Political Reviews

The Region in Review: International Issues and Events, 2017 nic maclellan

Melanesia in Review: Issues and Events, 2017 volker boege, mathias chauchat, alumita durutalo, joseph daniel foukona, budi hernawan, michael leach, james stiefvater

461 Melanesia in Review: Issues and Events, 2017

Vanuatu is not reviewed in this issue. As a consequence, disgruntled young Bougainvilleans brought the mine to a Bougainville standstill through acts of sabotage in In 2017, the Autonomous Region of late 1988. The GoPNG sent its police Bougainville in Papua New Guinea riot squads and later its military to the (PNG) entered its final and decisive island and declared a state of emer- stage of peacebuilding, with prepara- gency on Bougainville in June 1989. tions for a referendum on the future Opponents of the mine established political status of the region com- the Bougainville Revolutionary Army mencing in earnest. Peacebuilding on (bra), which took up the fight against Bougainville began in the late 1990s the PNG security forces. Fighting that after a decade-long violent conflict. started in central Bougainville soon During the conflict, Bougainvilleans spread across the whole island. The suffered from the collapse of basic bra adopted a secessionist stance and services such as health and education called for political independence for and the breakdown of infrastructure Bougainville. bra fighters managed and public administration. Out of the to overrun and shut down the mine almost 20,000 Bougainvilleans who at an early stage of the war, and it has lost their lives, only a minority were remained closed ever since. combatants killed in action; the vast In its war against the bra, the majority were civilians. Fighting also PNG military was supported by local led to the displacement of more than Bougainvillean auxiliary units, the 40 percent of Bougainville’s popula- so-called Resistance Forces. Over time, tion of approximately 250,000 people. it became the Resistance that bore the The root causes of the war were brunt of the fighting for the govern- the negative social and environmen- ment side. Moreover, long-standing tal effects of a giant mining project, local conflicts were also carried out the Panguna gold and copper mine, violently under the umbrella of the which had been established in Cen- war of secession. Parties entangled in tral Bougainville in 1972. In the late local conflicts either joined the bra or 1980s, locals in the mine area started the Resistance, the war became more to demand meaningful environmental and more complex, and the frontiers protection measures, compensation for blurred. The time of war was to a environmental damage, and a larger large extent a time of statelessness. share of the revenues generated. The The institutions of the PNG state were multinational mining company that forced to withdraw from Bougainville, operated the mine (known today as and the secessionists were unable to Rio Tinto) and the government of build their own state institutions. This Papua New Guinea (GoPNG), both of opened the space for the resurgence of which profited enormously from Pan- non-state, local customary governance guna, disregarded the locals’ concerns. institutions so that traditional authori-

482 political reviews • melanesia 483 ties, such as elders and chiefs, became Bougainville. It can be argued that responsible for organizing commu- only with the referendum and the nity life. They drew on long-standing peaceful implementation of its provi- customary norms when dealing with sions will peacebuilding have reached conflicts in the local context, often a satisfactory conclusion. (For an over- facilitating reconciliations at the intra- view of the war and of post-conflict and inter-community levels. peacebuilding, see Wallis 2014; Regan Thus, local peacebuilding had 2010; Braithwaite and others, 2010; already generated positive results well Carl and Garasu 2002; for the histori- before a high-level political peace pro- cal, social, and political context, see cess commenced in 1997. A formal, Regan and Griffin 2005.) Bougainville-wide ceasefire came into While Bougainville peace is mainly effect at the end of April 1998, paving homegrown, an international peace- the way for official peace negotia- building intervention—which, com- tions, which finally culminated in the pared to other endeavors, was a “light Bougainville Peace Agreement (bpa) intervention” (Regan 2010)—has on 30 August 2001. The bpa has two also played an important role. New core political provisions: first, the Zealand hosted the initial rounds of establishment of the Autonomous peace talks and negotiations. Neigh- Region of Bougainville (ARoB) as a boring states and the United Nations special political entity within the PNG conducted, with the consent of the state, with far-reaching autonomy; and conflict parties, a peacebuilding second, a referendum on the future intervention. The United Nations sent political status of Bougainville—either a small observer mission from August complete independence or remaining 1998 to the end of 2003. Furthermore, with Papua New Guinea. The bpa a regional Truce Monitoring Group, stipulates that the referendum has which later became the Peace Moni- to be held ten to fifteen years after toring Group, was on the island from the establishment of an autonomous late 1997 to June 2003. New Zealand government for Bougainville (which led the Truce Monitoring Group and took place in 2005). The ARoB has Australia led the Peace Monitor- its own constitution, adopted by the ing Group, with Australia providing Bougainville Constituent Assembly on the bulk of personnel and resources 12 November 2004. The first elections (Wehner and Denoon 2001; Adams for a Bougainville House of Repre- 2001; Bowd 2007; Braithwaite and sentatives and a president were held others 2010; Regan 2010; Breen 2016; in June 2005, followed by two more Boege, Debiel, and Rinck 2017). elections in 2010 and 2015. At pres- In general, Bougainville is seen as ent, Bougainvilleans are governed by a peacebuilding success story. This their own Autonomous Bougainville success is built on the constructive Government (abg). interactions between international In May 2016, the abg and the and national state actors and institu- GoPNG agreed on the target date tions on the one hand (in particular of 15 June 2019 for the referen- the GoPNG and the abg) and local dum on the future political status of customary actors and institutions on 484 the contemporary pacific • 30:2 (2018) the other. While the former pursue a between the abg and the mgu yielded Western, liberal agenda of peacebuild- the Panguna Communiqué, which ing and state building, the latter work laid the foundations for an ongoing to introduce their custom-based ways process of rapprochement between of conflict transformation and forming the two entities. Since then the abg political community into the process. and Meekamui have been involved in In the course of this local/custom- various forms of exchange, with both ary–international/liberal interface, sides committed to the “unification” hybrid forms of peace and governance of all Bougainvilleans. are emerging that differ considerably Although the Meekamuis insist that from Western, liberal concepts (Boege in principle Bougainville is already 2010, 2011). independent (the bra proclaimed a Despite the overall success of Unilateral Declaration of Indepen- peacebuilding and state forma- dence in May 1990), the Panguna tion on Bougainville, some areas Meekamuis have joined the process of Bougainville are still controlled toward referendum. This includes by armed groups that have not yet a commitment to disarm before the officially joined the peace process, end of 2018. The Meekamui move- and some sections of the population ment, however, is not a unitary force do not acknowledge the abg as the but consists of several factions. While (only) rightful government. Mention the mgu is willing to come to the has to be made in particular of the table, other factions are more reluc- Meekamui movement (Meekamui tant, namely a group led by Noah means “holy land” in one of the local Musingku, who proclaimed himself Bougainville languages). Meekamui is “king” (King David Peii II) and has the faction that split from the former established a “kingdom” around Tonu bra when the peace process com- in southern Bougainville, and a group menced in the late 1990s. Meekamui led by Damien Koike, a former bra is in control of the area around the commander who controls a no-go Panguna mine in central Bougain- zone in Konnou, also in south Bou- ville as well as pockets in the south gainville, where he operates his own of the island. The Panguna Meeka- gold mine. Bringing these “wild cards” mui have their own government, the into the referendum process will be a Meekamui Government of Unity challenge. (mgu), and their own military, the An important step in this regard Meekamui Defence Force. Although was made in early May 2017 when the Meekamuis have not yet officially leaders and (ex-) commanders of joined the peace process, they have the bra, the Resistance, and various never undermined it either. Meekamui Meekamui factions came together for has declared the territory under its a four-day meeting in Arawa under the control around the Panguna mine a title “Re-Unifying Bougainville for a “no-go zone” for outsiders, although Free and Fair Referendum” (even the the “border” between the no-go zone “king” sent the “general” of his “royal and the rest of Bougainville is rather guard”), followed by a reconciliation porous. In August 2007, meetings ceremony on 17 May. Since the split in political reviews • melanesia 485

1997, these leaders had been divided setting up various committees such between the majority of the bra, as the Joint Bougainville Referendum which joined the peace process, and Committee and the Joint Bougain- the minority faction, which became ville Referendum Communications the Meekamuis. Each group has pur- Committee. sued their own political agendas (and Most important, agreement on the economic projects), often competing features of the independent adminis- with and rarely talking to one another. trative agency that, according to the This meeting was thus hailed as a bpa, has to conduct the referendum, great success as it committed all sides were reached in January 2017: It was to working together in the referendum decided that a Bougainville Referen- process and the associated process of dum Commission (brc) should be weapons disposal (Memorandum of formed. After lengthy preparations, Joint Commitment 2017). Later in the the charter for the brc was finally year, in September, veterans from all signed on 30 August 2017 by Papua sides and from all over Bougainville New Guinea’s governor-general. The reaffirmed their determination to work brc has as its governing body a seven- hard for weapons disposal, with the person Board of Commissioners, com- aim of declaring Bougainville weapons prising the National and Bougainville free no later than 31 December 2018 Electoral Commissioners, two persons (The Bougainville Bulletin 2017). It appointed by the GoPNG and two by remains to be seen whether all sides the abg, and a chairperson appointed will stand by their commitments. by the jsb (with the understanding Referendum preparations gained that this chairperson should be an considerable momentum in 2017. eminent international elder statesman/ They started immediately after the woman). The board will be supported Joint Supervisory Body (jsb)—the by a brc Secretariat under a chief ref- joint GoPNG–abg institution that is erendum officer. Until the brc is fully in charge of the implementation of established, a transitional committee, the bpa—agreed at its 20 May 2016 comprising the electoral commission- meeting to set 15 June 2019 as the ers and chief secretaries of both sides, target date for the referendum. On is in charge (Bougainville Referendum the abg side, it is the Department of Commission Charter 2017). Bougainville Peace Agreement Imple- After several postponements, a mentation (dpai) (which until March crucial meeting of the jsb finally 2017 was the Department of Refer- took place on 14 and 15 December endum, Veterans’ Affairs and Peace) 2017 in Port Moresby. Its focus was under its Secretary James Tanis that is on referendum preparations. At that in charge of the referendum process. time, the sides agreed on the abg’s Its counterpart on the GoPNG side is suggestion for a brc chairperson: the National Coordination Office of former New Zealand Prime Minister Bougainville Affairs. Both institutions Helen Clark. They also endorsed the have worked together to establish the abg-appointed brc members: former organizational structure for the prepa- abg Vice President Patrick Nisira and ration and conduct of the referendum, Hillary Masiria (the PNG government 486 the contemporary pacific • 30:2 (2018) still has to appoint its two brc mem- his fellow Bougainvilleans that the bers). They also decided to establish a referendum would go ahead, clarify- trust account for the brc and agreed ing (again) that, according to the bpa, to invite international observers “to weapons disposal and good gover- observe the conduct of every phase of nance are not preconditions for the the Referendum process” (jsb 2017, conduct of the referendum (Bougain- 4). With regard to the eligibility of ville News 2017). In fact, the bpa— Bougainvilleans living outside of the and also the PNG Constitution— ARoB to participate in the referen- clearly stipulate that a referendum has dum, the “need for development of a to take place before June 2020, no process to enable non-resident Bou- matter what. It is to be expected that gainvilleans to enroll and vote in the the abg–GoPNG dialogue on referen- referendum” was acknowledged (jsb dum will remain difficult in the future. 2017, 3), and technical officials were At least as important as the collabo- given the task of working on the issue. ration between the two governments Regarding the referendum question, is the work at the grassroots level in the sides merely “noted” the “Bou- Bougainville to raise awareness of gainville aspiration to have a simple the referendum process. In September yes or no question to the question of 2016, the abg agreed on a “Bougain- separate independence for Bougain- ville Referendum Ready Concept,” ville” (jsb 2017, 3), but no decision which tasked each of the thirty-three was made. Finally, the jsb endorsed constituencies in Bougainville to the “need to conduct National Recon- prepare for the referendum. Constitu- ciliation between Bougainvilleans and ency referendum committees were PNG security forces and other parties established in every constituency; they that were involved in the Bougainville carry out referendum awareness at the conflict” (jsb 2017, 7)—which could local level, with the aim of making include Solomon Islands and Austra- each and every hamlet, village, ward, lia. and constituency “referendum ready.” The December jsb meeting demon- The first constituency that declared strated once more that the abg side itself referendum ready was Bolave in is well ahead in referendum prepara- Southern Bougainville on 7 September tions, while the GoPNG is lagging 2017; it was followed by Hagogohe behind and is more hesitant. More- constituency in North Bougainville on over, in September 2017, Prime Min- 29 October 2017 (The Bougainville ister Peter O’Neill even cast doubts Bulletin 2017, 6). Others are to follow on the overall process, telling the in 2018, with 31 December 2018 as PNG Parliament that it may be that the target date set by the Bougainville the referendum will not be possible House of Representatives for refer- because certain criteria, such as rule endum readiness. Furthermore, local of law, good governance, or weapons facilitators and nongovernmental disposal, have not been met (Bougain- organizations conduct local referen- ville News 2017). In response, the abg dum dialogues in cooperation with President John Momis called O’Neill’s the dpai. Despite these efforts, there statement “dangerous” and reassured are still many Bougainvilleans who political reviews • melanesia 487 say that they need more information nonresident Bougainvilleans (living in and clarity on referendum issues, other parts of Papua New Guinea or indicating that work at the local overseas) needs further clarification. level will have to intensify further in Finally, weapons disposal remains an 2018. Accordingly, all members of the issue so as to provide for a free and Bougainville House of Representatives safe referendum. A four-stage weapons have been allocated funds for aware- disposal plan endorsed by the jsb in ness-raising activities in their constitu- December 2017 has to be implemented encies in 2018. in 2018. The referendum process enjoyed The second major political topic on some international assistance in Bougainville in 2017 was the Pan- 2017. The United Nations provides guna mine. In June 2016, Rio Tinto, support through its Peacebuilding the multinational mining company Fund and the Bougainville office of that was the majority shareholder of the UN Development Programme. Bougainville Copper Limited (bcl), The international nongovernmental which for almost two decades had organizations Conciliation Resources operated the Panguna mine until its (London) and Peace and Conflict closure at the beginning of the war, Studies Institute Australia (Brisbane) completely withdrew from Panguna. cooperate with the dpai and local It transferred its shares to the GoPNG nongovernmental organizations in and the abg—at no cost. The two referendum preparation, organizing governments became equal major- referendum dialogues all over Bou- ity shareholders, each holding 36.45 gainville (through the Bougainville percent of bcl. At the same time, Rio Referendum Dialogues project) and Tinto made it clear that it does not see exchanges with international actors any obligation to address the mine’s who provide information about their environmental and social legacies, experiences, for example, from South arguing that it adhered to Papua New Sudan or Northern Ireland (through Guinea’s laws of the day. It rejects any the Comparative Learning program). responsibility for the environmental, There are still challenges ahead for social, health, and other long-term the referendum, not least the establish- impacts of Panguna mine operations. ment of a reliable, up-to-date common The abg strongly criticized Rio roll. The elections for the PNG Parlia- Tinto’s stance regarding Panguna’s ment in 2017 demonstrated that the legacy issue and also demanded that current electoral roll is totally unreli- the GoPNG transfer its bcl shares to able (even the names of abg President the abg as the representative of the Momis and his wife were missing; they people of Bougainville and the right- had to use the supplementary roll). ful owners of Bougainville’s mineral As this shows, much work has to be resources. However, the abg also done on voter registration. Only if it made it clear that it supported reopen- is guaranteed that every eligible voter ing the Panguna mine with the “new” can participate in the referendum will (non–Rio Tinto) bcl as operator, the outcome be accepted as valid and as it sees mining as the best way to legitimate. In this context, eligibility of substantially increase government 488 the contemporary pacific • 30:2 (2018) revenue and foster economic growth the nine landowner associations in the and development for an autono- mine-affected areas. Again and again, mous—and, further down the road, bcl claimed that it had “strong levels an independent—Bougainville. An of support among landowners for independent Bougainville, so the argu- mine redevelopment with bcl as the ment goes, can only survive in a glo- preferred developer” (bcl 2017). The balized economy if it generates value fact, however, is that there also exists from its mineral wealth. At the same a strong anti-bcl camp. time, however, the abg emphasized This became obvious in June 2017 that it will not allow reopening of the when a delegation of bcl and abg Panguna mine or any other large-scale tried to travel to Panguna to sign a mining on Bougainville without the memorandum of understanding with consent of landowners. In fact, the landowner associations on reopening Bougainville Mining Act of March the mine. The delegation was forced 2015 puts the landowners front and to turn around at Morgan Junction, center: It declares that the custom- at the entrance of the access road to ary landowners are the owners of the the mine, controlled by a Meekamui minerals on and beneath their land, roadblock, because it was met by big giving them strong veto rights over demonstrations led by local women exploration and mining development under banners reading “No to min- tenements. ing” and “No to bcl” (Papua New bcl has always said that it wants Guinea Mine Watch 2017). As has to reopen the mine and run it again, been said before, the Panguna mine continuously talking about the “new site and its surroundings are con- Panguna” it will create as a way to trolled by the Meekamuis, and they distance itself from the “old Panguna” are opposed to the return of bcl. and the “mistakes” it made in the Opposed also is the association past. bcl management presented a representing the landowners from the staged redevelopment plan to share- Special Mining Lease area (smlola), holders, landowner associations, and which distinguishes it from the other the abg at the beginning of 2017, landowner associations from other and it has advertised this plan at mine-affected areas that are in the several other occasions throughout pro-bcl camp. In fact, the smlola 2017. bcl posited that redevelopment chairman is also the mgu premier could be done within six to seven (Philip Miriori). mgu and smlola, years, and to this end it intensified however, are not anti-mining per se, its presence on the ground: In August but only anti-bcl. They agree with 2017 it held its first board meeting the abg’s view that the Panguna mine in Bougainville in more than twenty- is necessary for economic develop- seven years, and in the same month ment of Bougainville but want to do a permanent office was established mining without bcl. Actually, they in Buka, the ARoB’s administrative have aligned themselves with a junior center, with local Bougainville staff. Australian mining company, rtg bcl had major players on its side: the Mining Inc, and want to redevelop the abg, the GoPNG, and all but one of Panguna mine in a joint venture with political reviews • melanesia 489 rtg. Thus, 2017 also saw a continu- the opposition to its return to Panguna ous struggle between the pro-bcl and is. smlola clearly conveyed the the pro-rtg forces. message that it is not willing to grant Last but not least, there are also bcl access to the mine site (Radio those locals who are opposed to any New Zealand 2018a). reopening of the Panguna mine at Following the hearing, abg Presi- this point in time. This anti-mining dent John Momis announced on 20 camp comprises several community- December 2017 that the Bougainville based organizations and networks, Executive Council “made a thought- most notably women’s organizations ful and considered decision to impose and groupings of ex-bra combatants. an indefinite reservation moratorium Some in this camp are totally anti- from any exploration or mining over mining, while others hold the view Panguna project in the best interest that the referendum and independence of the landowners and the people of must occur before discussions about Bougainville” (Laukai 2017). The mining can resume under new political lack of landowner consent was given conditions. as the reason for this decision. At the The conflict between the differ- same time, Momis declared the devel- ent camps reached a climax on 11 opment of the mine “by any other December 2017 when a mine warden’s developer” to be “untenable under hearing took place in Panguna, dealing current circumstances”—which was a with bcl’s application for renewal clear rebuke of rtg—while also prom- of its Panguna exploration license. ising to “continue to consult with the Such hearings are legally required in Panguna Landowners and the people order to assess whether the applica- of Bougainville on an appropriate tion has the necessary support of the arrangement . . . if the people still have landowners in the license area. Based an appetite to develop the mine in the on the assessment, the warden makes future” (Laukai 2017). Shortly after- recommendations, which then form ward, Momis even said that “we can’t the basis for a final decision to be allow bcl’s involvement in Panguna made by the abg’s Executive Council. that may lead to bloodshed. . . . We In preparation for the mine can’t open the mine in the face of warden’s hearing of 11 December such huge opposition from the people. 2017, all sides mobilized their forces. According to our law, the landowners More than one hundred written own the resource, not the government. objections were lodged with the war- Until companies win the social license den, including those from smlola, from the landowners they are barking women’s groups, and anti-mining up the wrong tree” (Radio New Zea- networks. An anti-bcl petition (“No land 2018b). These statements indicate to bcl Forever”) launched by smlola that the abg has given up on Panguna/ was signed by more than two thou- bcl for the time being. It remains to sand members. The hearing was be seen whether the rift between the dominated by anti-bcl sentiments. abg and bcl can be mended in 2018, For bcl, its outcome was a major set- as well as whether smlola/rtg, who back as it became obvious how strong of course welcomed the abg’s rejec- 490 the contemporary pacific • 30:2 (2018) tion of bcl, can profit from the new lion) as Restoration and Development situation. Grant for 2018. Over the last few While putting Panguna on hold, the years, the abg constantly complained abg still maintains its preference for that it did not receive the funds from mining as the most promising path for the GoPNG that it is entitled to economic development. Accordingly, according to the bpa. In the past, only it approved three new mining explora- portions of the designated funds were tion licenses on 17 November 2017: transferred, often with long delays, two for areas in north Bougainville, and this had considerable negative and one for an area in the border impacts on the functioning of the region of Central and South Bou- autonomy arrangements. gainville. The first two are for the Bougainvilleans went to the polls joint venture companies Toremana twice in 2017. In April 2017, the first Resources Limited and (Australian) community government elections were Kalia Investment Limited, covering the held, according to the Bougainville Tore area in Tinputz district. The third Community Government Act of 2016. mining license went to Isina Resources In 425 wards, members for forty-three Holdings Limited in the Kongara/ rural community governments were Koromira region. Isina is a company elected (elections for the four urban led by the former bra supreme mili- governments are to follow). These tary commander Sam Kauona. community governments replace the The pros and cons of mining will councils of elders as the local level of remain an issue on Bougainville. government in Bougainville. Critics of the narrow focus on min- Bougainville also participated in the ing point to other areas with potential national PNG elections in June–July for economic development: fisher- 2017. ARoB has four representatives ies, (eco-)tourism, and agriculture, in the PNG national Parliament— in particular copra and cocoa. one each for the regions of North, The Second Bougainville Chocolate Central, and South, and one for the Festival, which was held in September entirety of ARoB. Two incumbents 2017 in Arawa and which brought were reelected: Joe Lera for ARoB and together local cocoa farmers with Timothy Masiu for South. For North, chocolate makers and buyers from William Nakin was newly elected, overseas, demonstrated the potential and for Central, Simon Dumarinu, of the cocoa sector. who was then appointed Bougainville Bougainville is indeed in dire need affairs minister in the O’Neill govern- of its own sources of revenue to ment. After being elected, all four overcome its financial dependency on members made a joint pledge to work Papua New Guinea. The long-standing closely together with the Bougain- conflict between the GoPNG and ville House of Representatives for the the abg regarding abg’s financing implementation of the bpa and the was partly resolved at the jsb meet- referendum. ing in December 2017 when the sides The elections and the issues of reached a compromise that grants the referendum and the Panguna mine abg k437 million (us$135.9 mil- overshadowed other important political reviews • melanesia 491

problems throughout 2017. For exam- Peace and Security in a Post-Conflict ple, the negative impacts of climate Hybrid Political Order: The Case of change, which due to sea-level rise Bougainville. Journal of International can be felt directly by the people on Peacekeeping 14 (3–4): 330–352. the low-lying atolls in the ARoB, only ———. 2011. Hybrid Forms of Peace and received little attention. The plight of Order on a South Sea Island: Experiences the Carteret Islanders, who are being from Bougainville (Papua New Guinea). forced to relocate from their atoll to In Hybrid Forms of Peace: From Every- mainland Bougainville, seems to be day Agency to Post-Liberalism, edited by better known and of more concern at Oliver Richmond and Audra Mitchell, the world stage than in Bougainville 88–106. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. itself. Over the last few years, the Boege, Volker, Patricia Rinck, and Tobias local nongovernmental organization Debiel. 2017. Local-International Rela- Tulele Peisa has been very successful in tions and the Recalibration of Peace- drawing international attention to the building Interventions. Insights from the fate of the “climate refugees” from the “Laboratory” of Bougainville and Beyond. Carterets. But this has not yet trans- inef Report 112/2017. Duisburg: Institute lated into sufficient effective measures for Development and Peace. on the ground. Climate change and The Bougainville Bulletin. 2017. Bougain- ensuing need for adaptation and reset- ville to Be Declared Weapons-Free Before tlement remain a pressing problem for End of 2018. Edition 11, December. the outer islands in the ARoB. http://www.abg.gov.pg/index.php/news/ Other issues that did not get the read/bougainville-bulletin-e-copy attention they deserve in 2017 include [accessed 14 March 2018] the high levels of youth unemployment Bougainville News. 2017. President Momis and of domestic and gender-based Concerned about PNG pm O’Neill’s violence as well as the massive rise Ill-Informed and Misleading Referendum in sorcery accusations and sorcery- Comments. Blog, 27 Sept. https:// related violence. bougainvillenews.com/2017/09/27/ bougainville-news-president-momis volker boege -concerned-about-png-pm-oneills-ill -informed-and-misleading-referendum -comments/ [accessed 11 Jan 2018] References Bougainville Referendum Commission Adams, Rebecca, editor. 2001. Peace on Charter. 2017. 30 August. Printed copy in Bougainville: Truce Monitoring Group; author’s files. Gudpela Nius Bilong Peace. Wellington: Bowd, Reuben R E. 2007. Doves over the Victoria University Press. Pacific: In Pursuit of Peace and Stability in bcl, Bougainville Copper Limited. Bougainville. Loftus: Australian Military 2017. The New Panguna Project Update. History Publications. Shareholder release, 20 Oct. http://www Braithwaite, John, Hilary Charles- .bcl.com.pg/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/ worth, Peter Reddy, and Leah Dunn. Shareholder-Letter-20.10.17-Final 2010. Reconciliation and Architectures -1215pm.pdf [accessed 10 Jan 2018] of Commitment: Sequencing Peace in Boege, Volker. 2010. How to Maintain Bougainville. Canberra: anu Press. 492 the contemporary pacific • 30:2 (2018)

Breen, Bob. 2016. The Good Neighbour: .com/2018/01/05/momis-abg-concerned Australian Peace Support Operations in -reopening-panguna-might-ignite-another the Pacific Islands, 1980–2006. Cam- -war/ [accessed 9 Jan 2018] bridge, uk: Cambridge University Press. Regan, Anthony J. 2010. Light Interven- Carl, Andy, and Lorraine Garasu, editors. tion: Lessons from Bougainville. Washing- 2002. Weaving Consensus: The Papua ton dc: United States Institute of Peace. New Guinea–Bougainville Peace Process. Regan, Anthony J, and Helga M Griffin, Conciliation Resources Accord Issue editors. 2005. Bougainville Before the / . London: Conciliation Resources. 12 2002 Conflict. Canberra: Pandanus Books. jsb, Joint Supervisory Body. 2017. Wallis, Joanne. 2014. Constitution Official Joint Statement on the Conclu- Making during State Building. New York: sions and Records of the Joint Supervisory Cambridge University Press. Body. . . 15 Dec. http://www.abg.gov.pg/ uploads/documents/SIGNED_JSB Wehner, Monica, and Donald Denoon. _RESOLUTION_2017.pdf [accessed 2001. Without a Gun: Australians’ Experi- 10 Jan 2018] ences Monitoring Peace in Bougainville, 1997–2001. Canberra: Pandanus Books. Laukai, Aloysius. 2017. State on Panguna Mine. Press release, New Dawn on Bougainville blog, 21 Dec. http:// bougainville.typepad.com/newdawn/2017/ 12/211217state-on-panguna-mine-by Fiji -aloysius-laukaipress-realease-the Contemporary political events and -president-of-the-autonomous issues in Fiji, especially in the period -bougainville-government-chief.html between 1987 and 2017, can be [accessed 9 Jan 2018] understood most fully by analyzing the A Memorandum of Joint Commitment dynamics of ongoing power rivalry in between the Francis Ona Factions and Fiji. Within this thirty-year period, Fiji the Joseph Kabui Factions. 2017. Arawa has had three military and one civil- Independence Oval, 17 May. Printed copy ian/military coups d’état, highlighting in author’s files. modern and customary struggles for Papua New Guinea Mine Watch. 2017. national leadership. While military Bougainville: Landowner Women Protest- and national leadership has remained ers Block Mine Pact, Win Court Order. in the hands of Indigenous Fijian 19 June. https://ramumine.wordpress males since 1987, and coup leaders– .com/2017/06/19/bougainville-landowner -women-protesters-block-mine-pact-win turned–national leaders have also been -court-order/ [accessed 10 Jan 2018] Indigenous Fijian males, the reasons for staging coups and for supporting Radio New Zealand. a. Bougainville 2018 coups have shifted over time. In 1987, Landowners Say No Return for Miner Sitiveni Rabuka staged two military bcl. 4 Jan. https://www.radionz.co.nz/ international/pacific-news/347431/ coups to return political leadership bougainville-landowners-say-no-return to Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara’s Alliance -for-miner-bcl [accessed 11 Jan 2018] Party. In 2000, George Speight staged a failed coup. However, the ruling ———. 2018b. abg Concerned Reopening Fiji Labour Party Coalition was not Panguna “Might Ignite Another War.” 5 Jan. https://ramumine.wordpress returned to power. Frank Bainima-