoration of World War

Autumn 2007 ©Mi!. ~ff$'li"©fl"l 57 Photo 01 an Two has always played a crucial role for national their personal experience of the war. Second, interviewed man. identity, even if Switzerland was one of the very however, I will argue that the notion of a clash All the interviews few countries in Europe that did not get of history and memory appears inadequate to conducted by involved directly in this conflict.; The threat of understand this evolution and I will explain why Archimob were filmed on video. a German invasion, however, dangled like a I think that the theory of commemoration of sword of Damocles over Swiss society during German researchers Jan and Aleida Assmann the wartime years. After 1945, it was precisely can provide deeper insight as a means to under­ the fact that the countly did escape unharmed stand this. Third, I will present some of the from the war which was considered to be proof results of Archimob, the largest oral history of the validity of the patriotic wartime project in Switzerland ever, and I will show that discourses. The dominant attitude was that the several social groups cultivated distinct war period of World War Two had been a hard but memories which were dissonant to the long-time beautiful time which should serve to set an dominant view of the nation's past but which example for the 'coherence of our Swiss people', could not find expression in the public sphere. as a veteran put it as late as in 1983.' Fourth, I will show how this relates to the disui­ This paper seeks to investigate the relations bution of social power and I will argue why I between public representations of World War think a social historical analysis of remembrance Two in Switzerland after 1945 and private is a research path that should be more strongly memories of men and women who had lived in pursued than is the case in a considerable part of Switzerland during the wattime peliod. First, I memory studies to date. will show how the discussions in the 1990s regarding the accounts of Holocaust victims in A UNITED AND RESISTING NATION Swiss banks shattered the dominant view of the The official Swiss war memory was for many past and led to a revision of the perception of decades dominated by the image of a united and the historical role of Switzerland in World War resisting nation that had always been true to its Two. This revision, founded on new historical traditional humanitarian mission.; At the core of research, was a shock for many members of the the official commemoration stood the army and wartime generation, since it seemed to mock the conviction that the Gelman Wehnnacht did

58 ©Ml HIST@RY Autumn 2007 not dare attack Switzerland due to the presence liberal parties. But all the same, these liberal and of the Swiss soldiers ready to defend themselves conservative parties remained the dominant in their shelters in the Alps. General Hemi powers in the postwar period. Even with the Guisan, commander-in-chief of the Swiss anny integration of the social democrats into the during the war, emphasised in his order of the national political consensus the mental attitude day from 8 May 1945 the role of the almy: 'The of Swiss society was vilulently anticommunist almy was our shelter and our shield. It saved us during the Cold War. from halm and misery, from Wal; occupation, However, the political equality of women destruction, imprisonment and deportation." was not implemented until 1971. The patriotic Because Switzerland did not experience the confraternity of the postwar period was devastation of modern warfare, the wartime sustained by the experiences of the servicemen years were not remembered as a traumatic time in military service and these experiences were but as a time in which 'from the General to the no basis for women's lights. In several cantons least serviceman, from the Federal Council to the male citizens held a vote on the question of the old woman that cropped vegetables in a women's rights in the late 1940s. In each of flower pot everybody worked on the mainte­ them the institution of women's rights was nance of the independence of our country and rejected. I1 of the freedom of its citizens", as fonner Federal With regard to foreign affairs, the official Council member Friedrich Traugott Wahlen view of the wartime years with its emphasis on asserted in a memoir from 1975. In the same military defence and self-detennination led to a book, the period between 1939 and 1945 was policy of isolationism. Switzerland joined the described as a time of 'national proving', in United Nations only in 2003 as one of the last which the danger 'welded together a people with countries of the world. Accession to the Euro­ all its different individuals'." pean Union has been and still is fought by It was last but not least the desire for social national conservative parties with reference to stability that induced the vast majority of the the heroic self-assertion of Switzerland during population to accept this hannonious view of World War Two. their past and to push away the memories of But even if the official view of the war had a unpleasant experiences that could have called it great effect on Swiss society, it was also contra­ into question. The official method of commem­ dicted. Already in May 1945 Ma'!: Wolff, judge oration and especially the significance of the at the Obergericht (appellate court) of the canton anny in it helped to settle the political tensions of Zurich and president of the synod, asserted that had prevailed in Swiss society before the in a speech that the Swiss 'complicity with the war.' Notably General Guisan had emphasised global catastrophe' of the last twelve years was repeatedly that the communal experiences of the evident since 'certain circles, even religious ones, soldiers in military service during the war ought reacted indifferently if not sympathetically to the to establish a basis to overcome the social polar­ rise of hitlerism'. Furthermore the 'Federal ity. This military comradeship was meant to be Government suppressed the reports on the situ­ the archetype for coherence in civil society. ation and the activities in the German concen­ Guisan claimed in his last order of the day as tration camps until recently [ ... ] in order to commander-in-chief of the anny from the 20th preserve the interests of the state' and it had August 1945 that in the anny one could gain rejected thousands of Jewish refugees 'from the 'experiences of mutual understanding and assis­ redeeming frontiers of Switzerland and sent tance whose benefit should be transmitted to them to death'." Wolff did not make any friends our living together as a populace.''' Indeed the ,vith such an opinion. Military intelligence inves­ solidarity of the wartime years prepared the tigated his attitude towards the army and Swiss ground for social and political reforms after neutrality. The press ignored his speech or enter­ 1945 that would have been unthinkable during tained the suspicion that Wolff, who was from a the 1930s. One example was a bill for the insti­ respectable family and a member of the Demo­ tution of social insurance for the elderly and the cratic Party, was a communist sympathiser. l3 widowed that was supported by eighty percent This reaction was typical within debates of the votes in a referendum in 1947. This insur­ about Switzerland's role in World War Two for ance system had been a demand of the political many decades. Challenging the official histOli­ left since the beginning of the 20th century. Its cal discourse was considered to be a sign of a institution was - and still is today - a symbol for communist attitude and therefore a potential act political settlement between upper class and of treason. Access to governmental archlves was working class. After 1959, the social democra­ restricted to protect the official view of the past tic party was granted two seats in the national from challenges from new historical research. In government, until then all seats of which were some cases official institutions conspired against held exclusively by members of conservative and inquisitive histOlians to avert the exploration of

Autumn 2007 CM!!. iM~$!©~V 59 problematic details which could stain the brought up had by now been covered in detail immaculate image of the wartime years. H Some­ in many historical studies, the majOlity of Swiss times, however, critical aspects of the wartime were caught off guard by this new debate. They period could not be ignored any longer due to were surprised that it was now no longer just a new results from historical or journalistic few Swiss historians and journalists who were research. As a consequence, they were inte­ focusing on the sore spots of their wartime past grated into the official view of the past - but and who could be defamed as Marxist or be only as a 'footnote to a heroic epic' as the writer ignored. Nearly every week, American Senators Adolf Muschg put it in 1997." and the British tabloids presented new 'disclo­ Writers and journalists have claimed since sures' that gave the impression of Switzerland the late 1960s that Switzerland was unharmed as wartime profiteer. 'I am as puzzled as all of not only because of the army, but also - or my fellow Swiss countrymen' a journalist perhaps only - because of economic collabora­ exclaimed in wonder 'how it came to be that we tion with the powers of the Axis. They have have been pilloried as a people of robbers, repeatedly criticised Switzerland's policy against receivers of stolen goods, ghouls, crypto-fascists, refugees in the wartime period," while academic backers of the Nazi-regime half a century after historians have continued to sustain the tradi­ the end of World War Two.''' tional view of the past within their studies. The In 1996 an international commission of most prominent historical study until the 1990s historians chaired by Swiss historian Jean­ were the three volumes of Edgar Bonjour's Fran,ois Bergier was installed by the Swiss History of Swiss Neutrality dealing with the government and began to investigate the period between 1933 and 1945, which were economic collaboration with the Axis and the published in 1970. Bonjour, professor at the policies against Jewish refugees. The results of University of Base!, had gained exclusive access this Independent Commission of Experts to governmental archives otherwise blocked for Switzerland - Second World War (ICE) were historical research." The journalist Niklaus seen by many people as an officially revised Meienberg - whose works on the killing of history of the state, since the commission was alleged traitors during the war and on the set up by the government itself - even if this German-friendly dynasty of the Willes were claim was emphatically rejected by the members milestones towards a more critical view of the of the commission, who insisted on their scien­ Swiss past" - has excoriated the study of tific autonomy." Bonjour. Meienberg has argued that Bonjour Many leftist politicians, intellectuals and had overrated the deterrence capability of the journalists acclaimed this evolution of a new army and had neglected the significance of the historical image whereas national conservative economy. 1bis caused Bonjour to ignore 'that we politicians and members of the wartime genera­ collaborated economically with the fascists, that tion uttered scathing criticism." In particular we were integrated economically into the "new military veterans saw the discussions of Swiss Europe" and that with our formal bogus sover­ anti-Semitism and economic collaboration with eignty we could render better services to the the Axis as a mockery of their engagement Third Reich than as an occupied country'." during the war. A man born in the 1930s But such a critical view on the role of claimed in a letter to the newspaper Beobachter Switzerland during World War Two never that every action of S\vitzerland during the war reached the wider public. For the majority of had been justified, since after all, it had Swiss, the traditional image of Switzerland as a concerned the survival of the nation: 'We lived, united and resistant countly continued to deter­ people and government, with this basic principle mine their view of the past. They remained to survive and we must not apologise! Today's unperturbed by the research of a new generation wise guys want to know everything better. We of historians who referred to the similarities of had the right to SUl'\~ve! And we were able to as the ideology of the Swiss 'spiritual defence' well, thank God.''' Supported by right-wing (geistige Landesverteidigung) in the 1930s and politicians, the veterans criticised the fact that 1940s and the culture of fascism and who, since most of the historians who investigated the the 1980s, had highlighted the economic causes wartime period were born after 1945 and were for Switzerland's escape from the devastation of therefore not able to understand the wartime warfare. 20 situation. In the 1990s, however, Switzerland came under great pressure from Jewish organisations HISTORY VERSUS MEMORY? and from the government of the United States Many observers have tried to understand this as a result of the emergence of existence of S,,~ss clash between histolians and members of the bank accounts belonging to Jewish Holocaust wartime generation. One very common expla~ victims. Even if most of the questions that were nation has relied on the theory of French histo-

60 CIttAn. HISTORY Autumn 2007 rian Pierre Nora. Nora sees history - as written different relations to the past but are in princi­ by professional historians - and memory - that ple equivalent. is based in social groups that remember their By using the Assmanns' concept for the past - as two distinct forms of commemoration. analysis of the commemoration of World War History tries, according to Nora, using critical Two in Switzerland, we can state that there was analysis to separate the present and the past, a significant change in the cultural memory after whereas memory stresses the continuity the end of the Cold War. Until the end of the between past and present." History therefore 1980s, the Swiss government sustained the offi­ should be able to construct a more reliable and cial image of the past that stressed the indepen­ less mystified image of the past than the dence of Switzerland and the capability to memory of witnesses of a certain period. defend itself militarily. It then became clear that In my opinion Nora's standpoint is not in an age of globalised economy it was not possi­ convincing for three reasons. First, we know ble to ignore the pressure of a country like the that memories are not a direct continuity of the United States or from international Jewish past as Nora asserts, but are reconstructions of organisations to revise its own past. Further­ the past in the present and are therefore influ­ more the government saw that the traditional enced and shaped by current debates. The historical image was an obstacle to the integra­ same, of course, is true for history. Second, tion of Switzerland into international organisa­ when we consider the commemoration of tions like the United Nations or for relations World War Two in Switzerland, we see that for with the European Union. This explains the a long time also professional historians helped readiness of the government to install the ICE to build - or at least, failed to deconstruct - the and to accept - even reluctantly - the results of mythological image of the past. It took a new historical research that until then it had chosen generation of historians in important positions to ignore. It is a sign of the fact that wartime in universities and national research commemorations - even if they are a distinct programmes for academic history to question national feature - always depend on the evolu­ the long-time dominant view of the past. Third, tion in international politics. The central point there have always been autobiographies and of the new view on Swiss history was that since the late 1980s also several collections of Switzerland had not been an innocent country personal recollections based on oral history during the war but was entangled in the crimes that show a very controversial view of every­ of fascism and National Socialism by its day life in Switzerland during the war." economic collaboration with the powers of the Surprisingly, the critical potential of these testi­ Axis and by its anti-Semitic policies against monials, diverging as they often did from the Jewish refugees. After the end of the Cold War, image of a united and homogeneous nation, it became politically and economically necessary was not recognised in the acrimonious debates to include the traumatic memory of the Holo­ of the 1990s. caust in cultural memory. Many members of the A theoretical approach other than the idea of wartime generation were not V1illing or able to a hierarchy between history and memory as do so." This resulted in the above-mentioned suggested by Pierre Nora can help us to under­ frictions between the communicative memory of stand the clash between historians and members the wartime generation and the modified of the wartime generation in the 1990s. Gelman cultural memory which was endorsed by the researchers Jan and Aleida Assmann relied for results of new historical research. their theory of commemoration on the concept of collective memory of Maurice Halbwachs," a H~'ln.OGENEOIJS COMMEMORATIONS theory that they have tried to enhance." The In this controversial climate, the oral history Assmanns distinguished between three types of project Archimob began its work. The aim of remembrance: Archimob - which is an abbreviation of a) a communicative memory that is actualised 'archives of the mobilisation' - was to under­ in every day communication in a social stand what the members of the wartime gener­ group or a family and reaches as far back as ation had experienced in the years between 1930 three generations and 1945 and how they remembered this period b) a cultural memory that is kept alive byoffi­ half a century later. Between 1999 and 2001 cial ceremonies, by rites or by memorials. It over 500 witnesses of World War Two were is more structured and hierarchical than interviewed. They responded mostly to calls in communicative memory. Only a small group newspapers. The sample of interviewees is not of opinion-formers has access to its framing representative in the statistical sense but it is the c) a scientific occupation with the past by attempt to acquire the experiences of as large a professional historians spectrum of people as possible. The interviewees These three modes of commemoration bear belonged to such different groups as soldiers,

Autumn 2007 ©:lUll. HIS'll'©!nY 61 Poster of the ically on the left stressed the point that many multimedia-based members of the upper class sympathised with exhibition fascism. Max Siegrist for example claimed that L'Histoire c'est moi indeed 'many people would talk very rudely touring through when the Nazis were mentioned. But beyond a Switzerland since certain income group the attitudes began to 2004. blur.''' And Ralph Winkler asserted: 'I never believed the fahy tale that Switzerland didn't get involved in the war only because of the army. Hitler would have been quite an idiot if he had attacked Switzerland that, as a matter of fact, was such an efficient manufacturer of weaponry.''' A minority of the interviewees approved of the research of the ICE. Leni Altweg, who comes from a religious-socialist background, said that with the decision to authorise a commission of historians to reinves~ tigate World War Two, the Swiss govemment 'outgrew itself and also the bankers. In my opinion this is one of their main achievements lately.''' Swiss Jews also voiced experiences quite different from the long-time dominant self­ perception of Switzerland in World War Two. They talked about everyday anti-Semitism in housewives, workers in factories, farmers, Switzerland during the 1930s and 1940s and communists, Jewish refugees, Polish intemees about their relatives in foreign countries who or Swiss Jews. The interviews were two hours were killed by the Nazis in the Holocaust. long and filmed on video. The material of over Moritz Abrach for example completed military one thousand hours of testimonials has led to a training school in the 1930s and aspired to a series of TV-documentaries," two books - one career in the army. But his commandant told in French and one in German" - and the multi­ him that in his unit no Jew would become an media-based exhibition L'Histoire c'est moi that officer. 'To me, this was a painful experience', toured through several Swiss cities." The collec­ said Abrach." And Marianne Gromb recalled tion of Archimob interviews will be made public the day of the armistice, when she and her at the Historisches Museum in Bem in the near family applied for emigration to Israel: 'We saw future. clearly that the Swiss wouldn't have defended The interviews conducted by Archimob any of us', Gromb assumed. 'The Swiss would researchers show that the wartime generation is have defected. By opportunism, not by convic­ much less homogeneous than was always tion. They would have taken the path of least assumed, although the majority of the contem­ resistance. '39 porary witnesses expressed dissent with the And there is also a very interesting gender latest historical publications on Switzerland in difference in the interviews. Women are less World War Two. Martha Gosteli, bom in 1917, offended by the fact that the image of the claimed that 'it isn't fair that the people of that wartime period has been revised. The revision time are treated in such a manner. [ ... J I have to of the role of the army did not bother them since say I have been shocked by the way we have they generally had not served in the army during been criticised. Sometimes I have really been the war." And the criticism of official wartime sickened upon hearing how certain historians policies offended them less since Swiss women have expressed themselves.''' And Hans gained their full political rights only in 1971. Wymann conceded that indeed some 'boards of The peasant woman Elise Scherer whose directors had made mistakes' between 1933 and husband had frequently been conscripted 1945. But these exponents of govemment and together with the male farm labourers and who banks 'weren't the Swiss people.' In his opinion, had often remained alone with her children and the Swiss people had 'accomplished a masterly her grandfather on the farm during the war, 3 achievement during the war: -1- claimed in her interview that the military service However, the Archimob interviews show also of the men was not very demanding: 'Once we that several social groups shared communicative had a unit of radio operators quartered on our memOlies that are quite different from the tradi­ farm. They just lay about and we had plenty of tional historical image: People who stood polit- work to do. This put us in a bad temper some-

62 ©~!!. t'U$li@RV Autumn 2007 times.' Asked if her work during the war had The book been more wemisome than that of the service­ 'Landigeist und men, Scherer answered resolutely: 'Of course! '" Judenstempel' None of the male contemporary witnesses brings together expressed themselves in such a way. Also, in some of the interviews earlier studies women had a more reserved atti­ conducted by tude towards the wartime years." Men seem to Archimob. be more strongly affected by the challenge to the traditional view of the wartime years. They have in general a stronger vested interest in critical aspects vanishing behind the image of a united and resisting nation and that only this image should be present in cultural memory.

!wo LEVElS IN COMMUNiCATIVE Mil:MORIES All the findings above challenge the position adopted in many recent studies of memory. They often have a cultural historical orientation and focus on the way social collectives remember the past. These collectives, mostly nations, are often regarded - explicitly or not - as homogeneous entities with a consistent culture of commemo­ ration ,43 The fact that several social groups share communicative memories that are quite differ­ and in politics, even one member of the Federal ent from the traditional historical image of the Council' -had sympathised with Nazism and he Swiss nation is the first reason to state that it said he had been ashamed already during the would be by far too simple to treat the discus­ war about the policy against refugees. But then sions about the role of Switzerland during the he assured the interviewer that only 'ten percent war only as a clash between history and memory. of our population' had sympathised with And there is a second reason to question this Nazism. 'The other ninety percent were loyal notion. Interestingly, not only do various social Swiss.' Therefore he came to the conclusion that groups have a communicative memory that 'it had been to our merit that we could keep the differs from the traditional historical image, but Germans at bay.' Asked if it was not a contra­ contemporary witnesses who defended this diction to claim that the Swiss people were traditional image on an ideological level also determined to withstand Nazism after he talked in their interviews about experiences that himself had said that a considerable part of the stood in striking contradiction to it. Hans Kafer social elite had sympathies for Hitler, he speci­ for example, who wituessed the war as a child, fied that only a small portion of the Swiss popu­ said at the beginning of his interview that the lation had done so and that the ICE focussed too whole Swiss people was united and ready to much on the objectionable activities of a few fight against fascism until death. He would not industrial magnates and kept quiet about the accept the criticism of certain historians since rest of the populace.'" they had not themselves lived in this period. This example shows that the patriotic resist­ Only the people involved, 'who gained a better ing 'we' in many interviews gained a different insight and experienced this peliod deeply' and meaning depending on context. If the intervie­ who 'pledged loyalty to the country and stood wees got the impression that the young genera­ up for it' could really judge the situation of tion, the historians or the Americans wanted to Switzerland in the wartime years. malign Switzerland they closed ranks and the But a little later, when Mr. Kafer talked about 'we' became synonymous with Switzerland. On his own experiences, one got the impression that request they specified this 'we'. Now, all of a there was no great difference between his sudden it seemed to stand for the population at memories and the historical research of the ICE. large, in opposition to the social elite. Mr. Kafer assented that he knew that Swiss From this follows that the communicative factories had manufactured for the Axis powers: memory of many members of the wartime .'When I learned this during the war I thought: generation consists of two levels. The first level N?, this is just not possible!' Furthelmore he conveys an image of a united and resisting !lsserted that several members of the social elite nation. It was dominant in the public sphere for :~"regrettably important men in the economy a long time and had been an important moral

AuhJmn 2007 @M!!. MI$f©~Y 63 one seems to be able to draw conclusions for future developments." A historical discourse therefore has an influence on the allocation of political power. Michel Foucault described the connection between rules of interpretation and political power in his work The Order of Discourse by claiming that 'discourse is not simply that which translates struggles or systems of domination, but is the thing for which and by which there is struggle, discourse is the power which is to be seized.''" In a nation, many differ­ ent strands of memory can take shape. These individual communicative memories, however, are usurped by the historical view framed by the social group predominant in a certain nation. This historical view dominates the other strands of commemoration as the cultural memory of the nation. 50 'Who is not able to resource for many Swiss during the war. This is It is not coincidental that the image of the keep silent harms why they defend it even if they know that the patriotic Swiss confraternity is normally hrs own country': reality behind this image had been much more sustained by the members of the wartime gener­ illustration from controversial than was admitted in public for ation in public comments whereas in private or Hans-Rudolf Kurz, many decades. The second level consists of semiprivate conversations they tend to admit Dokumente des personal memories that often stand in contra­ that indeed there had been events that do not fit Aktivdienstes, Frouenfeld: Hubor, diction to the official wartime memory and that with the harmonious image of the wartime 1965, p 727. are therefore only told in private or in the semi­ years. Cultural memory as an important support private situation of an interview. For many for the stability of a national community members of the wartime generation it was quite depends on diffusion in the general public. Only a shock to see that precisely these dissonant as a discourse circulating in public can it be rele­ memories" were becoming headlines in national vant for a social group. Benedict Anderson and international newspapers. They orientated claimed in his famous work Imagined Commu­ themselves still around the wartime propaganda, nities that 'all communlties larger than primor­ which said: 'Wer nicht schweigen kann, schadet dial villages of face-ta-face contact ". are der Heimat' (,He who is not able to keep silent imagined.''' Members of a nation are sure that harms his own country'). this nation exists and that it is also relevant for its other members, even if they will never know DOMINANT PUIlLlC MEMORIES AND them personally. National identity depends on THEIR POlITICAL FUNCTION discourses made public by mass media, espe­ However, the debate in the 1990s did not come cially books and newspapers. Anderson as a shock for all members of the wartime gener­ described this as follows: 'The newspaper ation. Former journalist Charles In",),ler, himself reader, observing exact replicas of his own paper a veteran of World War Two, never took being consumed in his subway, barbershop, or offence. On the contrary, he had been disturbed residential neighbourhood, is continually reas­ that objectionable facts relating to policy about sured that the imagined world is visibly rooted refugees had been hushed up for such a long in everyday life. As with Noli me Tangere, fiction time: 'But I must say that I understand the seeps quietly and continuously into reality, creat­ people of my age group. For them, the discus­ ing that remarkable confidence of community in sions of the last years were a rude awakening. anonymity which is the hallmark of modern [ .. -J Of course, you don't always have to rub salt nations. '52 into the wounds. But the important thing is: you As long as certain problematic aspects of are not to forget that the wounds exist. The truth the past are only discussed in a private or semi­ can sometimes be a very unpleasant thing:~6 private space - in other words, as long as they Niklaus Meienberg had already stated at the remain a part of the communicative memory - end of the 1980s: 'We live in a nice country: it they will not threaten the cohesion of a lives on amnesia. With a little bit more memory national community. Only when they begin to the governors would live less conveniently, and be debated in public do they jeopardise the so would the governed, '47 This statement cultural memory. Dominant social groups suggests that the manner of reminiscence has a therefore will try to control views of the past function for the political order of a nation. From expressed in the public sphere. After 194j, the the view of the past that is accepted in a nation, army was at the centre of the cultural memory

64 ©i1Ul!.!!' HllST@RY Autumn 2007 of the wartime years: a politically conservative is through oral history, as is demonstrated in and predominantly male institution. In this this case by the results of the Archimob waY, the conservative orientation and the project. The famous statement of Emst Renan ma~culine predominance within Swiss politics that '[fJorgetting [Oo.] is a clUcial factor in the were reinforced. The political left cultivated an creation of the nation' certainly helps to under­ independent culture of commemoration at least stand the cultural memory of a nation'" but until after the 1960s. Even if the working class does not apply to the recollections in the had endorsed military defence in the wartime communicative memory of its members. years and after 1945, their attitude towards the I draw two conclusions: First, oral history army remained ambivalent. But the leftist can help to examine the differences between strand of retrospection towards the wartime publicly and plivately expressed memories and years never attained major significance can help to understand how people cope with compared to the hegemonic historical the dissonances between these two different discourse. As a further group, women focused types of commemoration. Second, we should in their memories on different aspects of the leave behind the idea that there is one homoge­ past. And the recollections of Swiss Jews neous memory in a certain nation and more differed from the manner of retrospection strongly pursue a social historical analysis of prevailing among Swiss of Christian denomi­ memory, which stresses that there are different nation. But these dissenting strands of memory types of memolies in different social groups and never were of major relevance for the cultural that the hegemony of one of these memories in memory of Switzerland. One way to account the public sphere is always a means for gaining for memories which are not expressed publicly social power,

tJ~ wenig Dissens', Schweizerische Zeitschrift fUr Situation of Women in Swilzerland 1939-1945', in: '10 Eenec!icl Anderson, Imagined Communities, Geschtchte, v0l47, no 4, 1997, pp 451~476; Joy Charnley and iVdcolm Pender (eels!, ReRections on the Origin and Spread of Moria Konig, 'PoIiiik und C-esell.schofi- im 20. Switzerfand and \,IVor (=Occasiona! Papers in Swiss Notionalism, 2nd eel, London and New Yort:: Verso, Jahrhundert, Kri.sen, KonHikte, Reformen', in: fine Siudies No 2), Bern etc.: Long, 1999, pp 6 1-81 . 1991 , pp &9; Reinhort Koselleck and Michael kJeine Geschichte der Schweiz, Der Bundesstaat '!I2~ Quotation from Moria Ki:inig, 'Die Venegenr.eit Jeisrr,ann (eds), Der politische Tolenkult, und seine Traditionen, Fronkfurt a.M.: Suhrkamp, vor dem Frieden, Vcm schweizsrischen Umgang mir Kriegerdenkmoler in der Modeme, Munchen: Fink, 1998, pp 21·90; (hrtstof Deiung, 'Schweigend dem Ende des Zweiten Welikriegs', Traverse, 1994; Joy Winter, Sites of Memory, Sites of gedenken, dann rosch weitergehen, Dos Zeilschrift fUr Geschiehle, val 2, no 2, 1995, Mouming, Tne Great \,II/ar in European Culluro! Kriegsende in der Schweiz und die supplerr,ent "/I/\oi 1945"', P 15. Hisiory, Cambridge: Cambridge Universi;y Press, gesellschaftliehen Folgen des offiziellen 13. Kentg, 1995, p 15. 1995. Geschichtsbildes nach 1945', JahrBuch fur 14.. Luc van Dongen, 'la memoire de la Seconde 20 Popular /l.llemory Group, 'Popular Memory: Forschungen zur Geschichte der Arbeiierc.ewegung, Gt;erre mondiaie en Suis..<.8 dons I'immwiol apres­ Tr:eory, Politics, Method', in: Richard Johnson et aI no 1,2005, pp 19·34. guerre (1945-1948) " Schvveizerische Zeifschrift fur (eds), MDking Histories, Studies in HislOf1jWrifing 60 BAR 1= Swiss Federal Archives, Bern) Ge5chichle, y0l47, no 4, 1997, pp 709-729; and Politics, London: Hutchinson, 1982, p 205- E 27/14112: Tcgeseefehl yam 8. N\ot 1945 Saeho Zala, 'Dos omriiche Malaise mit der Histarie, 252; Tirwthy G. Ashp!ont, Groham Dawson and il~ frieelnch TrOl:gOIT Wahlen, 'Einleitung', in: A.ndri Vam \Neissbuch zum Boniour-Bericht', Michael Raper, 'The Politics of War Memory and Peer (eel), Der A0ivdiensf, Die Ze!t nationaler Schweizerische Zeiischrift fUr Geschichfe, '10147, Commemoration: Contexts, Structures and Bewohrung 1939·45, Zofingen: ,~ingier, 1975, no 4, 1997, pp 759-780; Hans Ulr:ehJost, PoIilik DynamiCS', in: Ashplant, Dawson and ,~oper (eds), p5. und Wirfschoft im Krieg, Die Schweiz ] 938- Commemorating War, The Po/itics of Memory, $. Peec, 1975, p. 9. J948,Zurich:Chranos, 1998,p213. New Brunswick and London 2004: Transaction 90 Christof Deiung, AkJivdiensf und 1 $" Tcges-Anzeiger 'lam 24.1.1997. Publishers, p 13. Geschlechferordnung, fine Kultur- und 'I ~o AJ~ed A Hosier, Oos Boot ist vol!, Die 3~ The other European notions not invdved directly AJlfagsgsschichle des Miliiardiensfes in der Schweiz und die Fluchtlinge ] 933-) 945, Zurich: in the war were Sweden, the laier Republic of Schweiz 1939-1945, Zurich: Chranos, 2006. Ex Ubris, 1967; Mox Frisch, Diensib0chlein, Ire!and, Portugal, Turkey and Spain: Eric I@. BAR E 27/14112 Tcgeseefehl yom 20. Frankfurt a.M.: Suhrkamp, 1974. Hobsbawm, Age of Extremes, The Short Twentieth Acgust 1945. 1 if~ Edgar Boniour, C-eschichte der Century; ]914-1991, Landon:Ab::cus, 1995, p '1110 Yvonne Voegeli, Zwiscnen Housrat und schweizerischen Neufralitat, Vier Johrhunderfe 24 Rothaus_ Auseinonderselzungen um die polilische eidgenossischer Aussenpofilik, '101 IV-VI, Bosel: 4~ Obersibrigadier Richard Suier, 'Zum C-e!eif, in: G!eichbehandlung der Fraven in der Schweiz Helbing & lichtenhahn, i 970. EhemaligeMitr.Kp.IV/82 (eel), fine besondere ] 945-] 971, ZUrich: Chror:os, 1997; A.nr,eite frei 1 $Q Niklaus Meienberg, Die frschiessung des Kompaniegeschichte, Besinnfiches Heiteres aus der Berthoud, 'Fokten, Mythen, Erinnerungen, Die Londesverraters Ernst S., Darmstcdt: luchterhand, Zeit /939- J 945, Thoyngen: self-,oublished, 1983, unterschiedliche Wohrnehmur,g und 8eurteiiung van 1974; NikJaus IV\eienberg, Die Wefj a!s Wille und p 13. AH quotes from sources in this paper ore AiGivdienst und Fraueneinsoiz', in: Philipp Sarasin Wohn, Elemente zur Noturgeschichte eines Clans. ofiginally in German and were irans!a~ed into and Regina Weeker (eels), Raubgold, Reduit, Zurich: limmat, 1987. Er:glisn by the authm FIOchilinge, Zur Geschichte der Schweiz im 19.. Niklous fV\.eienberg, 'Bonsoir, Herr Boniour', in: 5. For Yne reminiscence ot Wcr!d War \lNO in Zweiren WellkJieg, Zurich: Chronos, 1998, pp V!efieicht sind wir morgen schon b!eich u. tot, Swiizeriand see: Georg Kreis, 'Vier Deconen una 105-119; Regino VVecker, 'Itwasn'r War! The Chroni.k der fortlaufenden Ereignisse, aber ouch

Autumn 2007 @RAi!. ~JS'li'©lfty 65 dar fOrfgalaufenen, Zurich: Ummct 1989, p 219 Simone Chiquei (eel), "Es vver hall KriegM, 40.. Only 0 small number of ,",'1omen had [H.st published in: AZ, tvDi 1971]. Erinnervngen an den J.j{jog in cer Schweiz 1939- volunteered for female military seNice. See: 2@D Hans Ulrich Jost, '8edrohung und Enge 1945, Zurich: Chronos, 1992. Regula SfampHi, Mif der Schurze in die 11914-19451', in: BeacixiVesmeretolledL 27. fv\aurice Halbwachs, La memoirs cclleciive, Landesverteidigung, Frauenemanzipojfan und Geschichle der Sch"veiz - urd der Schweizer, Pons: Iv'id,,", 1997 [1950J. English version: Schweizer Militar 1914-1945, Zurich: Orell Basel: Heibing& lichtenhahn 1983, pp 101-189; fv\aurice Ha!bwachs, rne Collective /I;1emory, fussli,2002. Jakob Tanner, Bundeshaushalt, Wahrung und New York: Harper and Row 1980. 4'D. Interview with Elise Scherer, conducted by Kriegswirtscho&, fine finonzsozialcgische Ano~;se 28.. Jan Assmann, 'KoIlektives Gedochtnis und Christof Dejung, 9th December 1998. derSchweizzvvfschen 1938 und 1953, Zurich: kulturelle Identifat', in: Jan Assmann cnd Tonio 1Il2.SeeChiquet, 1992, pp 10-12. limmat, 1986; Werner Rings, I~oubgold aus Ho!scher (ed), Kultur und Gedachtnis, Frankfurt 43.. This applies especially to the lieux-de­ Deutschlond, Die 'GolddrehscheiCe' Schweiz im a.M.: Suhrkamp, 1988, pp9-19; Aleida memoire-research stimuiated by Pierre Noro (ed). Zweilen Weftkrieg, Zurich: Artemis, 1985. Assmann, '1998 - Zwischen C--eschichte und Les lieux de m§moire, Paris: Gailimord

2'1 D Sebosiian Speich etol, Die Schweizam Gedochtnis', in: Aleido A.ssmann and Ute Frevert, 1984-1992. English version: Pierre Nora, Pronger, Banken, Bosse und die Nazis, Wien: C--eschichtsvergessenheit und Realms of Memory, Rethinking the French Post, 3 Ueberreuter, 1997, p 11 . Geschichtsversessenheit, Vam Umgang mif vols, New York: Columbia University Press, 22.. The ICE published its results in 200 1 and deufschen Vergangenheifen noch ) 945, Stu!!gart: 1996-98. See for a criticism of the current 2002 in 25 Volumes. A summary appeared in print Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 1999, pp 21-52. research on memory: Peter 8urke, Varieties of as: Independent Commission of Experts Switzerland 29. Thomas Maissen, Verweigerte Erinnerung, Cultural History, lihaca: Comel! University Press, - Second World \f\/ar, Switzerland Notional Nochdchtenlose Vermegen und Schweizer 1997, p 55; Anna Green, 'Individual Socialism, and the Second \f\/orld War, Final Weltkriegsdeboce 1989-2004, Zurich: Verlag Remembering and "Colleciive ,v"emory;', Repot, Zurich: Perco, 2002. See also: Neue Zurcher Zeitung, 2C05. Theoretical Presuppositions and Contemporary hitp://ywvw.uek.ch/en/ 30.. They are collected on the DVD Ruckbldend, Debates', Oral History, vel 32, no 2, 2004, pp .23~Jakob Tanner, ·Geschichtswissenschah und fine Sommlung von 21 Filmen in ZusammenorCeif 35-44. moralische Restitution: die Schweiz im mit der Wanderausstellung "l'Histoire c'est md', 44~ InteNiew with Hans KCifer, born in 1927, internaliono!en Kontext', zeitgeschichte, '101 30, no Zurich: limmat, 2004. conducted by Christof Dejung, 14th Sepfember 5,2003, pp. 268-280; Chrisiol Dipper, 'Die 31 ~ Chrisrof Delung, Thomas Gull and Tonia 2000. Geburt der Zeirgeschichte aus dem Geist der Krise, Wirz (edsl, [andigeist und judenstempe/, 45.. See for the theory of cognitive dissonance Dos Beispiel Schweiz', in: A!exander NUlzsnadel Erinnerungen einer Generation 1930 -1945, in social psychology: lson Festinger, A Theory of and WoIfgang Schieder (ed), Zeitgeschichte als Zurich: Ummot, 2002; Fabienne Regard and Cognitive Dissonance, Stanford: Stanford Problem, Nationale Troditionen und Perspektiven Laurent Neury, La vie .. , malgn§ tout, Iv15moire University Press, 1957. der Forschung in Europo, Gbitingen: Vandenhceck d'une Suisse en guerre, Yens sur Morges: 46. Interview with Charles Inwyler, born in & Ruprechr, 2004, pp. 149-174. Cobedilo, 2002. 1919, conducted by Thomas Schorer, 25th 24,. Quotation from Chris!of Dejung, '''Die 32.. The inteNiew clippings ShOVVT1 0: this January 2000. heutigen Schloumsier wollen oIles besser wissen", exhibition are colleded on L'Histoire c'est moi, 555 47.. Niklous Meienberg, 'Vorworts zur Dos SfXJnnungsfeid zwischen historischer Forschung Versionen der Schweizer Geschichte 7939-1945, gedochtnisfreien Gesellschah! Schuldzuweisung und den Erinnerungen der AkJivdiensigenerotion in Die Archimob AU5sfeliung cuf 4 DVD, Lousonne: und Unschuldsvermutung', in: Vielleicht sind wir der jungsten Debatle um den Zweilen Weitf.

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