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An Analysis of How Political Governance of Liquid Fuels Contributes to Energy Security in Papua New Guinea
AN ANALYSIS OF HOW POLITICAL GOVERNANCE OF LIQUID FUELS CONTRIBUTES TO ENERGY SECURITY IN PAPUA NEW GUINEA BY FRANCIS HUALUPMOMI A thesis submitted to the Victoria University of Wellington in the fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Public Policy Victoria University of Wellington (July 2019) Abstract This study examines how political governance of liquid fuels at the institutional level contributes to energy security in Papua New Guinea (PNG) from a political economic perspective. An interpretive methodology and critical case analysis design were used to analyse LNG energy governance regime (policies, legislation, and institutions) and its relationship with energy security. The research design involved analysis of participants’ observations and documents in relation to the critical cases (instances) in the practice of the energy regime under the Somare and O’Neill governments between 2002 and 2017. By using the characteristics of the Quality Energy Governance Framework (QEGF) which emerged from the analysis of the literature on energy governance and energy security, this study shared a new policy insight that energy security is actually created through the interactions that occur between political actors and the institutions and processes of energy governance. The study found that energy governance is a system of interacting institutions, policies and legislation created by the political institutions for the purpose of achieving economic efficiency in order to produce public value. The effective functioning of this system depends on the quality of the political institutions. A strong political institution constructs a quality policy regime which, in turn, translates into operational and adaptive qualities of an energy regime that enhances energy security. -
'Wish Lists': Are They Compatible with National Government Objectives?
PACIFIC ECONOMIC BULLETIN Policy dialogue Landowner ‘wish lists’: are they compatible with national government objectives? Samuel Kriss Koyama National Centre for Development Studies, The Australian National Unviersity From November 1998 to January 2001, the the Department of Petroleum and Energy, author was the Coordinator of the Central becomes more and more wary of the ‘wish Moran Petroleum Development Project lists’ (also known as ‘shopping’ or (through the Coordination and Liaison infrastructure lists) with which it will be Branch of the Petroleum Division of the confronted. Department of Petroleum and Energy), which These wish lists can provide the basis covers Petroleum Development Licence 5 and for negotiations during the Development is the newest petroleum development field in Forum, but are they compatible with national Papua New Guinea. This petroleum field government objectives? There is also the was initially producing under the Extended question of whether the wish list items, if Well Testing (EWT) program from early 1998 agreed, will be honoured.1 in the PDL 2 portion of the field and It is not a question of whether these commenced EWT in the PDL 5 side in early commitments are impossible to honour, but 2000. As such the Moran oil field is a unitised rather, whether they are in line with the petroleum licence field in that it is producing government’s planning framework; as the oil from two different licence areas. Departments of Planning and Monitoring By early 2001, the Moran oil field will and Treasury and Finance will only honour have moved from EWT to full-field production commitments that are in line with government after consultations through a Development policy initiatives and planning framework. -
Charles Lepani I
Innovations for Successful Societies Innovations for Successful Societies AN INITIATIVE OF THE WOODROW WILSON SCHOOL OF PUBLIC AND INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS AND THE BOBST CENTER FOR PEACE AND JUSTICE Innovations for Successful Societies Innovations for Successful Societies Series: Governance Traps Interview no.: P2 Innovations for Successful Societies Innovations for Successful Societies Interviewee: Charles Lepani Interviewer: Matthew Devlin Date of Interview: 15 March 2009 Location: Canberra, Australia Innovations for Successful Societies Innovations for Successful Societies Innovations for Successful Societies, Bobst Center for Peace and Justice Princeton University, 83 Prospect Avenue, Princeton, New Jersey, 08544, USA www.princeton.edu/successfulsocieties Use of this transcript is governed by ISS Terms of Use, available at www.princeton.edu/successfulsocieties DEVLIN: Today is March 15th, 2010. We’re in Canberra, Australia, with His Excellency Charles Lepani, Papua New Guinea’s high commissioner to Australia. The high commissioner was one of Papua New Guinea’s top public servants during the years we’ll be discussing today and has a rather unique insight into both the political dynamics that shaped those events and the administrative aspects of the implementation of Papua New Guinea’s decentralization. Mr. High Commissioner, thank you for joining us. LEPANI: Thank you. DEVLIN: If you don’t mind, I’d like to begin by first asking you how you came to enter the public service, and what positions you held over the years of your governmental career. LEPANI: I started off as a trained trade unionist. After high school in Queensland, Australia, I spent two years at the University of Papua New Guinea in 1967-68. -
Pol I T Ical Reviews ‡ Melanesia 491 Papua New Guinea
pol i t ical reviews melanesia 491 $LUNR3DSXDKWWSZZZSDSXDEDUDWQHZV swaps in ministerial portfolios, the FRP replacement of two deputy prime min- Pembebasan PapuaKWWSSHPEHEDVDQ isters, and a constitutional blunder in SDSXDEORJVSRWFRP the reelection of the governor-general. In spite of the political rollercoaster, 3ROLWLN,QGRQHVLDKWWSZZZ .politikindonesia.com the Somare government successfully thwarted numerous attempts by the Presiden Republik Indonesia. Opposition to remove Sir Michael KWWSZZZSUHVLGHQULJRLG Somare as prime minister, thus making Radio Republik Indonesia. the government more confident than KWWSZZZUULFRLG ever to assert its grip on power until Rakyat Merdeka. Daily. Jakarta. Online at the national elections in 2012. It was KWWSZZZUDN\DWPHUGHNDFRLG also a year of legal battles and protests on controversial constitutional amend- 5HSXEOLNDFRLGKWWSZZZUHSXEOLND FRLG ments and environmental issues. The concerned public, landowner groups, Sekretariat Kabinet Republik Indonesia. and nongovernmental organizations KWWSZZZVHWNDEJRLG have become a fortified mouthpiece of Suara Pembaruan. Daily. Jakarta. Online the people on issues of human rights, DWKWWSZZZVXDUDSHPEDUXDQFRP equality, environment, and the consti- Survival: The Movement for Tribal tutionality of amendments to laws that 3HRSOHVKWWSZZZVXUYLYDOLQWHUQDWLRQDO seem to favor politicians and multina- RUJ tional companies over people’s rights. Tabloid Jubi Online: An Alternative Media Unlike in previous years, these interest LQ7DQDK3DSXDKWWSWDEORLGMXELFRP groups showed the government -
Papua New Guinea
Country Report Papua New Guinea Papua New Guinea at a glance: 2004-05 OVERVIEW The governing coalition, led by the prime minister, Sir Michael Somare, should have a large enough parliamentary majority to defeat a no-confidence motion, if such a motion eventuates. However, the political scene remains unsettled, and the government’s effectiveness will be limited. The economic outlook is fairly positive for 2004-05. Inflationary pressures are easing, and improvements in agriculture, mining and oil activity should contribute to a pick-up in real GDP growth of more than 2% a year in 2004-05. The current account will remain in surplus in 2004, but will shift into deficit in 2005 as export revenue slips. Key changes from last month Political outlook • The opposition applied for a motion of no confidence in early July, but its application was rejected on “technical grounds”. If Sir Michael is eventually subjected to a motion of no confidence, he should have sufficient support in parliament to defeat it, barring extraordinary circumstances. Economic policy outlook • In the first quarter the government spent only 2% of its development budget. Therefore, there will be pressure on ministries and government agencies to speed up spending, particularly counterpart spending to facilitate the disbursement of international aid. Economic forecast • The kina continues to appreciate against the US dollar. By early July the kina had strengthened by around 6% compared with its value at end-2003. Stronger import demand will put some downward pressure on the kina during the remainder of the 2004. July 2004 The Economist Intelligence Unit 15 Regent St, London SW1Y 4LR United Kingdom The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit is a specialist publisher serving companies establishing and managing operations across national borders. -
OIL SEARCH LIMITED ANNUAL REPORT 2004 Oil Search Limited ARBN 055 079 868 Oil Search Limited Annual Report 2004
FOUR INITIATIVES THAT ARE DELIVERING VALUE FOR OIL SEARCH OIL SEARCH LIMITED ANNUAL REPORT 2004 Oil Search Limited ARBN 055 079 868 Oil Search Limited Annual Report 2004 ONE OBJECTIVE TO PROVIDE LONG TERM TOP QUARTILE RETURNS TO SHAREHOLDERS Oil Search’s objective is to generate top quartile returns to shareholders. Four initiatives, outlined in this report, are helping to achieve this objective. Oil Search believes that it must ensure that its core PNG business is sustainable long term and operates safely and efficiently in accordance with global oil and gas industry best practice. Gaining control of our core business, through the assumption of operatorship of the oil fields, has enabled the Company to re-focus on building the PNG oil and gas business, by increased investment in exploration, appraisal and development activity. In addition, efforts to reduce costs and to continuously improve operational performance have had, and will continue to have, a positive impact on profitability. The Company’s results in 2004 demonstrate the success of this investment and operating strategy. Delivering sustainable top quartile returns cannot be achieved without recognition that our staff, host governments and the local community are a vital component in the Company’s success. As such, maintaining world class safety and environmental standards, conducting effective government relations and dealing with our local communities in an honest and open manner are core values for Oil Search. Opposite: Plaque at the entrance to Oil Search’s head office in Port Moresby, PNG 1 2 Oil Search Limited Annual Report 2004 INITIATIVE NO. 1 MAXIMISING THE VALUE OF OUR PNG ASSETS Oil Search has been the operator of all PNG’s producing oil and gas fields since October 2003, when it took over the oil field operating role from ChevronTexaco. -
Women and Politics in Presence: Case of Papua New Guinea A
Women and Politics in Presence: Case of Papua New Guinea A thesis presented to the faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of Ohio University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts Mary Fairio August 2014 © 2014 Mary Fairio. All Rights Reserved. 2 This thesis titled Women and Politics in Presence: Case of Papua New Guinea by MARY FAIRIO has been approved for the Department of Political Science and the College of Arts and Sciences by Julie White Associate Professor of Political Science Robert Frank Dean, College of Arts and Sciences 3 Abstract FAIRIO MARY, M.A., August 2014, Political Science Women and Politics in Presence: Case of Papua New Guinea Director ofThesis: Julie White One area that presents challenge for democracy is women representation, an important dimension for gender equality. However, there are major variations among countries. Papua New Guinea is one of the countries with the lowest number of female representatives in parliament. Two questions are asked in regard to the representation of women. First, why is it difficult for women to be elected in Papua New Guinea? And second, how do we explain where women were able to challenge others to be elected? Formal institution such as the electoral system is just one way to discuss gender equality. There are other areas of gender inequality that interact with the formal system relating to social, cultural, and economic factors. An analysis of these factors shows that even improving formal institutions to increase the number of women in political participation, gender inequality is still a challenge within and outside the legislative office. -
Papua New Guinea
COUNTRY REPORT Papua New Guinea The full publishing schedule for Country Reports is now available on our website at http://www.eiu.com/schedule. 4th quarter 1999 The Economist Intelligence Unit 15 Regent St, London SW1Y 4LR United Kingdom The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit is a specialist publisher serving companies establishing and managing operations across national borders. For over 50 years it has been a source of information on business developments, economic and political trends, government regulations and corporate practice worldwide. The EIU delivers its information in four ways: through subscription products ranging from newsletters to annual reference works; through specific research reports, whether for general release or for particular clients; through electronic publishing; and by organising conferences and roundtables. The firm is a member of The Economist Group. London New York Hong Kong The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit 15 Regent St The Economist Building 25/F, Dah Sing Financial Centre London 111 West 57th Street 108 Gloucester Road SW1Y 4LR New York Wanchai United Kingdom NY 10019, US Hong Kong Tel: (44.20) 7830 1000 Tel: (1.212) 554 0600 Tel: (852) 2802 7288 Fax: (44.20) 7499 9767 Fax: (1.212) 586 1181/2 Fax: (852) 2802 7638 E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] Website: http://www.eiu.com Electronic delivery EIU Electronic New York: Lou Celi or Lisa Hennessey Tel: (1.212) 554 0600 Fax: (1.212) -
Energy Sector Assessment
CAPE PNG, Linked Document 6 ENERGY SECTOR ASSESSMENT A. Sector Context 1. Electricity sector in Papua New Guinea. Papua New Guinea (PNG) is a vast country with a population of 7.4 million people, of which only about 12.5% are estimated to live in urban areas.1 It is principally the urban areas that have access to grid connected electricity, and it is estimated that less than 10% of the total population has electricity access. Electricity access in rural areas is estimated to be under 3.7%.2 The mining industry, which is one of the main drivers of PNG’s economy, largely depends on captive power stations for their operations. 2. Lack of funding for upgrading and rehabilitation and even for routine maintenance is leading to a further deterioration in services, while the anticipated rise in demand due to economic growth and an increasing population will further stress the system if large-scale investments are not made to develop the electricity system. Supplying reliable and affordable electricity and expanding access to electricity to a larger proportion of the urban and rural populations is thus essential to make a positive impact on the socioeconomic well-being of PNG’s citizens and on the economic development of the country. 3. Electricity generation capacity and major power systems. Electricity generation capacity in PNG is about 250 megawatts (MW). Hydropower accounts for about half of the electricity generated and diesel for a third, with the rest generated from gas and geothermal energy plants, which are principally used in the mines (footnote 2). -
Election 2007: the Shift to Limited Preferential Voting in Papua New Guinea
ELECTION 2007 The Shift to Limited Preferential Voting in Papua New Guinea Edited by R.J. May • Ray Anere Nicole Haley • Katherine Wheen ELECTION 2007 The Shift to Limited Preferential Voting in Papua New Guinea Edited by R.J. May • Ray Anere Nicole Haley • Katherine Wheen Published by ANU E Press The Australian National University Canberra ACT 0200, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at http://epress.anu.edu.au National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Title: Election 2007 : the shift to limited preferential voting in Papua New Guinea / edited by R.J. May ... [et al.]. ISBN: 9781922144294 (pbk.) 9781922144300 (ebook) Notes: Includes bibliographical references. Subjects: Elections--Papua New Guinea. Preferential ballot--Papua New Guinea. Papua New Guinea--Politics and government--1975- Other Authors/Contributors: May, R. J. (Ronald James), 1939- Dewey Number: 324.609953 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Maps: Jennifer Sheehan, CartoGIS, ANU College of Asia and the Pacific Photograph credits: Cover: R.J. May; Chapters 5, 8, 20, 21: Nicole Haley; Chapter 19: Richard Eves Cover design and layout by ANU E Press Printed by Griffin Press First published by the Papua New Guinea National Research Institute and the State, Society and Governance in Melanesia Program, The Australian National University, 2011. This edition © 2013 ANU E Press Contents Foreword and Acknowledgements . ix Contributors . xi Part 1: Issues 1 . -
Loggers, Donors and Resource Owners PAPUA NEW Papua New Guinea Is Well Endowed with Tropical Forest, Almost All of Which Is Held by Local People Under Customary Title
Policy thatworksforforestsandpeople Loggers, donors and resource owners PAPUA NEW Papua New Guinea is well endowed with tropical forest, almost all of which is held by local people under customary title. But the forest sector is in a mess. Over the last ten years a major national process G UINEA of policy and institutional reform has sought to sort out the sector, but some key features of PNG society continue to frustrate this process. The ‘ideology of resource ownership’ is the core of national identity, yet it undermines the potential for diversified economic development based on the use or value of land and forests. Also, a widespread obsession with the pursuit of personal political power grows alongside an equally widespread loss of faith in the ability of government to deliver social and economic devel- opment. These contradictions help to explain why the national policy process centres on a struggle between the logging industry and donor agencies for the hearts and minds of the resource owners. Whilst this struggle throws up many problems, it also presents opportunities for establishing a new approach to policy for forests and people. This would establish the common ground upon which a wider coalition of interests - a new ‘policy community’ - could be built. Opportunities include: developing mechanisms for testing and publicising claims to productive innovation; combining different scales of No: 2 NewGuinea Papua Sekhran with Filer enterprise; generating a vision of the public interest through dialogue; and installing a brokering mechanism to connect needs with existing capacities. Policy that works for forests and people series Forest issues often concern large amounts of money, long timeframes, huge areas of land, and diverse livelihoods. -
The Bougainville Referendum: James Marape's Biggest Challenge Or Biggest Opportunity?
Published on July 26, 2019 (Credit: DFAT/Flickr CC BY 2.0) The Bougainville referendum: James Marape’s biggest challenge or biggest opportunity? By Kylie McKenna After weeks of political upheaval, Papua New Guinea (PNG) appointed James Marape as the nation’s eighth Prime Minister on 30 May 2019. The leadership change occurs at a pivotal moment in PNG’s history, coinciding with a referendum to decide on Bougainville’s future political status, set for 17 October 2019. The Bougainville referendum is a key milestone contained in a political settlement, the Bougainville Peace Agreement, which sought to reconcile a violent Link: Page 1 of 5 https://devpolicy.org/the-bougainville-referendum-james-marapes-biggest-challenge-or-biggest-oppo rtunity-20190726/ Date downloaded: October 3, 2021 Published on July 26, 2019 conflict from 1988-1997. Voters will be asked: Do you agree for Bougainville to have, (i) greater autonomy or (ii) independence? The outcome of the Bougainville referendum is subject to ratification of the PNG parliament, and although this may have been considered a win for the national government during the Bougainville peace negotiations, it now presents a twin dilemma for the new Marape Government to navigate. This blog reports on Prime Minister Marape’s early moves on the Bougainville referendum reported in the media, and Autonomous Bougainville President (ABG), John Momis’ response to the leadership change. Some commentators have already dubbed the Bougainville referendum as Marape’s biggest challenge. Marape’s appointment followed what could have been a bizarre twist in the Bougainville-National Government relationship. Upon resigning from the position of Prime Minister, Peter O’Neill announced plans to hand over leadership to former Prime Minister, Sir Julius Chan, whom was forced to resign in 1997 on the back ofa secret contract with private military consultancy, Sandline, in a bid to suppress the Bougainville conflict.