UvA-DARE (Digital Academic Repository) That Desert is Our Country: Tuareg Rebellions and Competing Nationalisms in Comtemporary Mali (1946-1996) Lecocq, J.S. Publication date 2002 Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Lecocq, J. S. (2002). That Desert is Our Country: Tuareg Rebellions and Competing Nationalisms in Comtemporary Mali (1946-1996). General rights It is not permitted to download or to forward/distribute the text or part of it without the consent of the author(s) and/or copyright holder(s), other than for strictly personal, individual use, unless the work is under an open content license (like Creative Commons). Disclaimer/Complaints regulations If you believe that digital publication of certain material infringes any of your rights or (privacy) interests, please let the Library know, stating your reasons. In case of a legitimate complaint, the Library will make the material inaccessible and/or remove it from the website. Please Ask the Library: https://uba.uva.nl/en/contact, or a letter to: Library of the University of Amsterdam, Secretariat, Singel 425, 1012 WP Amsterdam, The Netherlands. You will be contacted as soon as possible. UvA-DARE is a service provided by the library of the University of Amsterdam (https://dare.uva.nl) Download date:04 Oct 2021 Introduction n Ann account of my research wwwww w Thiss thesis sets out to provide answers to a series of seemingly simple questionss which have obsessed me since 1994. My original question was - whatt took place in the Adagh n Ifoghas in 1963? Thee Adagh n Ifoghas is a small range of low mountains appended to the south-westernn edge of the central Saharan Hoggar mountains. The mountainss are called Adagh n Ifoghas after part of its inhabitants. The Ifoghass are a Kel Tamasheq clan, and Adagh n Ifoghas literally means 'mountainss of the Ifoghas' in their language, Tamasheq. The Kel Tamasheq aree better known as the Tuareg, but in this thesis they will, for the most part,, be referred to as they refer to themselves - Kel Tamasheq, "the peoplee speaking Tamasheq'.1 The Ifoghas are the leading clan of a larger groupp of Tamasheq clans in the Adagh mountains. Only the Ifoghas call thesee mountains 'Adagh n Ifoghas'. The other clans in the Adagh simply speakspeak of 'Adagh' and refer to its inhabitants as Kel Adagh, 'the people of thee mountains'. In their turn, the Kel Adagh form part of the larger Tamasheqq world, which forms part of the North African Berber culture and languagee group. Onn a Tamasheq map of the area, the Adagh is bordered by the Hoggar mountainss to the North, by the sandy plain of the Tamesna to the East, by thee Azawad valley to the South-East, by the flat and treeless Tilemsi plain too the South and South-West and by the Timetrine plain to the West and North-West.. Most of these areas are seen as part of the Kel Adagh living space.. The areas beyond, the Azawagh valley and Air mountains to the East,, the Hoggar mountains and Touat plain to the North, and the Niger Bendd to the South, are not formally part of the Kel Adagh living space, but theyy do form part of their world as they are inhabited by other Kel Tamasheqq groups. Onn a political map of the world, the Adagh is situated in the North- Easternn corner of the Republic of Mali, on its border with Algeria. While Mali'ss northernmost part, including the Adagh, is situated in the Sahara, its southernmostt part, the Mande mountains, is situated in the more forested partt of the WestAfrican savannah. This geographical location places Mali in thee Sahel zone, neighbouring Mauritania and Senegal to the West; Niger andd Burkina Faso to the East; and Ivory Coast and Guinee to the South. 11 Exceptions are made when I quote sources. /Kel Tamasheq/ is a general plural. The masc. sing,, is /Ou Tamasheq/, fern. sing. /Tou Tamasheq/. For the sake of simplicity these will not be used.. A single person will be referred to as /a Kel Tamasheq/, in full realisation of the grammaticall abhorrence. /Tamasheq/ simple means /the language/, but I will use /Tamasheq/ ass adjective as well. 1 1 Malii and its neighbouring countries Source:: http://www.lib.utexas.edu/maps/africa/mali.jpg II came to my original question - what happened in the Adagh in 1963? -- while researching events taking place in the same area in the 1990s. In Junee 1990, a group of Kel Tamasheq started an armed revolt against the Maliann state. To anybody taking an interest in these events, it quickly becamee clear that the rebellion was not an isolated event, but had its roots inn a previous rebellion which had taken place in 1963, when the Kel Adagh revoltedd against Mali. Previouss research and writing on the 1963 rebellion of the Kel Adagh amountss to two publications and one unpublished manuscript. The latter wass written in 1977, by the Dutch anthropologist Ab Leupen, based on a feww newspaper sources.2 The first published article on the rebellion was by Cheickk ag Bay, a Kel Adagh himself, and Rachid Bellil, an Algerian historian,, and appeared in 1986 in Awal, a journal for Berber studies.3 The articlee was largely based on informal research by Cheick ag Bay. The secondd was by historian Pierre Boilley who, in 1994, defended his These d'etatd'etat on the history of the Kel Adagh from 1893 to 1992, and this was publishedd in 1999.4 His research was well-founded and his chapter on the 19633 rebellion provided new information and insights, but it remained unsatisfactory,, even to himself. My questions were left unanswered, and myy curiosity remained unabated. Thee original question, although remaining important throughout my research,, led to other questions which became just as important to me. Thee first was of course 'Why did this 1963 revolt take place?'. The second questionn was, 'How exactly are the first rebellion of 1963 and the second rebellionn of 1990, connected and why is this first rebellion so important in explainingg the second?'. Before,, during and after *the field' Thesee three questions guided me in constructing a theoretical frameworkk in which to place the answers I hoped to find. Before starting research,, I had the following general ideas: As I wanted to focus on the 19633 rebellion in the Adagh, I expected to work mostly with oral history sources.. I assumed that archive material on the subject would either not existt or be unaccessible. However, I also suspected that causes and origins shouldd be sought in the colonial period, as the rebellion broke out so shortlyy after independence. 22 Leupen, A., Matériaux pour l'étude d'un conflit: te cas des Touaregs Kel Adrar (République du Mali,, 1963-1965) (Haarlem 1977). Private archives, 33 Ag Bay, Ch., R. Bellil, 'Une société touarègue en crise: les Kel Adrar du Mali', Awal: cahier des etudesetudes berbèresl (1986), 49-84. 44 Boilley, P., Les Kel Adagh. Un siècle de dépendances, de la prise de Tombouctou (1893) au PactePacte National (1992) (These de doctorat d'histoire, Université Paris VII 1994). A book based onn this these d'état was published as Boilley, P., Les Touaregs Kel Adagh. Dépendances et révoltes:révoltes: du Soudan francais au Mali contemporain (Paris 1999). The book differs mostly from thee these in lacking the useful and extensive annex to the manuscript. As the book is widely available,, I will mostly refer to it. I will refer to the original these only when I use material fromm its annex. 3 3 Thee Malian regime at the time had made accusations that France had instigatedd the Kel Adagh revolt in 1963. From what I knew about the causess and origins of this second rebellion, I expected that more or less thee same causes and origins would form the basis for the first rebellion - a desiree for independence based on a feeling of exclusion and ethnic sentimentt leading to separatism, a topic much in vogue in the early 1990s. Ass for the connection between the two rebellions, I had come to understandd that the second rebellion was a kind of revenge for the failure off the first one. With these ideas, and many others on Tamasheq society, I leftt for %the field'. II started in December 1997 in Mali's capital Bamako with a first round off research lasting until April 1998. During office hours, I worked in the ArchivesArchives Nationales du Mali, where I read the Malian newspapers of the 1960ss and colonial records dating from 1946 until independence, from the Kidal,, Menaka, Goundam and Gourma Rharous administrative Cerc/es. The restt of my time was spent making contacts in the Tamasheq community in Bamako,, working on my Tamasheq language skills and interviewing people.. My contacts were mostly limited to functionaries and the Tamasheqq intellectual upper class (partly because my research permit did nott allow me to formally interview other people). Two things struck me in myy conversation partners. The first was that, while a number of these had nott been in favour of the rebellion of the 1990s, while others had been activelyy involved, these opposing political stances did not bring a hostile atmospheree between exponents of both sides when they were together. However,, and this is the second thing that struck me, they were bound togetherr in a shared hostility towards non-Kel Tamasheq Malians which wass rather overtly expressed between them. Onee could conclude, as I did, that this proved the idea that ethnocentric sentimentss took over in a hostile environment. However, it slowly dawned onn me that this was not the case.