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Charles Lepani I
Innovations for Successful Societies Innovations for Successful Societies AN INITIATIVE OF THE WOODROW WILSON SCHOOL OF PUBLIC AND INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS AND THE BOBST CENTER FOR PEACE AND JUSTICE Innovations for Successful Societies Innovations for Successful Societies Series: Governance Traps Interview no.: P2 Innovations for Successful Societies Innovations for Successful Societies Interviewee: Charles Lepani Interviewer: Matthew Devlin Date of Interview: 15 March 2009 Location: Canberra, Australia Innovations for Successful Societies Innovations for Successful Societies Innovations for Successful Societies, Bobst Center for Peace and Justice Princeton University, 83 Prospect Avenue, Princeton, New Jersey, 08544, USA www.princeton.edu/successfulsocieties Use of this transcript is governed by ISS Terms of Use, available at www.princeton.edu/successfulsocieties DEVLIN: Today is March 15th, 2010. We’re in Canberra, Australia, with His Excellency Charles Lepani, Papua New Guinea’s high commissioner to Australia. The high commissioner was one of Papua New Guinea’s top public servants during the years we’ll be discussing today and has a rather unique insight into both the political dynamics that shaped those events and the administrative aspects of the implementation of Papua New Guinea’s decentralization. Mr. High Commissioner, thank you for joining us. LEPANI: Thank you. DEVLIN: If you don’t mind, I’d like to begin by first asking you how you came to enter the public service, and what positions you held over the years of your governmental career. LEPANI: I started off as a trained trade unionist. After high school in Queensland, Australia, I spent two years at the University of Papua New Guinea in 1967-68. -
Pol I T Ical Reviews ‡ Melanesia 491 Papua New Guinea
pol i t ical reviews melanesia 491 $LUNR3DSXDKWWSZZZSDSXDEDUDWQHZV swaps in ministerial portfolios, the FRP replacement of two deputy prime min- Pembebasan PapuaKWWSSHPEHEDVDQ isters, and a constitutional blunder in SDSXDEORJVSRWFRP the reelection of the governor-general. In spite of the political rollercoaster, 3ROLWLN,QGRQHVLDKWWSZZZ .politikindonesia.com the Somare government successfully thwarted numerous attempts by the Presiden Republik Indonesia. Opposition to remove Sir Michael KWWSZZZSUHVLGHQULJRLG Somare as prime minister, thus making Radio Republik Indonesia. the government more confident than KWWSZZZUULFRLG ever to assert its grip on power until Rakyat Merdeka. Daily. Jakarta. Online at the national elections in 2012. It was KWWSZZZUDN\DWPHUGHNDFRLG also a year of legal battles and protests on controversial constitutional amend- 5HSXEOLNDFRLGKWWSZZZUHSXEOLND FRLG ments and environmental issues. The concerned public, landowner groups, Sekretariat Kabinet Republik Indonesia. and nongovernmental organizations KWWSZZZVHWNDEJRLG have become a fortified mouthpiece of Suara Pembaruan. Daily. Jakarta. Online the people on issues of human rights, DWKWWSZZZVXDUDSHPEDUXDQFRP equality, environment, and the consti- Survival: The Movement for Tribal tutionality of amendments to laws that 3HRSOHVKWWSZZZVXUYLYDOLQWHUQDWLRQDO seem to favor politicians and multina- RUJ tional companies over people’s rights. Tabloid Jubi Online: An Alternative Media Unlike in previous years, these interest LQ7DQDK3DSXDKWWSWDEORLGMXELFRP groups showed the government -
Rudd's Way: the ALP in Government and Its Policies Toward the South Pacific
University of Wollongong Research Online Faculty of Arts - Papers (Archive) Faculty of Arts, Social Sciences & Humanities 1-1-2008 Rudd's Way: The ALP in government and its policies toward the South Pacific Charles M. Hawksley University of Wollongong, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://ro.uow.edu.au/artspapers Part of the Arts and Humanities Commons, and the Social and Behavioral Sciences Commons Recommended Citation Hawksley, Charles M., Rudd's Way: The ALP in government and its policies toward the South Pacific 2008, 1-16. https://ro.uow.edu.au/artspapers/835 Research Online is the open access institutional repository for the University of Wollongong. For further information contact the UOW Library: [email protected] "Rudd’s Way": — The ALP in Government and its policies toward the South Pacific A Refereed Paper for the Third Oceanic Conference on International Studies (OCIS) University of Queensland, 2-4 July 2008 Charles Hawksley School of History and Politics University of Wollongong Abstract As Opposition Leader Kevin Rudd made critical statements on the approach of the Howard government to the Pacific Islands. He called for a new approach from Australia, particularly toward the Melanesian states of Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands and Fiji. Now as Prime Minister Kevin Rudd has the opportunity to put the rhetoric into practice. There is certainly a more positive story about the Pacific being articulated by the Australian government, and this is being well received in the Pacific Islands. There has been a flurry of activity and much talk of "Pacific Development Partnerships", "mutual respect" and a "new era of engagement". -
Policy Making and Implementation: Studies from Papua New Guinea
Chapter 6 A Short History of Mineral Development Policies in Papua New Guinea, 1972-2002 Colin Filer and Benedict Imbun The mineral policy paradox in Papua New Guinea There was a time, during the 1980s, when Papua New Guinea was an attractive place for mineral exploration and investment, because it was seen to have a stable and user-friendly policy framework by comparison with many other developing countries. This is no longer the case. The circumstances surrounding and following the closure of the Bougainville copper mine in 1989, and the sequence of events which has led BHP Billiton to disengage from operation of the Ok Tedi mine, have both done enormous damage to the country's reputation. To read much of the recent writing on the history of mining and mineral policy in Papua New Guinea, one gets the impression Ð to use a colourful English phrase Ð that the Papua New Guinea government could not organize the proverbial piss-up in a brewery, let alone foreign investment in the mining and petroleum industries. And both of these industries have recently been in steep, if not precipitous, decline. However, closer examination of the recent history of mineral policy in Papua New Guinea, when compared with that of many other developing countries, suggests that the government has done a reasonably good job of coping with difficult circumstances and unforeseen events. So it is not at all obvious that disinvestment in either or both of these sectors is a direct consequence of mineral policies which have been poorly designed or implemented. For the purpose of this paper, we define mineral development as the process of extracting mineral resources from the ground and converting them into mineral commodities which are then traded in a market, thus generating mineral wealth for a variety of national and foreign stakeholders. -
I2I Text Paste Up
PART 3: THE LIMITS OF INDEPENDENCE Chapter 12 Independence and its Discontents apua New Guineans handled the transition to independence with flair, despite their Plimited experience, the speed with which they had to act and the explosive agenda that they inherited. With great skill and some luck, they brought their country united to independence with new institutions, a new public service, a guaranteed income and a home-made constitution. A Failing State? The coalition that achieved these feats tottered in 1978 when Julius Chan took the PPP into opposition, and collapsed in March 1980 when the Leader of the Opposition, Iambakey Okuk, won a no-confidence motion, naming Chan as preferred Prime Minister. Chan had quit the coalition over the attempt to buttress the Leadership Code (Chapter 9) and disagreement on relations between private business and public office. Somare returned to office after the 1982 election but once again he was ousted in mid- term by a vote of no confidence, yielding to the ambitious young Western Highlander Paias Wingti. The pattern was now set, whereby coalitions are formed after an election but no government survives the fixed five-year parliamentary term. Votes of no confi- dence are the mechanism for replacing one opportunist coalition with another. By this device, Wingti was replaced by Rabbie Namaliu, who yielded to Wingti again, who was replaced by Chan, whose coalition collapsed in the wake of a bungled attempt to employ mercenaries (see below). After the 1997 election, Bill Skate — a gregarious accountant from Gulf Province, Governor of Port Moresby and cheerful opportunist — held a Cabinet together for nearly two years. -
Papua New Guinea.Docx
PAPUA NEW GUINEA EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Papua New Guinea is a constitutional, federal, multiparty, parliamentary democracy. On August 2, Peter O’Neill was elected prime minister when the speaker of Parliament declared the premiership vacant due to the prolonged illness and absence of former prime minister Sir Michael Somare. On December 12, the Supreme Court declared O’Neill's election unconstitutional and restored Somare as prime minister. On the same day Parliament disqualified Somare as a member of Parliament (MP) and reelected O’Neill as prime minister. Security forces reported to civilian authorities, but there were some instances in which they acted independently of civilian control. The principal human rights abuses were severe police abuse of detainees; violence and discrimination against women; and vigilante killings and abuses, some related to alleged involvement in sorcery and witchcraft. Other human rights problems included arbitrary or unlawful killings by police; poor prison conditions; lengthy pretrial detention; infringement of citizens’ privacy rights, particularly in highland areas; government corruption; abuse and sexual exploitation of children; trafficking in persons; discrimination against persons with disabilities; intertribal violence; and ineffective enforcement of labor laws. Despite minor reforms to the justice system, the government frequently failed to prosecute or punish officials who committed abuses, whether in the security services or elsewhere in the government, and impunity was pervasive. Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom from: a. Arbitrary or Unlawful Deprivation of Life The government or its agents did not commit any politically motivated killings; however, police killed a number of persons during the year. According to police reports, most killings occurred during gunfights with criminal suspects who were resisting arrest. -
Papua New Guinea Country Report BTI 2014
BTI 2014 | Papua New Guinea Country Report Status Index 1-10 5.56 # 69 of 129 Political Transformation 1-10 5.95 # 62 of 129 Economic Transformation 1-10 5.18 # 75 of 129 Management Index 1-10 4.74 # 73 of 129 scale score rank trend This report is part of the Bertelsmann Stiftung’s Transformation Index (BTI) 2014. It covers the period from 31 January 2011 to 31 January 2013. The BTI assesses the transformation toward democracy and a market economy as well as the quality of political management in 129 countries. More on the BTI at http://www.bti-project.org. Please cite as follows: Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2014 — Papua New Guinea Country Report. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2014. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. BTI 2014 | Papua New Guinea 2 Key Indicators Population M 7.2 HDI 0.466 GDP p.c. $ 2898.1 Pop. growth1 % p.a. 2.2 HDI rank of 187 156 Gini Index - Life expectancy years 62.2 UN Education Index 0.318 Poverty3 % - Urban population % 12.6 Gender inequality2 0.617 Aid per capita $ 82.1 Sources: The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2013 | UNDP, Human Development Report 2013. Footnotes: (1) Average annual growth rate. (2) Gender Inequality Index (GII). (3) Percentage of population living on less than $2 a day. Executive Summary During the period under review, Papua New Guinea (PNG) made slight progress toward providing its citizens with greater freedom of choice by improving the state of democracy and its market- based economy. -
Press Review: Mining in the South Pacific
Press review: Mining in the South Pacific Vol. 3, No. 3, May – June 2011, 100 pages Compilation: Dr. Roland Seib, Hobrechtstr. 28, 64285 Darmstadt, Germany http://www.roland-seib.de/mining Copyright: The material is copyrighted by the media and authors quoted. Abbreviations in common use: BCL: Bougainville Copper Limited LNG: Liquid Natural Gas PIR: Pacific Islands Report PNG: Papua New Guinea Websites: Pacific Islands Report: http://pidp.eastwestcenter.org/pireport/graphics.shtml PNG Post-Courier: http://www.postcourier.com.pg PNG The National. http://www.thenational.com.pg ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ Australian Greens launch attack on foreign owned miners PNG Mine Watch, 29.6.2011 The Australian Greens say too much of Australia's mining profits are heading offshore and they ha- ve released a report which has found 83 per cent of Australia's mining industry is foreign-owned. The report says that in the next five years $50 billion in earnings derived from Australian mining investments will go offshore. Senator Brown wants a Resource Super Profits Tax and believes Aus- tralians would have been more supportive of the idea the first time around if they had seen the fig- ures. "I think Australians simply have been left in the dark about the rapid takeover of ownership offshore of Australia's minerals," he said. "I don't think Australians have any idea that Australia's mining industry is 83 per cent foreign owned." Senator Brown says images of Australian miners campaigning against the Government's mining taxes give a false impression of the level of local ownership of the industry. "A few local billionaires who've made a motza out of mining are covering up for the much greater profits than even they have yielded flowing overseas into the pockets of similar millionaires scat- tered around the world," he said. -
Papua New Guinea 1999-2000
COUNTRY PROFILE Papua New Guinea This Country Profile is a reference tool, which provides analysis of historical political, infrastructural and economic trends. It is revised and updated annually. The EIU’s quarterly Country Reports analyse current trends and provide a two-year forecast The full publishing schedule for Country Profiles is now available on our web site at http://www.eiu.com/schedule. 1999-2000 The Economist Intelligence Unit 15 Regent St, London SW1Y 4LR United Kingdom The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit is a specialist publisher serving companies establishing and managing operations across national borders. For over 50 years it has been a source of information on business developments, economic and political trends, government regulations and corporate practice worldwide. The EIU delivers its information in four ways: through subscription products ranging from newsletters to annual reference works; through specific research reports, whether for general release or for particular clients; through electronic publishing; and by organising conferences and roundtables. The firm is a member of The Economist Group. London New York Hong Kong The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit 15 Regent St The Economist Building 25/F, Dah Sing Financial Centre London 111 West 57th Street 108 Gloucester Road SW1Y 4LR New York Wanchai United Kingdom NY 10019, US Hong Kong Tel: (44.20) 7830 1000 Tel: (1.212) 554 0600 Tel: (852) 2802 7288 Fax: (44.20) 7499 9767 -
The Failure of the Organic Law on the Integrity of Political Parties and Candidates
THE FAILURE OF THE ORGANIC LAW ON THE INTEGRITY OF POLITICAL PARTIES AND CANDIDATES The failure of the Organic Law on the Integrity of Political Parties and Candidates (OLIPPAC) Alphonse Gelu When the Organic Law on the Integrity of Political Alphonse Gelu is a lecturer in Parties and Candidates (OLIPPAC) was introduced it the Political Science Strand, promised a new beginning for Papua New Guinea School of Humanities and politics. Its task was to address the problem of political Social Sciences, University of instability and to strengthen the party system. Its Papua New Guinea. failure to do so has meant that political parties in Papua New Guinea are now worse off in terms of their leadership and membership in parliament. This paper discusses the major features of the OLIPPAC and its failures. Papua New Guinea established its political parties. The first indigenous democratic institutions and processes in political party—the Pangu Party— the 1950s and 1960s, beginning with a appeared in 1967 and contested the second Legislative Council established in 1951 House of Assembly elections, held in 1968. with an appointed majority. The House of The party was made up of young Papua Assembly was established in 1964, with an New Guineans and some Europeans indigenous majority elected by universal (Woolford 1976; Hegarty 1979; and Moore suffrage. This development was important and Kooyman 1998), their policies were because it enabled the people—who were considered radical because they called for still overwhelmingly influenced by better conditions and independence for traditional allegiances—to choose their Papua New Guineans. The United Party, leaders. -
Water Law and the Nature of Customary Water Rights in Papua New Guinea
University of Wollongong Thesis Collections University of Wollongong Thesis Collection University of Wollongong Year 1998 Water law and the nature of customary water rights in Papua New Guinea Lawrence Kuna Kalinoe University of Wollongong Kalinoe, Lawrence Kuna, Water law and the nature of customary water rights in Papua New Guinea, Doctor of Philosophy thesis, Faculty of Law, University of Wollongong, 1998. http://ro.uow.edu.au/theses/1862 This paper is posted at Research Online. Water Law And the Nature of Customary Water Rights in Papua New Guinea LAWRENCE KUNA KALINOE Faculty of Law University of WoUongong February 1998 A thesis submitted in fulfilment for the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the University of WoUongong. Certification I certify that the substance of this thesis has not been submitted for any degree and is not being submitted currently for any other degree. I certify that any help received in preparing this thesis, and all sources used have been acknowledged. Lawrence Kuna Kalinoe 11 Abstract Majority of the indigenous people in Papua New Guinea (about 87 per cent) live on their customary land by engaging in fishing, hunting, gathering and subsistence agriculture for their daily sustenance. Water is obtained directly from rivers, lakes, and other watercourses. At present, Papua New Guinea is undergoing rapid economic growth in forestry, agroforestry, mining, and petroleum development activities. Most (if not all) of these natural resources development activities are conducted on customary land and in and around the environment in which the majority of the indigenous peoples live and on which they rely for their subsistence way of life. -
PNG Settlement Takes Weight Off Howard to Concentrate on His Beijing Mission
02/04/1997 PNG settlement takes weight off Howard to concentrate on his Beijing mission K.C. Boey UNDER the cloud of dramatic events at Australia's doorstep, there could not have been a greater weight off John Howard as he left for China last Wednesday. Sir Julius Chan stepping aside as Prime Minister of Papua New Guinea was a relief as Howard embarked on what is seen as the most important overseas visit of his Prime Ministership. Military conflict in PNG would have been a distraction that would test the mettle on a visit to China of a Prime Minister seen to be more at home on domestic issues than on foreign relations. In the event, the outcome on PNG would not have been more encouraging. Canberra got what it wished for without having to take measures that would have left it open to accusations of interfering in the internal affairs of PNG. The mercenaries, brought in by the PNG Government to deal with independence fighters of the Bougainville Revolutionary Army, have been expelled, a military solution to the crisis has been averted and the supremacy of the constitutional process affirmed. For Australia, PNG has been an inherited responsibility since the administration of the territory passed to it as part of the British empire's carve-up of German possessions after World War I. The territory, 48km from the Australian coast at the closest point, has looked up to Canberra since, even after independence in 1975. PNG is the largest recipient of Australian foreign aid, and Australian development assistance, amounting to A$320 million (RM608 million) a year, which is the largest injection of aid funds into PNG.