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Charles Lepani I
Innovations for Successful Societies Innovations for Successful Societies AN INITIATIVE OF THE WOODROW WILSON SCHOOL OF PUBLIC AND INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS AND THE BOBST CENTER FOR PEACE AND JUSTICE Innovations for Successful Societies Innovations for Successful Societies Series: Governance Traps Interview no.: P2 Innovations for Successful Societies Innovations for Successful Societies Interviewee: Charles Lepani Interviewer: Matthew Devlin Date of Interview: 15 March 2009 Location: Canberra, Australia Innovations for Successful Societies Innovations for Successful Societies Innovations for Successful Societies, Bobst Center for Peace and Justice Princeton University, 83 Prospect Avenue, Princeton, New Jersey, 08544, USA www.princeton.edu/successfulsocieties Use of this transcript is governed by ISS Terms of Use, available at www.princeton.edu/successfulsocieties DEVLIN: Today is March 15th, 2010. We’re in Canberra, Australia, with His Excellency Charles Lepani, Papua New Guinea’s high commissioner to Australia. The high commissioner was one of Papua New Guinea’s top public servants during the years we’ll be discussing today and has a rather unique insight into both the political dynamics that shaped those events and the administrative aspects of the implementation of Papua New Guinea’s decentralization. Mr. High Commissioner, thank you for joining us. LEPANI: Thank you. DEVLIN: If you don’t mind, I’d like to begin by first asking you how you came to enter the public service, and what positions you held over the years of your governmental career. LEPANI: I started off as a trained trade unionist. After high school in Queensland, Australia, I spent two years at the University of Papua New Guinea in 1967-68. -
Pol I T Ical Reviews ‡ Melanesia 491 Papua New Guinea
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Adelaide Adelaide Law Law ReviewReview 2015 2015 Adelaide Law Review 2015 TABLETABLE OF OF CONTENTS CONTENTS ARTICLES THEArronTHE 2011 Honniball 2011 JOHN JOHN BRAY BRAY ORATIONPriv ORATIONate Political Activists and the International Law Definition of Piracy: Acting for ‘Private Ends’ 279 DavidDavid Irvine Irvine FreeFrdomeedom and and Security: Security: Maintaining Maintaining The The Balance Balance 295 295 Chris Dent Nordenfelt v Maxim-Nordenfelt: An Expanded ARTICLESARTICLES Reading 329 THETHE UNIVERSITY UNIVERSITY OF OF ADELAIDE ADELAIDE JamesTrevorJames Allan Ryan, Allan and andProtecting Time Time and and Chance the Chance Rights and and theof the ThosePrevailing Prevailing with Orthodoxy Dementia Orthodoxy in in ADELAIDEADELAIDE LAW LAW REVIEW REVIEW AnthonyBruceAnthony Baer Senanayake Senanayake Arnold ThroughLegalLegal Academia AcademiaMandatory Happeneth Happeneth Registration to Themto Them of All All — —A StudyA Study of theof the Top Top Law Law Journals Journals of Australiaof Australia and and New New Ze alandZealand 307 307 ASSOCIATIONASSOCIATION and Wendy Bonython Enduring Powers? A Comparative Analysis 355 LaurentiaDuaneLaurentia L McOstler McKessarKessar Legislati Three Three Constitutionalve Constitutional Oversight Themes of Themes a Bill in theofin theRights: High High Court Court Theof Australia:of American Australia: 1 SeptemberPerspective 1 September 2008–19 2008–19 June June 201 20010 387347347 ThanujaKimThanuja Sorensen Rodrigo Rodrigo To Unconscionable Leash Unconscionable or Not Demands to Demands Leash -
The Bougainville Referendum: James Marape's Biggest Challenge Or Biggest Opportunity?
Published on July 26, 2019 (Credit: DFAT/Flickr CC BY 2.0) The Bougainville referendum: James Marape’s biggest challenge or biggest opportunity? By Kylie McKenna After weeks of political upheaval, Papua New Guinea (PNG) appointed James Marape as the nation’s eighth Prime Minister on 30 May 2019. The leadership change occurs at a pivotal moment in PNG’s history, coinciding with a referendum to decide on Bougainville’s future political status, set for 17 October 2019. The Bougainville referendum is a key milestone contained in a political settlement, the Bougainville Peace Agreement, which sought to reconcile a violent Link: Page 1 of 5 https://devpolicy.org/the-bougainville-referendum-james-marapes-biggest-challenge-or-biggest-oppo rtunity-20190726/ Date downloaded: October 3, 2021 Published on July 26, 2019 conflict from 1988-1997. Voters will be asked: Do you agree for Bougainville to have, (i) greater autonomy or (ii) independence? The outcome of the Bougainville referendum is subject to ratification of the PNG parliament, and although this may have been considered a win for the national government during the Bougainville peace negotiations, it now presents a twin dilemma for the new Marape Government to navigate. This blog reports on Prime Minister Marape’s early moves on the Bougainville referendum reported in the media, and Autonomous Bougainville President (ABG), John Momis’ response to the leadership change. Some commentators have already dubbed the Bougainville referendum as Marape’s biggest challenge. Marape’s appointment followed what could have been a bizarre twist in the Bougainville-National Government relationship. Upon resigning from the position of Prime Minister, Peter O’Neill announced plans to hand over leadership to former Prime Minister, Sir Julius Chan, whom was forced to resign in 1997 on the back ofa secret contract with private military consultancy, Sandline, in a bid to suppress the Bougainville conflict. -
'The Bougainville Conflict: a Classic Outcome of the Resource-Curse
The Bougainville conflict: A classic outcome of the resource-curse effect? Michael Cornish INTRODUCTION Mismanagement of the relationship between the operation of the Panguna Mine and the local people was a fundamental cause of the conflict in Bougainville. It directly created great hostility between the people of Bougainville and the Government of Papua New Guinea. Although there were pre-existing ethnic and economic divisions between Bougainville and the rest of Papua New Guinea, the mismanagement of the copper wealth of the Panguna Mine both exacerbated these existing tensions and provided radical Bougainvilleans an excuse to legitimise the pursuit of violence as a means to resolve their grievances. The island descended into anarchy, and from 1988 to 1997, democracy and the rule of law all but disappeared. Society fragmented and economic development reversed as the pillage and wanton destruction that accompanied the conflict took its toll. Now, more than 10 years since the formal Peace Agreement1 and over 4 years since the institution of the Autonomous Bougainville Government, there are positive signs that both democracy and development are repairing and gaining momentum. However, the untapped riches of the Panguna Mine remain an ominous issue that will continue to overshadow the region’s future. How this issue is handled will be crucial to the future of democracy and development in Bougainville. 1 Government of the Independent State of Papua New Guinea and Leaders representing the people of Bougainville, Bougainville Peace Agreement , 29 August 2001 BACKGROUND Bougainville is the name of the largest island within the Solomon Islands chain in eastern Papua New Guinea, the second largest being Buka Island to its north. -
Chapter 4: the Peace Negotiations and the Prospects for a Permanent
4 7KH3HDFH1HJRWLDWLRQVDQGWKH3URVSHFWV IRUD3HUPDQHQW3HDFH Introduction 4.1 In a statement to Parliament on 9 June 1999, the Minister for Foreign Affairs drew attention to the progress that had been made since the formal Bougainville peace process began in mid 1997: Although there will always be day-to-day problems and crises along the path towards a lasting peace, it is worth reflecting just how far the parties have come in barely two years since the peace process started. There has been no fighting during that time. Bougainvilleans are now going about their daily lives without fear and are travelling more widely on the island. The Bougainville economy is showing the first tentative signs of activity. That such considerable progress has been made is in large part a tribute to the commitment and flexibility personally demonstrated by Papua New Guinea's [then] Prime Minister, Bill Skate, as well as his government, most notably the [then] Minister for State, Sam Akoitai. It is also a tribute to all the leaders of Bougainville and, most particularly, to all Bougainvilleans. It is their peace process.1 4.2 Material in this chapter sets out the landmarks in the peace process since the first Burnham meeting, the successes and setbacks in the peace negotiations, and examines the issues still to be resolved by the parties. 1 Hon Alexander Downer MP, Minister for Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives Hansard, p. 5157. 64 Australia's role as a neutral observer of the process and significant contributor in the form of substantial official aid and facilitator of the dialogue, is also discussed. -
Melanesia a Matrix Game of Great Power Competition in the South Pacific
Trouble in Paradise II: Melanesia A Matrix Game of Great Power Competition in the South Pacific Special thanks to Mr. Deon Canyon of the Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies (APCSS) and Major William Duncan of U.S. Army Pacific (USARPAC) for their design input. Thanks to the following consultants and playtesters: Dr. Dawn Alexandrea Berry; Lieutenant Colonel Masashi Kagiwada, Japanese Army LNO to USARPAC; Major Kellie Landauer, USARPAC; Mr. Kinsey McFadden, USARPAC; Mrs. Sally Timbs, Australia Consul, Defence Policy, Honolulu; Major Daniel Young, USARPAC. The opinions and assertions expressed herein are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the Department of Defense. The relations between China and Pacific island countries are now better than ever and face important opportunities of development. China will work with Pacific island countries to brave the wind and waves and set sail for a brighter future of our relations. -Chinese President Xi, November 2018 Overview Melanesia is a Matrix Game designed to introduce players to the Melanesia region, its major actors and its most important dynamics. It is the second title in a series of Matrix Games on Oceania using the same core rules as the previous title, Micronesia. An overview of the Melanesia region follows in the next section (references to the game Melanesia will be italicized). The major actors represented in the game (either as player countries or through game design) are the Melanesian minor powers: the Autonomous Region of Bougainville, Fiji, New Caledonia, Papua New Guinea (PNG), the Solomon Islands, Vanuatu, and West Papua; and the major regional powers: Australia, China, Indonesia, New Zealand, Taiwan, and the United States. -
Australian Volunteers Abroad in the Asia/Pacific Region: Altruistic and Egoistic Desire in a Neoliberal Paradigm (2006-2009) Nichole Georgeou University of Wollongong
University of Wollongong Research Online University of Wollongong Thesis Collection University of Wollongong Thesis Collections 2010 Australian volunteers abroad in the Asia/Pacific region: altruistic and egoistic desire in a neoliberal paradigm (2006-2009) Nichole Georgeou University of Wollongong Recommended Citation Georgeou, Nichole, Australian volunteers abroad in the Asia/Pacific er gion: altruistic and egoistic desire in a neoliberal paradigm (2006-2009), Doctor of Philosophy thesis, Faculty of Arts, University of Wollongong, 2010. http://ro.uow.edu.au/theses/3322 Research Online is the open access institutional repository for the University of Wollongong. For further information contact the UOW Library: [email protected] AUSTRALIAN VOLUNTEERS ABROAD IN THE ASIA/PACIFIC REGION Altruistic and Egoistic Desire in a Neoliberal Paradigm (2006-2009) A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the award of the degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY from UNIVERSITY OF WOLLONGONG by Nichole Georgeou Bachelor of Creative Arts, Diploma of Education, Master of Social Change and Development (Hons) The Faculty of Arts & Centre forAsia Pacific Social Transformation Studies (CAPSTRANS) 2010 i THESIS CERTIFICATION I Nichole Georgeou declare that this thesis, submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the award of Doctor of Philosophy, in the Faculty of Arts & Centre for Asia Pacific Social Transformation Studies (CAPSTRANS), University of Wollongong, is wholly mine unless otherwise referenced or acknowledged. The document has not been submitted for qualifications at any other academic institution. Nichole Georgeou July 28, 2010 i ABSTRACT This study is the first detailed, long-term ethnographic study of an International Volunteer Sending Agency (IVSA) and its development volunteers. -
Challenges to Anti-Corruption Activism in PNG
Devpolicy Blog from the Development Policy Centre Australian aid | PNG and the Pacific | Global development policy http://www.devpolicy.org The (soft) power and the passion: challenges to anti-corruption activism in PNG Author : Grant Walton Date : February 19, 2016 While organised ‘civil society’ is relatively weak, Papua New Guinea has a long history of anti-corruption activism. The churches, unions, landowner groups, students as well as local and international NGOs have all been involved in fighting abuses of power. And there has been some success. In 1997, concerns about corruption fuelled protest towards the government’s attempt to bring in mercenaries to fight the civil war in Bougainville, which became known as the Sandline Affair. This led to the resignation of the then prime minister Sir Julius Chan. In 2005 a Community Coalition Against Corruption (including NGOs like Transparency International PNG and the churches) helped scupper two parliamentary bills aimed at reducing the power of the Ombudsman Commission and increasing Members of Parliament's constituency funds. They collected tens of thousands of signatures, which were presented to parliament. (This only temporarily stopped the rise of discretionary funding as these funds have grown exponentially since 2013). The propensity for citizens to resist corruption should have increased since these success stories, as access to the internet has spread throughout the country. Citizens are now better informed about alleged corruption than ever before. However, questions remain about the willingness of citizens to en masse protest the country’s many corruption scandals. My research with anti-corruption activists in Port Moresby suggests this is because the PNG state is still central to shaping citizens’ responses to corruption. -
10 the Pngdf in Troubled Times*
The PNGDF in Troubled Times 10 THE PNGDF IN TROUBLED TIMES* The Papua New Guinea Defence Force (PNGDF) has been through difficult times in recent years. A gradual deterioration in standards of equipment, training and discipline, and its fail- ure to contain the rebellion on Bougainville which began in 1988, have severely lowered morale. The national government’s deci- sion in 1996-97 to employ foreign mercenaries in a covert opera- tion against the rebel leadership on Bougainville resulted in a ‘quasi-coup’, in which the PNGDF commander, Brigadier Gen- eral Jerry Singirok, intervened to terminate the contract with Sandline International and call for the resignation of the prime minister and two of his colleagues. The ‘Sandline Affair’ briefly pushed the Defence Force into the centre stage of Papua New Guinea politics, but Singirok was sacked and currently faces a charge of sedition. The affair has left a legacy of division and mistrust within the Force. The reappointment of General Singirok in late 1998, under a new government, in the context of substantial improvement in the prospects for peace on Bougainville, has raised hopes in some quarters that the PNGDF is about to address the problems of discipline, capability and conditions, and restore its tarnished image as a professional force. But the events of 1997 have left deep scars within the Force and there are concerns that, having been increasingly politicised since the 1980s, the PNGDF may not have completely withdrawn to the barracks. * This paper was initially written for The Asia-Pacific Magazine in 1997, shortly before the magazine ceased publication. -
THE CONTROVERSY SURROUNDING PRIVATE MILITARY COMPANIES (Pmcs): LOOKING BACK on EXECUTIVE OUTCOMES
THE CONTROVERSY SURROUNDING PRIVATE MILITARY COMPANIES (PMCS): LOOKING BACK ON EXECUTIVE OUTCOMES Burgert Senekal1 Abstract Amidst arguments that the nature of war has changed, notably by Kaldor (2006), Keegan (2004), Münkler (2005), and Van Creveld (2008), Private Military Companies (PMCs) have received increasing media and scholarly attention over the past decade. South Africa is no stranger to the media storm evoked by Blackwater USA during the recent conflict in Iraq Executive Outcomes (hereafter referred to as EO) caused a comparable controversy during the 1990s, first through their involvement in Angola after the withdrawal of the SADF, and later through their contract in Sierra Leone. At the time, PMCs were still a relatively new phenomenon, and thus research was scarce and it was difficult to discuss EO properly in the context of PMCs rather than as mercenaries. In the wake of the war in Iraq, the rapid growth of research into the PMC phenomenon has however provided a wealth of information that facilitates a better understanding of EO’s role in the post-Cold War conflict environment. This article aims to discuss EO in this global debate by using recent research into the phenomenon, arguing that Executive Outcomes was part of a global trend in warfare. 1. INTRODUCTION During the last two decades, numerous arguments have been made that the nature of war is changing and has been since 1945, notably by Kaldor (2006), Keegan (2004), Münkler (2005) and Van Creveld (2008). Although the validity of arguments for low-intensity conflicts (LICs), new wars, postmodern wars, hybrid wars, or fourth generation warfare has been challenged by scholars such as Smith (2005), Curtis (2006), Kinross (2004) and others, there is concurrence that the majority of conflicts fought during and after the Cold War have been intrastate conflicts rather than the European model of conventional (interstate) wars found in the developed world, particularly as exemplified by the two World Wars. -
Fuzzy-Wuzzy Devils 3°1
~:- .. Fuzzy- Wuzzy Devils: Mass Media and the Bougainville Crisis Suzanna Layton Francis Qna nem bilong em nau long dispela taim i save kamap long nius pepa, radio na TV long dispela kantri bilong yumi PNG na tu long wol. Nogat planti man na meri ali save long Francis Qna bipo, nau long PNG 01 liklik pikinini, bikpela man, meri, 01 lapun, ai pas tasol 01 save long nem bilong Francis Qna. 1 LETTER TO THE EDITOR, Arawa Bulletin, 21 APRIL 1989 The Papua New Guinea (PNG) Office of Information, charged in 1978 with reformulating government communication policy, characterized the mass media as "invaluable ... for communication and information of a balanced nature conducive to national unity and democratic progress" (IRC 1979, 78). However, it admitted the country had "never formulated a theoretical foundation for its communication activities and has experi enced frustration in communication servicing, planning and assessing" (ibid, 81). A decade later this frustration escalated to anger when a Bougainvillean juggernaut by the name of Francis ana began making headlines in what has come to be known as the Bougainville crisis. 2 ana's public career began relatively uneventfully. In March 1988 the university-educated father of five was elected spokesperson for a group of disenfranchised landowners at the Bougainville Copper Limited (BCl) mine in Panguna. Over the next eight months this group, known as the "new" Panguna Landowners Association (PlA),3 attempted to pressure BCl and the national government for increased compensation and better living conditions in the mine site area, with little success. Then, in The Contemporary Pacific, Volume 4, Number 2, Fall I992, 299-323 © I992 by University ofHawaii Press 299 300 THE CONTEMPORARY PACIFIC· FALL 1992 November 1988, one faction of the new PLA led by Ona turned to indus trial terrorism to demonstrate their resolve.