Reconstructing Local Orders in Mali: Historical Perspectives and Future Challenges
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From Operation Serval to Barkhane
same year, Hollande sent French troops to From Operation Serval the Central African Republic (CAR) to curb ethno-religious warfare. During a visit to to Barkhane three African nations in the summer of 2014, the French president announced Understanding France’s Operation Barkhane, a reorganization of Increased Involvement in troops in the region into a counter-terrorism Africa in the Context of force of 3,000 soldiers. In light of this, what is one to make Françafrique and Post- of Hollande’s promise to break with colonialism tradition concerning France’s African policy? To what extent has he actively Carmen Cuesta Roca pursued the fulfillment of this promise, and does continued French involvement in Africa constitute success or failure in this rançois Hollande did not enter office regard? France has a complex relationship amid expectations that he would with Africa, and these ties cannot be easily become a foreign policy president. F cut. This paper does not seek to provide a His 2012 presidential campaign carefully critique of President Hollande’s policy focused on domestic issues. Much like toward France’s former African colonies. Nicolas Sarkozy and many of his Rather, it uses the current president’s predecessors, Hollande had declared, “I will decisions and behavior to explain why break away from Françafrique by proposing a France will not be able to distance itself relationship based on equality, trust, and 1 from its former colonies anytime soon. solidarity.” After his election on May 6, It is first necessary to outline a brief 2012, Hollande took steps to fulfill this history of France’s involvement in Africa, promise. -
Security Council Distr.: General 28 December 2020
United Nations S/2020/1281* Security Council Distr.: General 28 December 2020 Original: English Situation in Mali Report of the Secretary-General I. Introduction 1. By its resolution 2531 (2020), the Security Council extended the mandate of the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) until 30 June 2021 and requested me to report to the Council every three months on the implementation of the resolution. The present report covers major developments in Mali since my previous report (S/2020/952) of 29 September. As requested in the statement by the President of the Security Council of 15 October (S/PRST/2020/10), it also includes updates on the Mission’s support for the political transition in the country. II. Major developments 2. Efforts towards the establishment of the institutions of the transition, after the ousting of the former President, Ibrahim Boubacar Keita on 18 August in a coup d’état, continued to dominate political developments in Mali. Following the appointment in late September of the President of the Transition, Bah N’Daw, the Vice-President, Colonel Assimi Goïta, and the Prime Minister, Moctar Ouane, on 1 October, a transition charter was issued. On 5 October, a transitional government was formed, and, on 3 December, President Bah N’Daw appointed the 121 members of the Conseil national de Transition, the parliament of the Transition. Political developments 1. Transitional arrangements 3. On 1 October, Malian authorities issued the Transition Charter, adopted in September during consultations with political leaders, civil society representatives and other national stakeholders. The Charter outlines the priorities, institutions and modalities for an 18-month transition period to be concluded with the holding of presidential and legislative elections. -
Territorial Autonomy and Self-Determination Conflicts: Opportunity and Willingness Cases from Bolivia, Niger, and Thailand
ICIP WORKING PAPERS: 2010/01 GRAN VIA DE LES CORTS CATALANES 658, BAIX 08010 BARCELONA (SPAIN) Territorial Autonomy T. +34 93 554 42 70 | F. +34 93 554 42 80 [email protected] | WWW.ICIP.CAT and Self-Determination Conflicts: Opportunity and Willingness Cases from Bolivia, Niger, and Thailand Roger Suso Territorial Autonomy and Self-Determination Conflicts: Opportunity and Willingness Cases from Bolivia, Niger, and Thailand Roger Suso Institut Català Internacional per la Pau Barcelona, April 2010 Gran Via de les Corts Catalanes, 658, baix. 08010 Barcelona (Spain) T. +34 93 554 42 70 | F. +34 93 554 42 80 [email protected] | http:// www.icip.cat Editors Javier Alcalde and Rafael Grasa Editorial Board Pablo Aguiar, Alfons Barceló, Catherine Charrett, Gema Collantes, Caterina Garcia, Abel Escribà, Vicenç Fisas, Tica Font, Antoni Pigrau, Xavier Pons, Alejandro Pozo, Mònica Sabata, Jaume Saura, Antoni Segura and Josep Maria Terricabras Graphic Design Fundació Tam-Tam ISSN 2013-5793 (online edition) 2013-5785 (paper edition) DL B-38.039-2009 © 2009 Institut Català Internacional per la Pau · All rights reserved T H E A U T HOR Roger Suso holds a B.A. in Political Science (Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, UAB) and a M.A. in Peace and Conflict Studies (Uppsa- la University). He gained work and research experience in various or- ganizations like the UNDP-Lebanon in Beirut, the German Council on Foreign Relations (DGAP) in Berlin, the Committee for the Defence of Human Rights to the Maghreb Elcàlam in Barcelona, and as an assist- ant lecturer at the UAB. An earlier version of this Working Paper was previously submitted in May 20, 2009 as a Master’s Thesis in Peace and Conflict Studies in the Department of Peace and Conflict Research, Uppsala University, Swe- den, under the supervisor of Thomas Ohlson. -
S/2019/868 Security Council
United Nations S/2019/868 Security Council Distr.: General 11 November 2019 Original: English Joint Force of the Group of Five for the Sahel Report of the Secretary-General I. Introduction 1. The present report is submitted pursuant to Security Council resolution 2391 (2017), in which the Council requested me, in close coordination with the States members of the Group of Five for the Sahel (G5 Sahel) (Burkina Faso, Chad, Mali, Mauritania and the Niger) and the African Union, to report on the activities of the Joint Force of the Group of Five for the Sahel. It provides an update since my report of 6 May 2019 (S/2019/371) on progress made in the operationalization of the Joint Force, international support for the Force, the implementation of the technical agreement signed between the United Nations, the European Union and G5 Sahel States in February 2018, challenges encountered by the Force and the implementation by the G5 Sahel States of a human rights and international humanitarian law compliance framework. 2. The period under review was marked by low-intensity activity by the Joint Force due to the rainy season, which hampered the movements of the Force, and the impact of persistent equipment and training shortfalls on its operations. In accordance with resolution 2391 (2017), international partners continued to mobilize in support of the G5 Sahel. The attack of 30 September on the Force’s base in Boulikessi, Mopti region, central Mali, inflicted heavy casualties. The terrorist group Jama'a Nusrat ul-Islam wa al-Muslimin (JNIM) claimed responsibility for the attack. -
A Multivocal Analysis of the 2012 Political Crisis in the Divided
One hippopotamus and eight blind analysts: a multivocal analysis of the 2012 political crisis in the divided Republic of Mali Baz Lecocq, Gregory Mann, Bruce Whitehouse, Dida Badi, Lotte Pelckmans, Nadia Belalimat, Bruce Hall, Wolfram Lacher To cite this version: Baz Lecocq, Gregory Mann, Bruce Whitehouse, Dida Badi, Lotte Pelckmans, et al.. One hippopota- mus and eight blind analysts: a multivocal analysis of the 2012 political crisis in the divided Republic of Mali. Review of African Political Economy, Taylor & Francis (Routledge), 2013, 40, pp.343 - 357. 10.1080/03056244.2013.799063. halshs-01395536 HAL Id: halshs-01395536 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-01395536 Submitted on 10 Nov 2016 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. One Hippopotamus and Eight Blind Analysts: A multivocal analysis of the 2012 political crisis in the divided Republic of Mali Extended Editors Cut* Baz Lecocq, Gregory Mann, Bruce Whitehouse, Dida Badi, Lotte Pelckmans, Nadia Belalimat, Bruce Hall, Wolfram Lacher∗ I. Introduction In 2012, the political landscape in the Republic of Mali transformed rapidly, drastically, and unpredictably. The formation of a new Tuareg political movement—the National Movement of Azawad—in October 2010 and the return to Mali of Tuareg with military experience from the Libyan conflict in August 2011—bringing along heavy weapons and logistical supplies— made speculation on renewed violence on the part of separatist Tuareg inevitable. -
Rwanda 20 and Darfur 10
Rwanda 20 and Darfur 10 New Responses to Africa’s Mass Atrocities By John Prendergast April 2014 WWW.ENOUGHPROJECT.ORG Rwanda 20 and Darfur 10 New Responses to Africa’s Mass Atrocities* By John Prendergast April 2014 COVER PHOTO A young Rwandan girl walks through Nyaza cemetery outside Kigali, Rwanda on Monday November 25, 1996. Thousands of victims of the 1994 genocide are buried there. AP/RICARDO MAZALAN * This Enough Project report expands on an earlier argument advanced in a Foreign Affairs article entitled “The New Face of African Conflict: In Search of a Way Forward,” by John Prendergast, published March 12, 2014. Introduction As commemorations unfold honoring the 20th anniversary of the onset of Rwanda’s genocide and the 10th year after Darfur’s genocide was recognized, the rhetoric of commitment to the prevention of mass atrocities has never been stronger. Actions, unsurprisingly, have not matched that rhetoric. But the conventional diagnosis of this chasm between words and deeds – a lack of political will – only explains part of the action deficit. More deeply, international crisis response strategies in Africa have hardly evolved in the years since the Rwandan genocide erupted. Until there is a fuller recognition of the core drivers of African conflict, their cross-border nature, and the need for more nuanced and comprehensive responses, the likelihood will remain high that more and more anniversaries of mass atrocity events will have to be commemorated by future generations. Conflict drivers need to be much better understood in order to devise more relevant responses. The band of crisis and conflict spanning the Horn of Africa, East Africa, and Central Africa is ground zero for mass atrocity events globally. -
Read the Executive Summary
16 Crossing the wilderness: Europe and the Sahel Presidents of the G5 Sahel and France at the Press Conference of the Pau Summit Executive summary No promised land the substantial financial and military resources they are ploughing into the region. France and its European partners are locked in a long-term struggle to try to stabilise the The Sahel needs tough love from Europe - vast Sahel region, spanning from Mauritania to a strategy to encourage political dialogue, Chad, in which there will be no outright victory governance reforms, decentralisation, over jihadist-backed insurgents and tangible protecting civilians, better public services and progress is hard to measure. the empowerment of women and young people, alongside security assistance, rather than an Often described as France’s Afghanistan, the obsessive focus on counter-terrorism with a conflict risks becoming Europe’s Afghanistan. blind eye to corruption and rights abuses. It also needs international partners to deliver on the There is no promised land at the end of the pledges they make at high-profile conferences. wilderness. But the European Union and its member states can achieve a better outcome Eight years after France’s military intervention than the present deadly instability if they make at the request of the Malian government to more targeted, integrated and conditional use of repel Islamist-dominated armed groups Executive summary | Spring 2021 17 advancing rapidly through central Mali and Europe has major economic, political and possibly towards the capital, Bamako, the demographic interests; and security situation has deteriorated across the central Sahel region, especially in the so-called • the central position of the Sahel makes tri-border area where Mali, Burkina Faso and it a historic crossroads for migration and Niger meet. -
Of the United Nations Mission in Mali / MINUSMA
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Assessing the of the United Nations Mission in Mali / MINUSMA REPORT 4/2019 Publisher: Norwegian Institute of International Affairs Copyright: © Norwegian Institute of International Affairs 2019 ISBN: 978-82-7002-347-9 Any views expressed in this publication are those of the author. They should not be interpreted as reflecting the views of the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs. The text may not be re-published in part or in full without the permission of NUPI and the authors. Visiting address: C.J. Hambros plass 2d Address: P.O. Box 8159 Dep. NO-0033 Oslo, Norway Internet: effectivepeaceops.net | www.nupi.no E-mail: [email protected] Fax: [+ 47] 22 99 40 50 Tel: [+ 47] 22 99 40 00 Cover photo: UN Photo/Sylvain Liechti Assessing the Effectiveness of the United Nations Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) Lead Author Dr. Jaïr van der Lijn, Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), Sweden Co-authors Natasja Rupesinghe, Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (NUPI), Norway Dr. John Karlsrud, Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (NUPI), Norway Dr. Linda Darkwa, Training for Peace Project, Ethiopia Tobias von Gienanth, International Peace Operations Center (ZIF), Germany Dr. Fiifi Edu-Afful, Kofi Annan International Peacekeeping Training Center (KAIPTC), Ghana Noura Abouelnasr, Cairo International Center for Conflict Resolution, Peacekeeping and Peacebuilding (CCCPA), Egypt Brig. Gen. Md Tofayel Ahmed, Bangladesh Institute of Peace Support Operation Training (BIPSOT), Bangladesh EPON Series Editor Dr Cedric de Coning, Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (NUPI), Norway UN Photo/Harandane Dicko Executive Summary Until 2016, the UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) was a relatively successful peace operation. -
The Status Quo Defied the Legitimacy of Traditional Authorities in Areas of Limited Statehood in Mali, Niger and Libya
The Status Quo Defied The legitimacy of traditional authorities in areas of limited statehood in Mali, Niger and Libya Fransje Molenaar Jonathan Tossell Anna Schmauder CRU Report Rahmane Idrissa Rida Lyammouri The Status Quo Defied The legitimacy of traditional authorities in areas of limited statehood in Mali, Niger and Libya Fransje Molenaar Jonathan Tossell Anna Schmauder Rahmane Idrissa Rida Lyammouri CRU Report September 2019 supported by NWO-WOTRO September 2019 © Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’. Cover photo: Djermakoye Amadou Seyni Magagi, Harikanassou, Boboye, Niger Chef traditionnele du Kanton de Kiota, Harikanassou, Boboye, Niger © Alfred Weidinger | All Rights Reserved Unauthorized use of any materials violates copyright, trademark and / or other laws. Should a user download material from the website or any other source related to the Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’, or the Clingendael Institute, for personal or non-commercial use, the user must retain all copyright, trademark or other similar notices contained in the original material or on any copies of this material. Material on the website of the Clingendael Institute may be reproduced or publicly displayed, distributed or used for any public and non-commercial purposes, but only by mentioning the Clingendael Institute as its source. Permission is required to use the logo of the Clingendael Institute. This can be obtained by contacting the Communication desk of the Clingendael Institute ([email protected]). The following web link activities are prohibited by the Clingendael Institute and may present trademark and copyright infringement issues: links that involve unauthorized use of our logo, framing, inline links, or metatags, as well as hyperlinks or a form of link disguising the URL. -
Operation Serval. Analyzing the French Strategy Against Jihadists in Mali
ASPJ Africa & Francophonie - 3rd Quarter 2015 Operation Serval Analyzing the French Strategy against Jihadists in Mali LT COL STÉPHANE SPET, FRENCH AIR FORCE* imilar to the events that occurred two years earlier in Benghazi, the crews of the four Mirage 2000Ds that took off on the evening of 11 January 2013 from Chad inbound for Kona in central Mali knew that they were about to conduct a mis- sion that needed to stop the jihadist offensive to secure Bamako, the capital of Mali, and its population. This time, they were not alone because French special forces Swere already on the battlefield, ready to bring their firepower to bear. French military forces intended to prevent jihadist fighters from creating a caliphate in Mali. They also knew that suppressing any jihadist activity there would be another challenge—a more political one intended to remove the arrows from the jihadists’ hands. By answering the call for assistance from the Malian president to prevent jihadists from raiding Bamako and creating a radical Islamist state, French president François Hollande consented to engage his country in the Sahel to fight jihadists. Within a week, Operation Serval had put together a joint force that stopped the jihadist offensive and retook the initiative. Within two months, the French-led coalition had liberated the en- tire Malian territory after destruction of jihadist strongholds in the Adrar des Ifoghas by displaying a strategy that surprised both the coalition’s enemies and its allies. On 31 July 2014, this first chapter of the war on terror in the Sahel officially closed with a victory and the attainment of all objectives at that time. -
If Our Men Won't Fight, We Will"
“If our men won’t ourmen won’t “If This study is a gender based confl ict analysis of the armed con- fl ict in northern Mali. It consists of interviews with people in Mali, at both the national and local level. The overwhelming result is that its respondents are in unanimous agreement that the root fi causes of the violent confl ict in Mali are marginalization, discrimi- ght, wewill” nation and an absent government. A fact that has been exploited by the violent Islamists, through their provision of services such as health care and employment. Islamist groups have also gained support from local populations in situations of pervasive vio- lence, including sexual and gender-based violence, and they have offered to restore security in exchange for local support. Marginality serves as a place of resistance for many groups, also northern women since many of them have grievances that are linked to their limited access to public services and human rights. For these women, marginality is a site of resistance that moti- vates them to mobilise men to take up arms against an unwilling government. “If our men won’t fi ght, we will” A Gendered Analysis of the Armed Confl ict in Northern Mali Helené Lackenbauer, Magdalena Tham Lindell and Gabriella Ingerstad FOI-R--4121--SE ISSN1650-1942 November 2015 www.foi.se Helené Lackenbauer, Magdalena Tham Lindell and Gabriella Ingerstad "If our men won't fight, we will" A Gendered Analysis of the Armed Conflict in Northern Mali Bild/Cover: (Helené Lackenbauer) Titel ”If our men won’t fight, we will” Title “Om våra män inte vill strida gör vi det” Rapportnr/Report no FOI-R--4121—SE Månad/Month November Utgivningsår/Year 2015 Antal sidor/Pages 77 ISSN 1650-1942 Kund/Customer Utrikes- & Försvarsdepartementen Forskningsområde 8. -
AQIM's Blueprint for Securing Control of Northern Mali
APRIL 2014 . VOL 7 . ISSUE 4 Contents Guns, Money and Prayers: FEATURE ARTICLE 1 Guns, Money and Prayers: AQIM’s Blueprint for Securing AQIM’s Blueprint for Securing Control of Northern Mali By Morten Bøås Control of Northern Mali By Morten Bøås REPORTS 6 AQIM’s Threat to Western Interests in the Sahel By Samuel L. Aronson 10 The Saudi Foreign Fighter Presence in Syria By Aaron Y. Zelin 14 Mexico’s Vigilante Militias Rout the Knights Templar Drug Cartel By Ioan Grillo 18 Drug Trafficking, Terrorism, and Civilian Self-Defense in Peru By Steven T. Zech 23 Maritime Piracy on the Rise in West Africa By Stephen Starr 26 Recent Highlights in Political Violence 28 CTC Sentinel Staff & Contacts An Islamist policeman patrolling the streets of Gao in northern Mali on July 16, 2012. - Issouf Sanogo/AFP/Getty Images l-qa`ida in the islamic As a result, even if the recent French Maghreb (AQIM) is military intervention in Mali has occasionally described as pushed back the Islamist rebels and an operational branch of the secured control of the northern cities of Aglobal al-Qa`ida structure. Yet AQIM Gao, Kidal and Timbuktu, a number of should not be viewed as an external al- challenges remain.1 The Islamists have Qa`ida force operating in the Sahel and not been defeated. Apart from the loss of Sahara. For years, AQIM and its offshoots prominent figures such as AQIM senior About the CTC Sentinel have pursued strategies of integration leader Abou Zeid and the reported death The Combating Terrorism Center is an in the region based on a sophisticated of Oumar Ould Hamaha,2 the rest of the independent educational and research reading of the local context.