Leadership Challenges for the Autonomous Bougainville Government
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Charles Lepani I
Innovations for Successful Societies Innovations for Successful Societies AN INITIATIVE OF THE WOODROW WILSON SCHOOL OF PUBLIC AND INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS AND THE BOBST CENTER FOR PEACE AND JUSTICE Innovations for Successful Societies Innovations for Successful Societies Series: Governance Traps Interview no.: P2 Innovations for Successful Societies Innovations for Successful Societies Interviewee: Charles Lepani Interviewer: Matthew Devlin Date of Interview: 15 March 2009 Location: Canberra, Australia Innovations for Successful Societies Innovations for Successful Societies Innovations for Successful Societies, Bobst Center for Peace and Justice Princeton University, 83 Prospect Avenue, Princeton, New Jersey, 08544, USA www.princeton.edu/successfulsocieties Use of this transcript is governed by ISS Terms of Use, available at www.princeton.edu/successfulsocieties DEVLIN: Today is March 15th, 2010. We’re in Canberra, Australia, with His Excellency Charles Lepani, Papua New Guinea’s high commissioner to Australia. The high commissioner was one of Papua New Guinea’s top public servants during the years we’ll be discussing today and has a rather unique insight into both the political dynamics that shaped those events and the administrative aspects of the implementation of Papua New Guinea’s decentralization. Mr. High Commissioner, thank you for joining us. LEPANI: Thank you. DEVLIN: If you don’t mind, I’d like to begin by first asking you how you came to enter the public service, and what positions you held over the years of your governmental career. LEPANI: I started off as a trained trade unionist. After high school in Queensland, Australia, I spent two years at the University of Papua New Guinea in 1967-68. -
Pol I T Ical Reviews ‡ Melanesia 491 Papua New Guinea
pol i t ical reviews melanesia 491 $LUNR3DSXDKWWSZZZSDSXDEDUDWQHZV swaps in ministerial portfolios, the FRP replacement of two deputy prime min- Pembebasan PapuaKWWSSHPEHEDVDQ isters, and a constitutional blunder in SDSXDEORJVSRWFRP the reelection of the governor-general. In spite of the political rollercoaster, 3ROLWLN,QGRQHVLDKWWSZZZ .politikindonesia.com the Somare government successfully thwarted numerous attempts by the Presiden Republik Indonesia. Opposition to remove Sir Michael KWWSZZZSUHVLGHQULJRLG Somare as prime minister, thus making Radio Republik Indonesia. the government more confident than KWWSZZZUULFRLG ever to assert its grip on power until Rakyat Merdeka. Daily. Jakarta. Online at the national elections in 2012. It was KWWSZZZUDN\DWPHUGHNDFRLG also a year of legal battles and protests on controversial constitutional amend- 5HSXEOLNDFRLGKWWSZZZUHSXEOLND FRLG ments and environmental issues. The concerned public, landowner groups, Sekretariat Kabinet Republik Indonesia. and nongovernmental organizations KWWSZZZVHWNDEJRLG have become a fortified mouthpiece of Suara Pembaruan. Daily. Jakarta. Online the people on issues of human rights, DWKWWSZZZVXDUDSHPEDUXDQFRP equality, environment, and the consti- Survival: The Movement for Tribal tutionality of amendments to laws that 3HRSOHVKWWSZZZVXUYLYDOLQWHUQDWLRQDO seem to favor politicians and multina- RUJ tional companies over people’s rights. Tabloid Jubi Online: An Alternative Media Unlike in previous years, these interest LQ7DQDK3DSXDKWWSWDEORLGMXELFRP groups showed the government -
Political Reviews
Political Reviews The Region in Review: International Issues and Events, 2017 nic maclellan Melanesia in Review: Issues and Events, 2017 volker boege, mathias chauchat, alumita durutalo, joseph daniel foukona, budi hernawan, michael leach, james stiefvater The Contemporary Pacic, Volume 30, Number 2, 461–547 © 2018 by University of Hawai‘i Press 461 Melanesia in Review: Issues and Events, 2017 Vanuatu is not reviewed in this issue. As a consequence, disgruntled young Bougainvilleans brought the mine to a Bougainville standstill through acts of sabotage in In 2017, the Autonomous Region of late 1988. The GoPNG sent its police Bougainville in Papua New Guinea riot squads and later its military to the (PNG) entered its final and decisive island and declared a state of emer- stage of peacebuilding, with prepara- gency on Bougainville in June 1989. tions for a referendum on the future Opponents of the mine established political status of the region com- the Bougainville Revolutionary Army mencing in earnest. Peacebuilding on (bra), which took up the fight against Bougainville began in the late 1990s the PNG security forces. Fighting that after a decade-long violent conflict. started in central Bougainville soon During the conflict, Bougainvilleans spread across the whole island. The suffered from the collapse of basic bra adopted a secessionist stance and services such as health and education called for political independence for and the breakdown of infrastructure Bougainville. bra fighters managed and public administration. Out of the to overrun and shut down the mine almost 20,000 Bougainvilleans who at an early stage of the war, and it has lost their lives, only a minority were remained closed ever since. -
Challenges of Autonomy in Papua New Guinea's Autonomous Regioq of Bougainville
Challenges of autonomy in Papua New Guinea's Autonomous RegioQ of Bougainville Edward P Wo!fers WITH THE ELECTION OF THE PRESIDENT AND LEGISLATURE and the swearing-in of the Ministers of the Autonomous Bougainville Government (ABG) in June 2005, peace-building in Bougainville entered a new phase. Bougainville has been officially renamed the 'Autonomous Region of Bougainville'. The ABG has replaced the ad hoc arrangements through which Bougainville factions whose leaders had signed the Bougainville Peace Agreement in 2001 had previously consulted and cooperated with each other and with the National Government of Papua New Guinea in making and building peace. Together, the ABG and the National Government now face the multiple challenges involved in establishing, operating and developing the agreed arrangements for Bougainville autonomy, and in making a difference to the lives of people in Bougainville through practical peace-building on the ground. However, even now (more than five years after the Bougainville Peace Agreement was signed, and over two years since the ABG took office), the Bougainville peace process is still incomplete. It does not include all of the people and area of Bougainville: the hard-core of the late Francis Ona's closest supporters around Panguna remains outside (with travel and communications made difficult by the road-block at Morgan Junction, outside Arawa); and The Journal of Pacific Studies, Volume 30, 2007, 1- 22 © 2007 by JPacS Editorial board (USP) 2 The Journal ofPadftc Studies, Volume 302007 communities around Tonu in Siwai, South Bougainville, have been cut off since late 2005 as a result of the presence and activities of Noah Musingku and others, including armed men, associated with the illegal U-Vistract pyramid 'fast-money' scheme. -
The Legitimacy of Bougainville Secession from Papua New Guinea
https://doi.org/10.26593/sentris.v2i1.4564.59-72 The Legitimacy of Bougainville Secession from Papua New Guinea Muhammad Sandy Ilmi Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Katolik Parahyangan, Indonesia, [email protected] ABSTRACT What started as a movement to demand a distributive justice in mining revenue in Bougainville, Papua New Guinea, the conflict turned into the struggle for secession. From 1970’s the demand for secession have been rife and despite early agreement for more autonomy and more mining revenue for the autonomous region, the demand never faded. Under Francis Ona’s Bougainville Revolutionary Army, the movement take a new heights. Bougainville Revolutionary Army took coercive measure to push the government to acknowledge their demands by taking over the mine at Panguna. Papua New Guinean government response was also combative and further exacerbate the issue. Papua New Guinean Defense Force involvement adding the issue of human rights into the discourse. This paper will seek to analyze the normative question surrounding the legitimacy of the right to secession in Bougainville Island. The protracted conflict has halted any form of development in the once the most prosperous province of Papua New Guinea and should Bougainville Island become independent, several challenges will be waiting for Bougainvilleans. Keywords: Bougainville secession; Papua New Guinea conflict; mining injustice; human rights violation ABSTRAK Berawal dari bentuk perlawanan untuk mencapai keadilan dalam pembagian keuntungan dari sektor pertambangan, kemudian berubah menjadi perjuangan untuk memisahkan diri dari Papua Nugini. Sejak 1970an, dukungan untuk pemisahan diri telah mendominasi diskursus politik di Bougainville dan walaupun perjanjian sempat tercapai, keinginan untuk pemisahan diri tidak pernah padam. -
Catholic Diocese of Bougainville Stories From
STORIES FROM THE PANGUNA LISTENING PROJECT CATHOLIC DIOCESE OF BOUGAINVILLE Sediment from tailings and COPYRIGHT © 2019 DIOCESE OF BOUGAINVILLE changed river conditions. 1 WE ARE CRYING FOR OUR LAND STORIES FROM THE PANGUNA LISTENING PROJECT TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements 3 Prologue 4 Abbreviations 5 Terminology 5 Introduction 6 Listening & Storytelling Processes 7 Key Themes from Listening to Communities- Phase 1 8 Key Differences 18 Insights From Listeners 18 Storytelling Sessions-Phase 2 19 Stories from the Panguna Mine-Affected Communities 20 Conclusion 45 Ruins of copper concentrator STORIES FROM THE PANGUNA LISTENING PROJECT WE ARE CRYING FOR OUR LAND 2 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The Panguna Listening Project team gratefully acknowledges the support of the Listener teams for their time, efforts and insights. We acknowledge the leadership of the Diocese of Bougainville including Bishop Bernard Unabali and Father Patrick Baria for their vision and care of the people and land of Bougainville. We also gratefully thank the signifcant contributions from the community. Many people took the time to respond to share their stories, experiences and hopes for the future. Their enthusiasm and participation is noted and appreciated and together we hope and pray for a safe and peaceful future. We also gratefully appreciate the support of Misereor e V. Photo credits: Diocese of Bougainville Media team Moitaka village 3 WE ARE CRYING FOR OUR LAND STORIES FROM THE PANGUNA LISTENING PROJECT PROLOGUE It is with great pleasure that I write this Prologue for the I strongly support this project because it aligns very well book ‘We are crying for our land: Stories from the Panguna with the DoB’s aims and values. -
State Society and Governance in Melanesia Discussion Paper 2008/8
Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies State, Society and Governance in Melanesia State Society and in Governance Melanesia DISCUSSION PAPER Discussion Paper 2009/5 PARALLEL STATES, PARALLEL ECONOMIES: LEGITIMACY AND PROSPERITY IN PAPUA NEW GUINEA This discussion paper presents two a major gold mining project since 1995. Elite NICK BAINTON related discussions on different aspects Lihirian leaders were inspired by Personal & JOHN COX of contemporary Melanesian economic Viability philosophies as they renegotiated engagement. We consider the case of the community compensation and benefits U-Vistract, a mass pyramid scheme which package with the mining company throughout not only promises limitless wealth to its 2000-2007 and as they tried to develop investors but even envisages a new global strategies to achieve greater self-reliance economic system, blessed by God and and financial independence to address the centred in Bougainville under the leadership so-called resource dependency syndrome. of a self-proclaimed king. This is followed by a discussion on a contrasting movement While apparently obscure and even called “Personal Viability” which is based deceptive or ridiculous, these movements upon self-help philosophies that aim to have offered alternative accounts of states cultivate an entrepreneurial persona. and the global economy, and the place of Melanesian states and communities within In the first section John Cox addresses them, which are sufficiently convincing to the recent wave of “fast money schemes”, draw thousands of followers. In Bougainville, discussing institutional and ideological they can involve direct challenges to the links between these scams and Christian legitimacy and authority of the state, and in churches, particularly Pentecostal prosperity Lihir they have been crucial to the generation gospel teachings. -
TROUBLED WATERS How Mine Waste Dumping Is Poisoning Our Oceans, Rivers, and Lakes
TROUBLED WATERS HOW MINE WASTE DUMPING IS POISONING OUR OCEANS, RIVERS, AND LAKES Earthworks and MiningWatch Canada, February 2012 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .......................................................................................................1 TABLE 1. WATER BODIES IMPERILED BY CURRENT OR PROPOSED TAILINGS DUMPING ................................. 2 TABLE 2. MINING CORPORATIONS THAT DUMP TAILINGS INTO NATURAL WATER BODIES .......................... 4 TAILINGS DUMPING 101....................................................................................................5 OCEAN DUMPING ....................................................................................................................................... 7 RIVER DUMPING........................................................................................................................................... 8 TABLE 3. TAILINGS AND WASTE ROCK DUMPED BY EXISTING MINES EVERY YEAR ......................................... 8 LAKE DUMPING ......................................................................................................................................... 10 CAN WASTES DUMPED IN BODIES OF WATER BE CLEANED UP? ................................................................ 10 CASE STUDIES: BODIES OF WATER MOST THREATENED BY DUMPING .................................11 LOWER SLATE LAKE, FRYING PAN LAKE ALASKA, USA .................................................................................. 12 NORWEGIAN FJORDS ............................................................................................................................... -
The Bougainville Referendum: James Marape's Biggest Challenge Or Biggest Opportunity?
Published on July 26, 2019 (Credit: DFAT/Flickr CC BY 2.0) The Bougainville referendum: James Marape’s biggest challenge or biggest opportunity? By Kylie McKenna After weeks of political upheaval, Papua New Guinea (PNG) appointed James Marape as the nation’s eighth Prime Minister on 30 May 2019. The leadership change occurs at a pivotal moment in PNG’s history, coinciding with a referendum to decide on Bougainville’s future political status, set for 17 October 2019. The Bougainville referendum is a key milestone contained in a political settlement, the Bougainville Peace Agreement, which sought to reconcile a violent Link: Page 1 of 5 https://devpolicy.org/the-bougainville-referendum-james-marapes-biggest-challenge-or-biggest-oppo rtunity-20190726/ Date downloaded: October 3, 2021 Published on July 26, 2019 conflict from 1988-1997. Voters will be asked: Do you agree for Bougainville to have, (i) greater autonomy or (ii) independence? The outcome of the Bougainville referendum is subject to ratification of the PNG parliament, and although this may have been considered a win for the national government during the Bougainville peace negotiations, it now presents a twin dilemma for the new Marape Government to navigate. This blog reports on Prime Minister Marape’s early moves on the Bougainville referendum reported in the media, and Autonomous Bougainville President (ABG), John Momis’ response to the leadership change. Some commentators have already dubbed the Bougainville referendum as Marape’s biggest challenge. Marape’s appointment followed what could have been a bizarre twist in the Bougainville-National Government relationship. Upon resigning from the position of Prime Minister, Peter O’Neill announced plans to hand over leadership to former Prime Minister, Sir Julius Chan, whom was forced to resign in 1997 on the back ofa secret contract with private military consultancy, Sandline, in a bid to suppress the Bougainville conflict. -
'The Bougainville Conflict: a Classic Outcome of the Resource-Curse
The Bougainville conflict: A classic outcome of the resource-curse effect? Michael Cornish INTRODUCTION Mismanagement of the relationship between the operation of the Panguna Mine and the local people was a fundamental cause of the conflict in Bougainville. It directly created great hostility between the people of Bougainville and the Government of Papua New Guinea. Although there were pre-existing ethnic and economic divisions between Bougainville and the rest of Papua New Guinea, the mismanagement of the copper wealth of the Panguna Mine both exacerbated these existing tensions and provided radical Bougainvilleans an excuse to legitimise the pursuit of violence as a means to resolve their grievances. The island descended into anarchy, and from 1988 to 1997, democracy and the rule of law all but disappeared. Society fragmented and economic development reversed as the pillage and wanton destruction that accompanied the conflict took its toll. Now, more than 10 years since the formal Peace Agreement1 and over 4 years since the institution of the Autonomous Bougainville Government, there are positive signs that both democracy and development are repairing and gaining momentum. However, the untapped riches of the Panguna Mine remain an ominous issue that will continue to overshadow the region’s future. How this issue is handled will be crucial to the future of democracy and development in Bougainville. 1 Government of the Independent State of Papua New Guinea and Leaders representing the people of Bougainville, Bougainville Peace Agreement , 29 August 2001 BACKGROUND Bougainville is the name of the largest island within the Solomon Islands chain in eastern Papua New Guinea, the second largest being Buka Island to its north. -
Reopening and Developing Mines in Post-Conflict Settings: the Challenge of Company-Community Relations Volker Boege and Daniel M
This chapter first appeared in High-Value Natural Resources and Peacebuilding, edited by P. Lujala and S. A. Rustad. It is one of 6 edited books on Post-Conflict Peacebuilding and Natural Resource Management (for more information, see www.environmentalpeacebuilding.org). The full book can be ordered from Routledge at http://www.routledge.com/books/details/9781849712309/. © 2012. Environmental Law Institute and United Nations Environment Programme. Reopening and developing mines in post-conflict settings: The challenge of company-community relations Volker Boege and Daniel M. Franksa aUniversity of Queensland, Australia Online publication date: June 2012 Suggested citation: V. Boege, D. Franks. 2012. Reopening and developing mines in post-conflict settings: The challenge of company-community relations. In High-Value Natural Resources and Peacebuilding, ed. P. Lujala and S. A. Rustad. London: Earthscan. Terms of use: This chapter may be used free of charge for educational and non-commercial purposes. The views expressed herein are those of the author(s) only, and do not necessarily represent those of the sponsoring organizations. Reopening and developing mines in post-conflict settings 87 Reopening and developing mines in post-conflict settings: The challenge of company-community relations Volker Boege and Daniel M. Franks Every mine that is reopened or developed in a fragile post-conflict setting becomes a part of that setting; as such, it can either intensify that fragility, and perhaps even trigger a recurrence of conflict, or help stabilize the situation and thereby contribute to peacebuilding.1 Drawing from case studies in Papua New Guinea and Guatemala, this chapter explores the conditions that are essential for avoiding renewed conflict and for supporting peacebuilding and development, with particular emphasis on the role of community relations practice. -
The Bougainville Referendum Arrangements: Origins, Shaping and Implementation Part One: Origins and Shaping Anthony Regan Discussion Paper 2018/4
The Bougainville Referendum Arrangements: Origins, Shaping and Implementation Part One: Origins and Shaping Anthony Regan Discussion Paper 2018/4 The Bougainville Peace Agreement (the BPA)1 is a These two linked Discussion Papers seek to provide complex agreement, produced by a succession of insights into the referendum arrangements, starting compromises made during more than two years with an historical overview of the development of of often intense negotiations (June 1999 to August support amongst Bougainvilleans for the separation 2001), directed towards permanently ending a deeply of Bougainville from PNG. This first paper points to divisive violent conflict and generally referred to in emergence of a pan-Bougainvillean identity during the Bougainville as ‘the crisis’. The agreement sought to 20th century and how it was that secession became transform violent conflict through provision of new a widely discussed possibility for Bougainville from constitutionally provided governance arrangements that the late 1960s, largely in reaction to decisions of the were acceptable to all the previously divided parties then Australian colonial government to permit the that participated in the negotiations. It is significant establishment of a large-scale mine in Bougainville. that it is not just the autonomy arrangements that It then briefly reviews the origins and impacts of provide a new governance framework applicable to the Bougainville conflict (1988–97) and highlights what is still a little known and understood fact of both Bougainville and the Papua New Guinea (PNG) Bougainville history: that the origins of the conflict do national government. The referendum arrangements not lie in the mining-related grievances and actions are also intended to be a part of the new governance of young landowners from the Panguna mine area, framework that are in large part designed to allow for but rather in the grievances and actions of a broad the peaceful management of disputes that once were coalition of Bougainville groups.