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PDF – Volume 7, Issue 1, 2014 Volume 7, Issue 1 January 2014 Peace Studies Journal ISSN: 2151-0806 Vol. 7, Issue 1 January, 2014 Guest Editor: Dr Katerina Standish, University of Otago Table of Contents ARTICLES Can We Commit? Explaining Discipline in Nonviolent Movements Liesel Mitchell …………………………………….………………………………………..…… 3 Holding Sacred Space: Resolving the Narrative of Displacement through Mythogenesis Tatiyana Bastet……………………….………………………………………... .…………….... 24 ‘Perpetual Peace and Friendship’ in International Treaties Heather Devere………………………………………………………………………………..... 38 Protect your God-Given Properties and Wealth’ Some Emerging Trends in Ethno-religious Conflicts in Northern Nigeria Adediran Danie Ikuomola ..……………………………………….…………………………..... 46 Understanding the cultural dimension of intractable conflict: What are the implications for peace education practice? Rachel Rafferty………………………..……………………………………………………...… 61 A Ghandhian Approach to Peace Movements in the 21st Century Vanmala Hiranandani …………………………………………………………….……………. 78 Enabling positive contact: The challenges surrounding integrated, multicultural education in divided societies – the case of Sri Lanka Marie Nissanka ………………...…………………………………………..........................…... 92 POEM Volume 7, Issue 1, January 2014 Page 1 Peace Studies Journal ISSN: 2151-0806 The Unaquainted: Oppression of a Townie Amber E. George …………………………………………………………………………… 105 Volume 7, Issue 1, January 2014 Page 2 Peace Studies Journal ISSN: 2151-0806 Vol. 7, Issue 1 January, 2014 Can We Commit? Explaining Discipline in Nonviolent Movements Author: Liesel Mitchell Title: Doctorate candidate Institute: National Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies, University of Otago Location: Dunedin, New Zealand E-mail: [email protected] CAN WE COMMIT? EXPLAINING DISCIPLINE IN NONVIOLENT MOVEMENTS Abstract The purpose of this article is to identify factors, which may influence nonviolent discipline in nonviolent movements. Nonviolent discipline is a critical component in nonviolent movements, but has not received close scholarly attention. Empirical evidence indicates nonviolent campaigns are twice as likely to achieve their goals as violent resistance, and maintaining nonviolent discipline seems not only to contribute to securing a successful outcome but may also provide a better chance of preventing recurring conflict. To explain what drives discipline, two nonviolent movements are examined for comparative analysis: China, Tiananmen Square 1989 and South Korea, Gwangju3 1980. Both movements took place in East Asia, where there has been a recognized increase in nonviolent movements since 1979. Three factors: the timing of events, the way space is occupied, and the role of external media appear to have influenced whether nonviolent discipline was able to be maintained in each case study. Introduction Nonviolent discipline has been identified as a critical component in nonviolent movements. Stephan and Chenoweth state that “[s]cholars of nonviolent conflict have highlighted nonviolent discipline as a key variable in explaining the success of nonviolent campaigns” (Stephan & Chenoweth, 2011, p. 257n3). However, nonviolent discipline is also something of an unknown quantity, used broadly in the literature, with little clarity about how it is generated or sustained. Therefore, investigation into how this is maintained is worthy of closer examination and may Volume 7, Issue 1, January 2014 Page 3 Peace Studies Journal ISSN: 2151-0806 contribute to a greater understanding of what nonviolent discipline is and how it can be best maintained in nonviolent movements. The apparent increase in nonviolent campaigns over the last century has been accompanied by growing academic interest in the phenomenon of nonviolent movements (Zunes, 1994). In particular, there is significant interest in the rise of nonviolence and decreasing levels of violence in East Asia1 (Svensson & Lindgren, 2011a; Svensson & Lindgren, 2011b; Kivimaki, 2010a; Kivimaki, 2010b; Tonnesson, 2009). Interestingly, “almost a third of all non-violent uprisings since 1946 have occurred in Asia, most of which took place in East Asia” (Svensson & Lindgren, 2011, p. 225). Nonviolent discipline may be one ingredient in what appears to be an increase in nonviolent movements in the East Asian region. The popular opinion that violent tactics are more effective than nonviolent methods is being challenged by the increase in, and success of nonviolent campaigns. Empirical evidence also suggests that 53 per cent of the time nonviolent campaigns achieve success while in comparison, violent resistance is successful only 26 per cent of the time (Stephan & Chenoweth, 2008). It is posited, in order for a nonviolent campaign to be successful, it depends on unity, leadership, strategy and nonviolent discipline (Ackerman & Rodal, 2008; Stephan, 2006; Stephan & Mundy, 2006). Nonviolent discipline within a campaign “is a function of leadership, training, and effective internal communication. .” (Stephan, 2006, p. 76). Nonviolent discipline is subsequently the collective responsibility of a group to commit to nonviolence, equally self- discipline is a critical element if discipline is to be maintained (Sharp, 1973). Therefore, leadership and communication structures within a campaign carry a responsibility to educate individuals about not using violence against violence (Ackerman & Rodal, 2008; Stephan, 2006). Effectively transferring this information, however, may present a challenge for movements planning to commit to nonviolent discipline. There are several reasons, which illustrate why research in nonviolent discipline may be beneficial. First, a commitment to nonviolent discipline within a nonviolent movement can heighten international and local empathy for the campaign whilst enticing a wide cross-section of society to participate. Both of which, can raise costs for and increase pressure on the parties who repress the nonviolent campaign (Stephan & Chenoweth, 2008). Second, it is difficult for a government to justify using violence against nonviolence as this has much more potential for backfire, especially when nonviolent activists are perceived to be more moderate than parties using violence and therefore appeals to a sympathetic public (Stephan & Chenoweth, 2008; Sutton, Butcher & Svensson, 2013). Third, maintaining nonviolent discipline has also been argued to add to the level of freedom a post-conflict population may experience2 (Ackerman & Rodal, 2008). It is also suggested that maintaining nonviolent discipline has the benefit of both “winning the war and securing the peace” (Stephan & Chenoweth, 2011, p. 202). Therefore, maintaining nonviolent discipline seems to not only contribute to securing a successful outcome but also providing a better chance of preventing recurring conflict. Although there are exceptions, the general pattern is clear. When nonviolent campaigns fail to remain disciplined in the exclusive use of nonviolent methods, or when they coexist with violent competitors in the political Volume 7, Issue 1, January 2014 Page 4 Peace Studies Journal ISSN: 2151-0806 environment, we are more likely to see recurrent violent conflict between government and insurgents (Stephan & Chenoweth, 2011, p. 218). This article compares two case studies, examining factors that may have influenced a commitment to nonviolent discipline. To date, there has not been systematic analysis of how nonviolent discipline might be affected in nonviolent campaigns. A comparison of two nonviolent movements, one of which appears to remain nonviolent, while the other abandons nonviolence for violent tactics, may help illuminate this gap in current research. China, Tiananmen Square 1989 and South Korea, Gwangju3 1980 have been chosen as the case studies for the following reasons. First, both countries are part of East Asia and thus examples of nonviolent movements in a region where there has been a significant increase in nonviolent movements since 1979 (Svensson & Lindgren, 2011a; Svensson & Lindgren, 2011b; Kivimaki, 2010a; Kivimaki, 2010b; Tonnesson, 2009). Second, the case studies share many similarities. Both were pro-democracy, attempting to free themselves from oppressive regimes, initiated by university students, and both ended with massive loss of life at the hands of their respective governments. Third, interestingly despite the similarities, there were clear differences. Apart from the fact that in one case nonviolent discipline was maintained while in the other it was not, the timing of events, the physical space the protests occupied, and the part external media played in each case study, appear to offer significant variation. Theory and research on nonviolence and nonviolent discipline is growing, however public information specific to Tiananmen 1989 and Gwangju 1980 is limited. There is on-going government control over politically sensitive material—either restricted or censored—which may limit access to documents of relevance to the case studies and thereby influence results. Nevertheless, the information, which is available, adds an important contribution to research on nonviolent discipline. This article will proceed as follows. First, the phenomenon of East Asian peace will be touched on. Second, the method of analysis will be outlined. Third, the case studies will be introduced and three factors: the timing of events, the way space is occupied, and the role of external media, will be presented. Following on, there will be a comparative discussion of how the three factors may have
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