• Abstract and Figures
• Public Full-text

71-1492 LEWIS, Tom Tandy, 1941- FRMCO-AMERICAN DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS, 1898- 1907. The University of Oklahoma, Ph.D., 1970 History, modern University Microfilms, A XEROX Company, Ann Arbor, Michigan THIS DISSERTATION HAS BEEN MICROFILMED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED THE UNIVERSITY OF OKLAHOMA GRADUATE COLLEGE PRANCO-AMERICAN DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS, I898-I907 A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE FACULTY in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY BY TOM TANDY LEWIS Norman, Oklahoma 1 9 7 0 FRANCO-AMERICAN DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS, 1898-190? APPROVED BY 'mAAA ot^~ DISSERTATION COMMITTEE TABLE OP CONTENTS Page PREFACE ..................................... iii I. INTRODUCTION .................................. 1 II, THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR— I ................ 18 III. THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR— I I ................ 4] IV, THE MOVEMENT TOWARD RAPPROCHEMENT ........... 95 V, ECONOMIC AND COLONIAL COMPETITION , ......... 140 VI, THE FAR E A S T ................................ 199 VII, THE MOROCCAN CRISIS— I ....................... 240 VIII. THE MOROCCAN CRISIS— I I ..................... 283 IX, CONCLUSION................ , , , 324 BIBLIOGRAPHY................................. 332 PREFACE The purpose of this dissertation is to examine all aspects of the relations between France and the United States from the Spanish-American War until the second Hague Confer­ ence, During these years there was a general improvement in relations, with the greatest change taking place around the turn of the century. There were many reasons for this development: they include the efforts of important indivi­ duals, economic matters, cultural traditions, public opinion, imperial ambitions and historical circumstances. It is impossible to measure the exact relationship of these varia­ bles, but the most important consideration seems to revolve around the fact that neither nation presented any real threat to the vital interests or security of the other. From my point of view, the material in this study is worthwhile for at least three reasons. In the first place, while there exists a vast literature on various phases of the history of Franco-American relations, at this time there is no substantial work devoted to the years between the Franco- Prussian War and World War I, Secondly, the relationship of the two countries has been crucially important throughout the twentieth century, and it remains as significant today as ever iii before in the past. Of course, knowledge of Franco-American relations of seventy years ago does not alone provide a basis for understanding the situation of today, but it does provide a perspective that is helpful. Thirdly, from a study of the bilateral relations of the two powers there is a great deal that can be learned about the international situation at a very important time. Although Franco-American relations did not constitute one of the major questions of international diplomacy, in many ways they influenced and reflected some important developments of the larger picture. In the research for the dissertation I have used a wide variety of original sources, A glance at the bibliography will reveal that I have not been able to use the archives of the Quai d*Orsay, On several matters, especially the Moroc­ can crisis, the published volumes of the Documents diploma­ tiques français have been very helpful. For the subject of the reaction of the French Government to the Spanish-American War, Ernest R, May's Imperial Democracy: The Emergence of America as a Great Power quotes a number of important docu­ ments from the French archives. Also I have made extensive use of Le Temps, a newspaper which almost always contained the government's position on foreign affairs. Many librarians, archivists and others have helped me in different ways, I would like to express my appreciation especially to Dr, Russell Buhite, who initially stimulated ray interest in American diplomatic history and who directed iv the dissertation; to the history department of the University of Oklahoma, for providing a research grant; and to my wife, who supported me for a year so that I could devote my energies to research and writing. FRANCO-AMERICAN DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS, I898-I907 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION In the late nineteenth century there was a recognition in both France and the United States that the diplomatic relations between the two countries would be increasingly important in the years ahead. When in 1897 President William McKinley had to choose the first Ambassador to go to Paris, he was anxious to select a man with both talent and prestige, McKinley decided upon General Horace Porter, a former aide- de-camp to General Grant during the Civil War. Porter was a prominent railroad executive, and he was fluent in the use of the French language. In presenting Porter with his appointment, McKinley told him that the international situa­ tion was rapidly changing and that it would be necessary for the American Ambassador in France to demonstrate "tact, dis­ tinction and force of character."^ But McKinley added: "I Elsie Porter Meade and Henry Pearson, An American Soldier: Horace Porter, (New York: Frederick A, Stokes, 1927), p. 170. This work by Porter's daughter is not especially scholarly, but it records many personal incidents, and it contains many unpublished diplomatic despatches. 2 doubt very much whether you will have much to do in Paris because our relations are very friendly and seem to be grow­ ing in quite fertile soil."2 At about the same time the French Government also had to find a suitable diplomat to go to Washington as the first French Ambassador in the United States, In January, 1898, it was decided that M, Jules Gambon was the wisest choice, Gambon was a veteran diplomat, having served as the head of the French delegation in Morocco and as the Governor-General of Algeria, When he talked to the French Foreign Minister, M, Gabriel Hanotaux, about the assignment, Gambon expressed the desire to be nearer Paris, and he protested that he did not speak English, Hanotaux insisted that Gambon go to Washington, and he said: "Take M, Thiebaut with you; he speaks English perfectly, B y 1898 Franco-American relations already had a long and varied history, Gabriel Hanotaux, who was a capable historian despite his busy public career, wrote that geogra­ phical circumstances had made it inevitable that the two nations would have a special importance for each other, Hanotaux's argument was that the busy harbors of Bordeaux, Nantes, Brest and Le Havre face the American continent and are America's shortest routes to the European mainland,^ ^Recorded in the New York Herald. July 30, I90 5, O \ -'Quoted in Genevieve Tabouis, The Life of Jules Gambon, (London: Jonathan Gape, 1938), p, 82, h , Gabriel Hanotaux, La France vivantet en Amérique du Nord, (Paris: Librairie Hachette et cie, I91 3), p, 139, 3 During the American Revolution, Prance had dome to the aid of the thirteen colonies in the attempt to weaken Great Britain. Ever since, the memory of the alliance of 1778 has had great sentimental value in France and the United States. In both nations it has long been a cliche to say that France was the first ally of the United States, and this general idea has been restated time and time again at diplomatic receptions. Yet the relations between the two countries were far from friendly during much of the nine­ teenth century.5 There was a major diplomatic crisis when Napoleon III attempted to establish a French sphere of in­ fluence in Mexico at the time of the Civil War, The House of Representatives adopted a resolution against the venture in 1864, and Secretary of State William Seward warned France that the congressional action represented the sentiment of the entire American people.^ As a result of Napoleon's blunder, during the war of I87O-I87I the majority of Ameri­ cans sypathized with Germany and believed that France was the aggressor.? ^This is the thesis in Henry Blumenthal, A Reapprisal of Franco-American Relations. 1830-1871. (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1959). Also see Clara Schieber, The Transformation of American Sentiment Toward Germany, 1670-1914. (Boston: Cornhill Pub. Co.. 1923). t>. viii. ^Count Egon Caesar Corti, Maximilian and Charlotte of Mexico, trans. by Catherine Philips, (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1938), Vol. I, pp. 410-1. ?Schieber, Transformation, pp. 36-7. Il Following the Franco-German War, many influential Frenchmen realized the future importance of the United States. For this reason they were anxious to do everything possible to improve their image in the country. This, of course, was the motivation for the presentation of the Statue of Liberty in 1884. This symbolic action probably was of little importance, but only five years later there was a dangerous controversy between Germany and the United States as a result of conflicting ambitions in the Samoan Islands. The American press suddenly became anti-German, and the American public began to look more favorably upon the French position in the world.® By I898 there had not been a complete diplomatic revolution, but American-French relations were much more amiable than they had been during the days of the Second Empire. Any examination of world diplomacy at the turn of the century must emphasize European imperialism. The high point of the competition for territory and influence came during the last decade of the nineteenth century and the first decade of the twentieth century. Professor William Langer, who has studied the subject in some detail, concludes that during this score of years "it was taken for granted that the world was marked out by providence for exploitation by the European white man and that the principle of every man ®Ibid.. p. 40. for himself and the Devil take the hindmost was the natural 9 law," France had a long tradition of imperialism, and her colonial empire was the second largest in the world.

Load more

  371

Copy Link