DOCSLIB.ORG

Prime Minister Sir Julius Chan Stated in His Christmas

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Prime Minister Sir Julius Chan Stated in His Christmas M'Mfi'Q;I'.wSe€idS&!3!!iaij!!f!!F&".!&#.i!'.MPlW4MM.iif4.ra!i6iiMP44I§YY'......._ ww , PI THE CONTEMPORARY PACIFIC· FALL 1995 tion was soon revealed by a contro­ PAPUA NEW GUINEA versy over the reappointment of the Prime Minister Sir Julius Chan stated commander of the defense force. in his Christmas address that 1994 was After Wingti left for visits to Aus­ the most turbulent, painful, and unpre­ tralia and New Zealand in early Feb­ dictable of the nation's nineteen years ruary, Acting Prime Minister Chan of independence (PC, 28 Dec 1994, 5). announced that Defence Force Com­ Most who witnessed the sudden mander Robert Dademo had passed change of government in August, the the stipulated retirement age and volcanic destruction of Rabaul in Sep­ been replaced by Colonel Lima tember, the dramatic collapse of peace Dotaona. This cabinet decision was talks on war-weary Bougainville in confirmed by Minister for Defence October, the ominous confrontations Paul Tohian, Chan's colleague in the over provincial government reform, Peoples Progress Party. Soon after the the confusion surrounding the giant announcement, however, staff in Lihir gold project, and the multi­ Wingti's office indicated that the cabi­ billion-kina environmental lawsuit net had decided in a subsequent meet­ against the operators of the Ok Tedi ing to change the compulsory retire­ mine, would agree. Affecting all of ment age from fifty to fifty-five and these issues and events was an unprec­ reappoint Dademo. Neither Chan nor edented financial crisis, whose impact Tohian was present when these deci­ will be felt for some time. sions were made, and they refused to The early part of the year was dom­ acknowledge Dademo's reappoint­ inated by power struggles between ment (PC, 17 Feb 1994, I). Their dis­ dominant members of the ruling coali­ satisfaction was shared by some in the tion, especially between Prime Minis­ officer corps who claimed that cabi­ ter Paias Wingti and Deputy Prime net's action "undermines the spirit of Minister Julius Chan. The ongoing rift the Defence Act and the National between the two leaders had been Constitution" (Dorney I994a, 20). pushed wide open by Wingti's reelec­ The dispute intensified when tion ploy of September 1993, executed Dademo and Finance Minister Iangalio without Chan's knowledge or approval accompanied an Australian television (Wesley-Smith 1994,455). In January news crew to Bougainville. Chan told 1994 Wingti strengthened his hand by the press that he had not authorized ousting Chan from the powerful the journalists' visit to the troubled finance portfolio and replacing him province, and threatened to deport with a staunch ally, former Minister them. Presumably under orders from for Mining and Petroleum Masket Chan, army intelligence officers Iangalio (PC, II Jan 1994, I). searched Iangalio when he returned Although obviously unhappy with the to Port Moresby and confiscated reshuffle, Chan had little option but to some film from his expatriate adviser. accept the Foreign Affairs and Trade Iangalio in turn led the charge against ministry instead (PC, 13 Jan 1994, 3)' Chan and his party colleagues, defeat­ The extent of the disarray in the coali- ing a new attempt in cabinet to dump Ill/lIll'I! ,~ ' .. POLITICAL REVIEWS Dademo. He told Chan that the televi­ told former electoral commissioner sion crew had been invited to visit Luke Lucas of the attack and also Bougainville by Wingti, and any move informed him that Wingti was hav­ against it would "make the prime ing an affair with Lucas's estranged minister and PNG a laughingstock" wife. Most damaging was Haiveta's (Dorney I994a, 21). The issue was suggestion that the prime minister had eventually laid to rest when Wingti tried to dissuade Lucas from taking returned and declared that the decision action against him by paying Lucas to retain Dademo was "final" (PC, 21 US$IOO,OOO and arranging for him to Feb 1994,3). Adding insult to Chan's be appointed secretary of justice in injury, instead of ordering the televi­ 1993. Wingti dismissed the claims as sion journalists to leave, Wingti invited "gutter politics" and refused to answer them to his Mount Hagen home (PC, them publicly (PC, 3 March 1994, I; I 18 Feb 1994, 2). June 1994, I). Iangalio and his successor as mining These attacks may have reduced minister, John Kaputin, also disagreed Wingti's already battered public stand­ publicly. In April, Iangalio dismissed ing, but the only effective way of chal­ Bob Needham as head of the Mineral lenging his leadership before the 1997 Resources Development Corporation, elections was via a parliamentary vote a move that Kaputin claimed lacked of no confidence. However, Speaker cabinet approval (PC, 14 April 1994, Bill Skate indicated early in the year I). Then in June, when Kaputin sur­ that he would not allow such a prised everybody by announcing a motion. Wingti's snap reelection in moratorium on new mining projects, September 1993, he argued, had Iangalio told the press that the plan earned him the eighteen months of had not been discussed in cabinet and immunity from such challenges guar­ would not be approved if it were (AFR, anteed by the constitution (PC, 18 Feb 7 June 1994, 22). Meanwhile, Chan's 1994, I). True to his word, Skate Peoples Progress Party and some refused to accept notice of a motion of members of the League for National no confidence filed by the opposition Advancement were targeting Speaker in June (TPNG, 9 June 1994,29). Then Bill Skate, accusing him of using his on 25 August 1994 the Supreme Court privileged position in Parliament to decided that Wingti's reelection in build his own power base (PC, 2 Aug September 1993 was unconstitutional 1994, I; 4 Aug 1994, 3)· and Parliament would have to conduct Under the spirited leadership of a new election for prime minister. Pangu Pati's Chris Haiveta, the parlia­ The legal challenge to Wingti's mentary opposition attacked the frac­ reelection spearheaded by Chris tured Wingti government from the Haivetahad been dismissed by the outside. Haiveta produced evidence in National Court in late 1993, but Parliament to suggest that Wingti had brought on appeal to the Supreme bashed and attempted to strangle his Court. When the private law firm former wife, Diane Kende-Wingti. working for the opposition withdrew He claimed that Kende-Wingti had its services, its fees unpaid, former .ii.&5!MM64NSiii!!EEhfii@lllMWHil.'WIJt@flMhff@lMhRMffiflMW'i!!t!MnrJI'BW@HiW!JWil - THE CONTEMPORARY PACIFIC· FALL 1995 Attorney General Bernard Narokobi with 69 votes to Skate's 32 (TPNG, I agreed to argue the case. He told the Sept 1994, I). court that he accepted the legality of Although Chan was able to argue Wingti's resignation on 23 September convincingly that Wingti was largely 1993. However, he noted that Section responsible for his own downfall, 142(3) of the constitution requires that observers were more skeptical of the an election be held the next sitting new prime minister's ability to "restore day after Parliament is informed of a and reinvigorate" trust in government. vacancy. The Speaker knew of the res­ Chan and his party had worked with ignation on the twenty-third, but did Wingti for nearly a decade, and the not inform the house until immediately seven ministers reappointed to the new before conducting the election the next cabinet would have to share some of day (TPNG, II Aug 1994,4). Appar­ the responsibility for the "long trail of ently dismissing Wingti's case that mismanagement and scandal" that advice to the Speaker was the same as Chan decried. Nor was his new coali­ advice to the house, the five judges tion immune from the "unceasing ruled unanimously that the actions vio­ jockeying for positions of power" that lated the constitution, its spirit, and its he said infected the political process underlying principles. "like a vicious disease" (TPNG, 8 Sept The Supreme Court decision trig­ 1994,36). The swearing-in of new gered a frenzy of political activity, as ministers had to be delayed while dif­ leaders scrambled to position them­ ferences among the coalition partners selves for the election on 3a August. over the spoils of office were sorted On 29 August Sir Julius Chan formally out. In the end, the Peoples Progress severed his alliance with Paias Wingti, Party claimed 13 of the 27 cabinet accusing him of wanting to "hold on positions, with Pangu, led by Deputy to power for power's sake," and of Prime Minister Chris Haiveta, taking running "a one-man show" (TPNG, I 9. Melanesian Alliance party stalwarts Sept 1994,19). He announced a coali­ John Momis and Bernard Narokobi tion between the Peoples Progress got the communication and agriculture Party, Pangu Pati, and a cluster of portfolios respectively, while the smaller parties. At about the same National Party was represented by time, rumors began to circulate that Paul Pora (civil aviation and tourism) members of the Peoples Democratic and Mathias Ijape (defense). Leader of Movement were seeking an alternative the League for National Advancement to Wingti as their candidate for prime John Nilkare, who had defected from minister. When Parliament convened the Wingti camp at the last minute, the next day, Bill Skate was carrying was conspicuously absent from the the flag for what remained of the lineup (TPNG, 8 Sept 1994, I). Wingti camp. Pangu member and Chan's decisive action on the Bou­ former Prime Minister Rabbie Nama­ gainville crisis confounded the critics, liu beat Tom Koraea to become the at least for a while. The Wingti govern­ new Speaker of the house, while Chan ment had begun 1994 under intense easily won the vote for prime minister pressure to find a solution to the seces- POLITICAL REVIEWS sionist crisis, then entering its sixth Indeed, many costs were simply not year.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Charles Lepani I
    Innovations for Successful Societies Innovations for Successful Societies AN INITIATIVE OF THE WOODROW WILSON SCHOOL OF PUBLIC AND INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS AND THE BOBST CENTER FOR PEACE AND JUSTICE Innovations for Successful Societies Innovations for Successful Societies Series: Governance Traps Interview no.: P2 Innovations for Successful Societies Innovations for Successful Societies Interviewee: Charles Lepani Interviewer: Matthew Devlin Date of Interview: 15 March 2009 Location: Canberra, Australia Innovations for Successful Societies Innovations for Successful Societies Innovations for Successful Societies, Bobst Center for Peace and Justice Princeton University, 83 Prospect Avenue, Princeton, New Jersey, 08544, USA www.princeton.edu/successfulsocieties Use of this transcript is governed by ISS Terms of Use, available at www.princeton.edu/successfulsocieties DEVLIN: Today is March 15th, 2010. We’re in Canberra, Australia, with His Excellency Charles Lepani, Papua New Guinea’s high commissioner to Australia. The high commissioner was one of Papua New Guinea’s top public servants during the years we’ll be discussing today and has a rather unique insight into both the political dynamics that shaped those events and the administrative aspects of the implementation of Papua New Guinea’s decentralization. Mr. High Commissioner, thank you for joining us. LEPANI: Thank you. DEVLIN: If you don’t mind, I’d like to begin by first asking you how you came to enter the public service, and what positions you held over the years of your governmental career. LEPANI: I started off as a trained trade unionist. After high school in Queensland, Australia, I spent two years at the University of Papua New Guinea in 1967-68.
    [Show full text]
  • Pol I T Ical Reviews ‡ Melanesia 491 Papua New Guinea
    pol i t ical reviews melanesia 491 $LUNR3DSXDKWWSZZZSDSXDEDUDWQHZV swaps in ministerial portfolios, the FRP replacement of two deputy prime min- Pembebasan PapuaKWWSSHPEHEDVDQ isters, and a constitutional blunder in SDSXDEORJVSRWFRP the reelection of the governor-general. In spite of the political rollercoaster, 3ROLWLN,QGRQHVLDKWWSZZZ .politikindonesia.com the Somare government successfully thwarted numerous attempts by the Presiden Republik Indonesia. Opposition to remove Sir Michael KWWSZZZSUHVLGHQULJRLG Somare as prime minister, thus making Radio Republik Indonesia. the government more confident than KWWSZZZUULFRLG ever to assert its grip on power until Rakyat Merdeka. Daily. Jakarta. Online at the national elections in 2012. It was KWWSZZZUDN\DWPHUGHNDFRLG also a year of legal battles and protests on controversial constitutional amend- 5HSXEOLNDFRLGKWWSZZZUHSXEOLND FRLG ments and environmental issues. The concerned public, landowner groups, Sekretariat Kabinet Republik Indonesia. and nongovernmental organizations KWWSZZZVHWNDEJRLG have become a fortified mouthpiece of Suara Pembaruan. Daily. Jakarta. Online the people on issues of human rights, DWKWWSZZZVXDUDSHPEDUXDQFRP equality, environment, and the consti- Survival: The Movement for Tribal tutionality of amendments to laws that 3HRSOHVKWWSZZZVXUYLYDOLQWHUQDWLRQDO seem to favor politicians and multina- RUJ tional companies over people’s rights. Tabloid Jubi Online: An Alternative Media Unlike in previous years, these interest LQ7DQDK3DSXDKWWSWDEORLGMXELFRP groups showed the government
    [Show full text]
  • Download a PDF of the Oil Search Presentation
    Sydney Mining Club | 6 June 2019 OIL SEARCH LIMITED | ARBN 055 079 868 | ASX: OSH | POMSoX: OSH | US ADR: OISHY www.oilsearch.com DISCLAIMER While every effort is made to provide accurate aNd complete iNformatioN, Oil Search Limited does Not warraNt that the iNformatioN iN this preseNtatioN is free from errors or omissioNs or is suitable for its inteNded use. Subject to aNy terms implied by law which caNNot be excluded, Oil Search Limited accepts no responsibility for any loss, damage, cost or expense (whether direct or indirect) incurred by you as a result of any error, omission or misrepresentation in information in this presentation. All informatioN in this preseNtatioN is subject to change without notice. This preseNtatioN also coNtaiNs forward-looking statemeNts which are subject to particular risks associated with the oil and gas industry. Oil Search Limited believes there are reasonable grounds for the expectatioNs oN which the statemeNts are based. However actual outcomes could differ materially due to a range of factors including oil and gas prices, demand for oil, currency fluctuations, drilling results, field performaNce, the timiNg of well work-overs and field development, reserves depletion, progress on gas commercialisation and fiscal and other government issues and approvals. Sydney Mining Club – 6 June, 2019 | PAGE 2 TALK OUTLINE OIL SEARCH – A NINETY YEAR JOURNEY IN PAPUA NEW GUINEA OIL SEARCH 90 YEARS ON DRIVERS FOR GROWTH OVER THE LAST 25 YEARS THE PNG OPERATING ENVIRONMENT v Politics v BusiNess aNd social issues THE
    [Show full text]
  • Papau New Guinea, Soloman Islands, and Vanuatu
    PAPUA NEW GUINEA COUNTRY READER TABLE OF CONTENTS Mary Seymour Olmsted 1975-1979 Ambassador, Papua New Guinea Harvey Feldman 1979-1981 Ambassador, Papua New Guinea Morton R. Dworken, Jr. 1983-1985 Deputy Chief of Mission, Port Moresby Paul F. Gardner 1984-1986 Ambassador, Papua New Guinea Robert Pringle 1985-1987 Deputy Chief of Mission, Port Moresby Everett E. Bierman 1986-1989 Ambassador, Papua New Guinea William Farrand 1990-1993 Ambassador, Papua New Guinea Richard W. Teare 1993-1996 Ambassador, Papua New Guinea John Allen Cushing 1997-1998 Consular/Political Officer, Port Moresby Arma Jane Karaer 1997-2000 Ambassador, Papua New Guinea MARY SEYMOUR OLMSTED Ambassador Papua New Guinea (1975-1979) Ambassador Mary Seymour Olmsted was born in Duluth, Minnesota and raised in Florida. She received a bachelor's degree in economics from Mount Holyoke College and a master's degree from Columbia University. Ambassador Olmsted's Foreign Service career included positions in India, Iceland, Austria, Washington, DC, and an ambassadorship to Papua New Guinea. Ambassador Olmsted was interviewed by Charles Stuart Kennedy in 1992. Q: That's an awful lot of responsibility, I would think. Now you went out to Port Moresby. That was in June of '74? OLMSTED: Yes. Q: As principal officer. So in other words, you were made Consul General. Sworn in and so forth. 1 OLMSTED: Yes. Q: At that time, did you know that was going to become an Embassy? OLMSTED: It seemed quite likely. Papua New Guinea, in the beginning, was obviously on the road to independence, and no one knew exactly when it would take place.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Governance and Service Delivery in Western Highlands Province, Papua New Guinea
    Political Governance and Service Delivery in Western Highlands Province, Papua New Guinea JOSEPH KETAN SSGM DISCUSSION PAPER 2013/9 WHP has everything that we need: fertile allowed to deteriorate over the years. Politicians and soils, optimal climate, food crops of all kinds, bureaucrats need to understand that government is and much more. And the people of the there to serve the people, that regular maintenance province are exceptionally strong, smart and costs far less than rehabilitation, that without basic productive. But pride, prejudice, jealousy, infrastructure crops cannot be brought to markets, conflict and violence can and do stem the and services cannot be delivered. tide of progress. And the lack of indigenous This paper, first drafted in 2011,2 is based knowledge on healthy living is killing many on firsthand observations in Western Highlands of the province’s elite (Pastor Max Martin, Province (WHP) over the past decade and a half, Christian Leaders Training College, Banz).1 covering the administrations of three governors (Father Robert Lak 1997–2002, Paias Wingti 2002– Introduction 07 and 2012–present, and Tom Olga 2007–12).3 It Western Highlands is one of several Papua New uses insights gained while working for Governor Guinean provinces caught in the suffocating Olga, and with the help of provincial officials. It grip of poor governance. It has a woeful record outlines the common problems that hinder progress of administrative ineptitude, dreadful financial in WHP, describes some of the steps taken by the management and political interference with public Olga government to rectify these problems, and service functions. These are deeply entrenched explains why some factors will continue to stand in problems that have been allowed to grow over time the way of development goals.
    [Show full text]
  • A Trial Separation: Australia and the Decolonisation of Papua New Guinea
    A TRIAL SEPARATION A TRIAL SEPARATION Australia and the Decolonisation of Papua New Guinea DONALD DENOON Published by ANU E Press The Australian National University Canberra ACT 0200, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at http://epress.anu.edu.au National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Author: Denoon, Donald. Title: A trial separation : Australia and the decolonisation of Papua New Guinea / Donald Denoon. ISBN: 9781921862915 (pbk.) 9781921862922 (ebook) Notes: Includes bibliographical references and index. Subjects: Decolonization--Papua New Guinea. Papua New Guinea--Politics and government Dewey Number: 325.953 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover: Barbara Brash, Red Bird of Paradise, Print Printed by Griffin Press First published by Pandanus Books, 2005 This edition © 2012 ANU E Press For the many students who taught me so much about Papua New Guinea, and for Christina Goode, John Greenwell and Alan Kerr, who explained so much about Australia. vi ST MATTHIAS MANUS GROUP MANUS I BIS MARCK ARCH IPEL AGO WEST SEPIK Wewak EAST SSEPIKEPIK River Sepik MADANG NEW GUINEA ENGA W.H. Mt Hagen M Goroka a INDONESIA S.H. rk ha E.H. m R Lae WEST MOROBEMOR PAPUA NEW BRITAIN WESTERN F ly Ri ver GULF NORTHERNOR N Gulf of Papua Daru Port Torres Strait Moresby CENTRAL AUSTRALIA CORAL SEA Map 1: The provinces of Papua New Guinea vii 0 300 kilometres 0 150 miles NEW IRELAND PACIFIC OCEAN NEW IRELAND Rabaul BOUGAINVILLE I EAST Arawa NEW BRITAIN Panguna SOLOMON SEA SOLOMON ISLANDS D ’EN N TR E C A S T E A U X MILNE BAY I S LOUISIADE ARCHIPELAGO © Carto ANU 05-031 viii W ALLAC E'S LINE SUNDALAND WALLACEA SAHULLAND 0 500 km © Carto ANU 05-031b Map 2: The prehistoric continent of Sahul consisted of the continent of Australia and the islands of New Guinea and Tasmania.
    [Show full text]
  • Policy Making and Implementation: Studies from Papua New Guinea
    Chapter 6 A Short History of Mineral Development Policies in Papua New Guinea, 1972-2002 Colin Filer and Benedict Imbun The mineral policy paradox in Papua New Guinea There was a time, during the 1980s, when Papua New Guinea was an attractive place for mineral exploration and investment, because it was seen to have a stable and user-friendly policy framework by comparison with many other developing countries. This is no longer the case. The circumstances surrounding and following the closure of the Bougainville copper mine in 1989, and the sequence of events which has led BHP Billiton to disengage from operation of the Ok Tedi mine, have both done enormous damage to the country's reputation. To read much of the recent writing on the history of mining and mineral policy in Papua New Guinea, one gets the impression Ð to use a colourful English phrase Ð that the Papua New Guinea government could not organize the proverbial piss-up in a brewery, let alone foreign investment in the mining and petroleum industries. And both of these industries have recently been in steep, if not precipitous, decline. However, closer examination of the recent history of mineral policy in Papua New Guinea, when compared with that of many other developing countries, suggests that the government has done a reasonably good job of coping with difficult circumstances and unforeseen events. So it is not at all obvious that disinvestment in either or both of these sectors is a direct consequence of mineral policies which have been poorly designed or implemented. For the purpose of this paper, we define mineral development as the process of extracting mineral resources from the ground and converting them into mineral commodities which are then traded in a market, thus generating mineral wealth for a variety of national and foreign stakeholders.
    [Show full text]
  • The Bougainville Referendum: James Marape's Biggest Challenge Or Biggest Opportunity?
    Published on July 26, 2019 (Credit: DFAT/Flickr CC BY 2.0) The Bougainville referendum: James Marape’s biggest challenge or biggest opportunity? By Kylie McKenna After weeks of political upheaval, Papua New Guinea (PNG) appointed James Marape as the nation’s eighth Prime Minister on 30 May 2019. The leadership change occurs at a pivotal moment in PNG’s history, coinciding with a referendum to decide on Bougainville’s future political status, set for 17 October 2019. The Bougainville referendum is a key milestone contained in a political settlement, the Bougainville Peace Agreement, which sought to reconcile a violent Link: Page 1 of 5 https://devpolicy.org/the-bougainville-referendum-james-marapes-biggest-challenge-or-biggest-oppo rtunity-20190726/ Date downloaded: October 3, 2021 Published on July 26, 2019 conflict from 1988-1997. Voters will be asked: Do you agree for Bougainville to have, (i) greater autonomy or (ii) independence? The outcome of the Bougainville referendum is subject to ratification of the PNG parliament, and although this may have been considered a win for the national government during the Bougainville peace negotiations, it now presents a twin dilemma for the new Marape Government to navigate. This blog reports on Prime Minister Marape’s early moves on the Bougainville referendum reported in the media, and Autonomous Bougainville President (ABG), John Momis’ response to the leadership change. Some commentators have already dubbed the Bougainville referendum as Marape’s biggest challenge. Marape’s appointment followed what could have been a bizarre twist in the Bougainville-National Government relationship. Upon resigning from the position of Prime Minister, Peter O’Neill announced plans to hand over leadership to former Prime Minister, Sir Julius Chan, whom was forced to resign in 1997 on the back ofa secret contract with private military consultancy, Sandline, in a bid to suppress the Bougainville conflict.
    [Show full text]
  • I2I Text Paste Up
    PART 3: THE LIMITS OF INDEPENDENCE Chapter 12 Independence and its Discontents apua New Guineans handled the transition to independence with flair, despite their Plimited experience, the speed with which they had to act and the explosive agenda that they inherited. With great skill and some luck, they brought their country united to independence with new institutions, a new public service, a guaranteed income and a home-made constitution. A Failing State? The coalition that achieved these feats tottered in 1978 when Julius Chan took the PPP into opposition, and collapsed in March 1980 when the Leader of the Opposition, Iambakey Okuk, won a no-confidence motion, naming Chan as preferred Prime Minister. Chan had quit the coalition over the attempt to buttress the Leadership Code (Chapter 9) and disagreement on relations between private business and public office. Somare returned to office after the 1982 election but once again he was ousted in mid- term by a vote of no confidence, yielding to the ambitious young Western Highlander Paias Wingti. The pattern was now set, whereby coalitions are formed after an election but no government survives the fixed five-year parliamentary term. Votes of no confi- dence are the mechanism for replacing one opportunist coalition with another. By this device, Wingti was replaced by Rabbie Namaliu, who yielded to Wingti again, who was replaced by Chan, whose coalition collapsed in the wake of a bungled attempt to employ mercenaries (see below). After the 1997 election, Bill Skate — a gregarious accountant from Gulf Province, Governor of Port Moresby and cheerful opportunist — held a Cabinet together for nearly two years.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter 4: the Peace Negotiations and the Prospects for a Permanent
    4 7KH3HDFH1HJRWLDWLRQVDQGWKH3URVSHFWV IRUD3HUPDQHQW3HDFH Introduction 4.1 In a statement to Parliament on 9 June 1999, the Minister for Foreign Affairs drew attention to the progress that had been made since the formal Bougainville peace process began in mid 1997: Although there will always be day-to-day problems and crises along the path towards a lasting peace, it is worth reflecting just how far the parties have come in barely two years since the peace process started. There has been no fighting during that time. Bougainvilleans are now going about their daily lives without fear and are travelling more widely on the island. The Bougainville economy is showing the first tentative signs of activity. That such considerable progress has been made is in large part a tribute to the commitment and flexibility personally demonstrated by Papua New Guinea's [then] Prime Minister, Bill Skate, as well as his government, most notably the [then] Minister for State, Sam Akoitai. It is also a tribute to all the leaders of Bougainville and, most particularly, to all Bougainvilleans. It is their peace process.1 4.2 Material in this chapter sets out the landmarks in the peace process since the first Burnham meeting, the successes and setbacks in the peace negotiations, and examines the issues still to be resolved by the parties. 1 Hon Alexander Downer MP, Minister for Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives Hansard, p. 5157. 64 Australia's role as a neutral observer of the process and significant contributor in the form of substantial official aid and facilitator of the dialogue, is also discussed.
    [Show full text]
  • 3 Political Style in Modern Melanesia*
    State and Society in Papua New Guinea 3 POLITICAL STYLE IN MODERN MELANESIA* In recent writing about contemporary politics in Melanesia one frequently comes across the term style. The suggestion seems to be that there is, if not a unique, at least a distinctive Melanesian style (or styles) of politics. Hegarty, for example, speaks of an ‘essentially accommodative political and governmental style’ in Papua New Guinea (1979c:110) and Quiros (1979) speaks simi- larly of a ‘conciliatory style of political leadership’ in that coun- try. (Also see Standish 1978:29 and Herlihy 1982:575.) Mela- nesian political leaders themselves frequently talk about doing things ‘in the Melanesian Way’ (for example, see Lini 1980). This paper seeks to identify some of the elements of political style in modern Melanesia and to relate them to broader aspects of the region’s political culture. I begin by accepting that there is such a thing as political style; I will not, however, attempt to define the term, except to say that it has something to do with the way in which nations’ leaders (and by extension nations themselves) behave within a frame- work set by formal constitutions and realpolitik. The suggestion that one can distinguish a national or regional political style implies the existence of an identifiable political culture,1 though * This paper was presented at a seminar at the ANU in 1980 and published in R.J. May and Hank Nelson (eds), Melanesia Beyond Diversity (1982). 1 On the concept of political culture see Almond and Verba (1963), Pye and Verba (1965), Almond and Powell (1966:chapter 3), Kavanagh (1972).
    [Show full text]
  • Papua New Guinea
    Country Report July 2003 Papua New Guinea Papua New Guinea at a glance: 2003-04 OVERVIEW Papua New Guinea (PNG) will benefit from a sustained period of relative political stability, as the prime minister, Sir Michael Somare, is assured of a full five-year term, barring extraordinary circumstances. However, there is little prospect that his government will prove any more capable than its pre- decessors of overcoming PNG’s immense social and economic problems. The government’s finances are in disarray and it is in dire need of international financial support. Sir Michael will therefore be under pressure to implement domestically unpopular economic reforms. The economy will remain depressed in 2003, but there will be some positive developments in agriculture and mining that will contribute to economic growth in 2004. Key changes from last month Political outlook • Sir Michael maintains that his leadership is not under threat and that he will lead the governing coalition until the next general election in 2007. However, he plans to make controversial amendments to the constitution to protect further his tenure of office. Economic policy outlook • The government is struggling with a shortage of funds and has resorted to borrowing from domestic sources, which has pushed up Treasury bill rates to more than 20%, compared with around 10% in early 2002. However, a mini-budget is unlikely to be introduced. Economic forecast • According to preliminary data from the central bank, consumer prices increased by more than 20.7% year on year in the first quarter of 2003. The central bank has raised its benchmark interest rate in an effort to ease inflationary pressures.
    [Show full text]