DOCSLIB.ORG

Hélène Brion and Militant Feminism, 1914-1922

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Hélène Brion and Militant Feminism, 1914-1922 “Woman, Dare to Be:” Hélène Brion and Militant Feminism, 1914-1922 Caroline Talbert Senior Honors Thesis for the Department of History Committee Chair: Professor Elizabeth Foster Tufts University, 2018 1 Table of Contents Introduction………………………………………………………………………………….2 Chapter One: “Hélène Brion as a political agent”…………………………………………..16 Chapter Two: La Voie Féministe……………………………………………………………36 Chapter Three: La Lutte Féministe………………………………………………………….56 Epilogue……………………………………………………………………………………..78 Bibliography…………………………………………………………………………………82 2 - On March 29th, 1918 in Paris, France, an “impatient” woman wearing an “excessively large lavallière” awaited the closing remarks of the prosecutor assigned to her court-martial, Monsieur le Commandant de Meur.1 In one of the most controversial trials in 1910s France, Hélène Brion had just delivered a rousing speech that questioned the validity of her arrest for “defeatism” and explained the importance of her feminist-pacifist propaganda. A staunch women’s rights activist and a militant schoolteacher in suburban Paris, Brion was targeted and detained by the Clemenceau government in a trial meant to set an example for other pacifist leaders. The Commandant de Meur, convinced that Hélène Brion blatantly manipulated her “dim-witted” male co-conspirator, warned of the dangers that feminism could bring to women: “Feminism, according to [Brion], is an absolute right, and no one can challenge it. This does have the slightest inconvenience of wanting to bring the feminist [disposition] too close to [that of] men, and to take from them what the woman must always preserve, that is, grace and charm; but it has the consequence of causing [feminists] to borrow male faults and shortcomings, which would, from the point of view of feminism, be [a] most pitiful conquest.”2 The Commandant’s rebuttal was remarkably representative of the discursive language used by Third Republic politicians, labor leaders, and Catholic suffragists throughout the 1910s and 1920s: the real danger of feminism was the “moral corruption” it would bring to the female character. Hélène Brion, described by her peers as “brave, harsh, intelligent, and loyal,” exemplified the stereotypically “male” traits that, according to the Commandant, ruined the natural “grace and charm” of women.3 Throughout her life, Hélène Brion pushed the boundaries of what was considered “appropriate” for a young, single woman in early twentieth century France – she was 1 Huguette Bouchardeau, “Preface,” in Hélène Brion and Huguette Bouchardeau, La voie féministe (Syros, 1978), 13; Editorial staff, “Le procès Hélène Brion et Mouflard,” Revue des causes célèbres politiques et criminelles, May 2, 1918, 131. Note: A lavallière was a large, bow-like tie worn by both men and women in early twentieth-century France. 2 Editorial staff, “Le procès Hélène Brion et Mouflard,” 154. 3 Bouchardeau, “Preface,” 8. 3 known for her particular style of militant, class-conscious feminism. But Brion was also a notorious union leader, pacifist, socialist, and suffragist for nearly two decades, and never ceased to see revolutionary worker’s movements through the lens of her progressive feminism. While she became known to the French public primarily as a pacifist, Brion was one of the most progressive and uncompromising feminist intellectuals in France. Of all the labels used to describe Hélène Brion’s activism, “class-conscious feminist” is used most prominently in the following chapters. But that term was not all-encompassing: the truth was more complicated, and even Brion admitted in her 1917 pamphlet La Voie Féministe that her views were “complex.”4 Until she retired from politics in the mid-1920s, Brion interchangeably referred to herself as an avant-garde feminist, a syndico-socialist, a revolutionary, a radical, and a militant feminist. None of these, when used alone to refer to Brion, fully conveyed her multifaceted political beliefs and the contradictions and nuances present in her writing. She wrote at an astounding pace, and for an array of publications; it would be nearly impossible for the modern historian to locate the exact number of articles and editorials that she wrote between 1905 and 1922.5 Brion dedicated her life to the emancipation of women, and actively sought a political solution to the “feminist question.” Unlike many of her comrades, she did not return home to a husband and a family; she did not defer to a male householder or even to a male superior. Upon her post-trial suspension from teaching, Brion lived among fellow feminist teachers in a communal living space in Pantin, outside of Paris. She was surrounded by (what she termed) the avant-garde, and lived a fully feminist lifestyle in a stratified, patriarchal society. Brion derived significant 4 Brion and Bouchardeau, La Voie Féministe, 89. Note: Wendy Michallat uses the term “class-conscious feminist” to describe Brion in her 2013 article [Wendy Michallat, Hélène Brion and the missing manuscripts: La Lutte féministe, 1918." Journal of European Studies 43, no. 2 (2013): 101-18. doi:10.1177/0047244113480595. 101-102], 5 Henri Dubief, “Brion Hélène, Rose, Louise,” Dictionnaire Biographique du Mouvement Ouvrier Français (Paris: Editions Ouvrières, 1964). (2). 4 personal authority from the legitimacy she felt surrounded her. She was an outsider, a revolutionary enlightened by the ability to live outside the shackles of the everyday working-class and bourgeois woman. Recent scholarship on Brion focuses almost exclusively on the events surrounding her 1918 court-martial. The “Dossier Hélène Brion” at the Bibliothèque Marguerite Durand (BMD) holds a wealth of documentation related to her surveillance, arrest, and sentencing, as well as the transcripts of 57 witnesses called at her defense.6 The sensationalist news coverage of the trial extended to all levels of the political spectrum, and the conservative Revue des causes célèbres, politiques et criminelles provided a hostile day-by-day breakdown of the proceedings, complete with courtroom illustrations. The BMD holds copies of Brion’s newspaper La Lutte Féministe and an unfinished “Feminist Encyclopedia,” a collection of newspaper clippings and journal entries that became her mission after retiring from politics in the 1920s. Historical inquiry on Hélène Brion, however, often ends with the publication of her 1917 pamphlet La Voie Féministe and the aftermath of the trial. For example, Julia Shearer dedicated a chapter to Brion in the 2007 compilation The Women's Movement in Wartime: International Perspectives, 1914-19, but did not extend the narrative further than her sentencing.7 Apart from Sophie Cœuré’s 2003 article “Hélène Brion en ‘Russie rouge’ (1920-1922): une passagère du communisme,” which discussed Brion’s unpublished travel history of her voyage to Russia in 1920, very little scholarship exists on Brion’s transition to communism, and nearly all documentation ends by 1923.8 Overall, a comprehensive discussion of Brion’s political development from World War I to 1922 is missing from the historical narrative. In 2013, Wendy Michallat revealed handwritten 6 Michallat, Wendy. "Hélène Brion and the missing manuscripts," 109. 7 Alison S. Fell and Ingrid Sharp, The Women’s Movement in Wartime: International Perspectives, 1914-19 (Basingstoke [England]: New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007). 8 Sophie Cœuré, “Hélène Brion en « Russie rouge » (1920-1922).,” Le Mouvement Social no 205, no. 4 (n.d.): 9–20. 5 manuscripts of Brion’s periodical La Lutte Féministe in the Sylvia Beach Collection at Princeton University.9 Michallat briefly analyzed the documents’ content in relation to the printed copies available at the BMD and explained the need for further research on this period of Brion’s life. Though larger histories discussed Brion as a mainstay of the institutrice movement during the war (and even as a feminist activist after its conclusion), very few have dealt with her political development during the years 1918-1922. Christine Bard’s comprehensive Les Filles de Marianne: Histoire des Féminismes 1914-1940 provides an excellent overview of the fragmented women’s movement during this critical period, and Felicia Gordon’s Early French Feminisms, 1830-1940 includes invaluable translations of otherwise-unpublished letters and English versions of Brion’s well-known writings.10 Charles Sowerwine’s Sisters or Citizens: Women and Socialism in France since 1876 also contributes important analysis of the strained relationship between feminism and leftist social movements during the war.11 For Brion’s 1917 pamphlet La Voie Féministe, the definitive French version remains the 1978 Syros edition, which included a preface by Huguette Bouchardeau and a partial transcription of Brion’s 1918 speech at her defense.12 The following chapters address the aforementioned lack of scholarship with an intensive discussion of Brion’s writings, including the 1917 La Voie Féministe, the understudied manuscripts in the Sylvia Beach Papers, and a later printed copy of La Lutte Féministe pour le communisme.13 With a specific focus on the evolution of Brion’s feminist discourse over the course of her career, this paper examines her relationship to syndicalism, socialism, and her ill-fated 9 Michallat, Wendy. "Hélène Brion and the missing manuscripts.” 10 Christine Bard, Les filles de Marianne: histoire des féminismes 1914-1940 (Fayard, 1995); Felicia Gordon, Early French Feminisms, 1830-1940: A Passion for Liberty (Cheltenham [Eng] ; Brookfield, Vt.: Edward Elgar, 1996). 11 Charles
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Revolutionary Syndicalist Opposition to the First World War: A
    Re-evaluating syndicalist opposition to the First World War Darlington, RR http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0023656X.2012.731834 Title Re-evaluating syndicalist opposition to the First World War Authors Darlington, RR Type Article URL This version is available at: http://usir.salford.ac.uk/id/eprint/19226/ Published Date 2012 USIR is a digital collection of the research output of the University of Salford. Where copyright permits, full text material held in the repository is made freely available online and can be read, downloaded and copied for non-commercial private study or research purposes. Please check the manuscript for any further copyright restrictions. For more information, including our policy and submission procedure, please contact the Repository Team at: [email protected]. Re-evaluating Syndicalist Opposition to the First World War Abstract It has been argued that support for the First World War by the important French syndicalist organisation, the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT) has tended to obscure the fact that other national syndicalist organisations remained faithful to their professed workers’ internationalism: on this basis syndicalists beyond France, more than any other ideological persuasion within the organised trade union movement in immediate pre-war and wartime Europe, can be seen to have constituted an authentic movement of opposition to the war in their refusal to subordinate class interests to those of the state, to endorse policies of ‘defencism’ of the ‘national interest’ and to abandon the rhetoric of class conflict. This article, which attempts to contribute to a much neglected comparative historiography of the international syndicalist movement, re-evaluates the syndicalist response across a broad geographical field of canvas (embracing France, Italy, Spain, Ireland, Britain and America) to reveal a rather more nuanced, ambiguous and uneven picture.
    [Show full text]
  • Lenin and the Bourgeois Press
    REQUEST TO READERS Progress Publishers would be glad to have your opinion of this book, its translation and design and any suggestions you may have for future publications. Please send your comments to 17, Zubovsky Boulevard, Moscow, U.S,S.R. Boris Baluyev AND TBE BOURGEOIS PRESS Progress Publishers Moscow Translated from the Russian by James Riordan Designed by Yuri Davydov 6opac 6aJiyee JIEHMH IlOJIEMl1311PYET C 6YJ>)l(YA3HO'A IlPECCO'A Ha Qlj2J1UUCKOM 11301Ke © IlOJIHTH3L(aT, 1977 English translation © Progress Publishers 1983 Printed in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics 0102020000-346 _ E 32 83 014(01)-83 Contents Introduction . 5 "Highly Interesting-from the Negative Aspect" 8 "Capitalism and the Press" . 23 "For Lack of a Clean Principled Weapon They Snatch at a Dirty One" . 53 "I Would Rather Let Myself Be Drawn and Quartered... " 71 "A Socialist Paper Must Carry on Polemics" 84 "But What Do These Facts Mean?" . 98 "All Praise to You, Writers for Rech and Duma!" 106 "Our Strength Lies in Stating the Truth!" 120 "The Despicable Kind of Trick People Who Have Been Ordered to Raise a Cheer Would Use" . 141 "The Innumerable Vassal Organs of Russian Liberalism" 161 "This Appeared Not in Novoye Vremya, but in a Paper That Calls Itself a Workers' Newspaper" . 184 ··one Chorus. One Orchestra·· 201 INTRODUCTION The polemical writings of Vladimir Ilyich Lenin continue to set an unsurpassed standard of excellence for journalists and all representatives of the progressive press. They teach ideo­ logical consistency and develop the ability to link political issues of the moment to Marxist philosophical theory.
    [Show full text]
  • A Socialist Schism
    A Socialist Schism: British socialists' reaction to the downfall of Milošević by Andrew Michael William Cragg Submitted to Central European University Department of History In partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Supervisor: Professor Marsha Siefert Second Reader: Professor Vladimir Petrović CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2017 Copyright notice Copyright in the text of this thesis rests with the Author. Copies by any process, either in full or part, may be made only in accordance with the instructions given by the Author and lodged in the Central European Library. Details may be obtained from the librarian. This page must form a part of any such copies made. Further copies made in accordance with such instructions may not be made without the written permission of the Author. CEU eTD Collection i Abstract This work charts the contemporary history of the socialist press in Britain, investigating its coverage of world events in the aftermath of the fall of state socialism. In order to do this, two case studies are considered: firstly, the seventy-eight day NATO bombing campaign over the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in 1999, and secondly, the overthrow of Slobodan Milošević in October of 2000. The British socialist press analysis is focused on the Morning Star, the only English-language socialist daily newspaper in the world, and the multiple publications affiliated to minor British socialist parties such as the Socialist Workers’ Party and the Communist Party of Great Britain (Provisional Central Committee). The thesis outlines a broad history of the British socialist movement and its media, before moving on to consider the case studies in detail.
    [Show full text]
  • The War and Fashion
    F a s h i o n , S o c i e t y , a n d t h e First World War i ii Fashion, Society, and the First World War International Perspectives E d i t e d b y M a u d e B a s s - K r u e g e r , H a y l e y E d w a r d s - D u j a r d i n , a n d S o p h i e K u r k d j i a n iii BLOOMSBURY VISUAL ARTS Bloomsbury Publishing Plc 50 Bedford Square, London, WC1B 3DP, UK 1385 Broadway, New York, NY 10018, USA 29 Earlsfort Terrace, Dublin 2, Ireland BLOOMSBURY, BLOOMSBURY VISUAL ARTS and the Diana logo are trademarks of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc First published in Great Britain 2021 Selection, editorial matter, Introduction © Maude Bass-Krueger, Hayley Edwards-Dujardin, and Sophie Kurkdjian, 2021 Individual chapters © their Authors, 2021 Maude Bass-Krueger, Hayley Edwards-Dujardin, and Sophie Kurkdjian have asserted their right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identifi ed as Editors of this work. For legal purposes the Acknowledgments on p. xiii constitute an extension of this copyright page. Cover design by Adriana Brioso Cover image: Two women wearing a Poiret military coat, c.1915. Postcard from authors’ personal collection. This work is published subject to a Creative Commons Attribution Non-commercial No Derivatives Licence. You may share this work for non-commercial purposes only, provided you give attribution to the copyright holder and the publisher Bloomsbury Publishing Plc does not have any control over, or responsibility for, any third- party websites referred to or in this book.
    [Show full text]
  • La Révolution Prolétarienne (Paris. 1925)
    No II.– Novembre 1925 Prix : 2 francs t N J!~ C'IL~~)~ 0 --dur nD e\Juc wc njue) le «I)y nOic &lijïe Communie DANS CE NUMÉRO : LE COMPLOT TUNISIEN par ROBERT LOUZON COMMUNISME & MORALE par JACQUES MESNIL 9 SALAIRES DE FEMMES par MARTHE BIGOT LA GRÈVE DES BANQUES par R. HAGNAUER ADMINISTRATION et RÉDACTION : 96, quai Jemmapes. PARIS (IOe) LA RÉVOLUTION SOMMAIRE du n° 11 (Novembre JQ25) PROLÉTARIENNE Le complot tunisien R. LouzoN. Parmi nos lettres : RevueMensuelleSyndicalisteCommuniste A propos de "Kouzbas". - Propagande coloniale. Jeunes et vieux. LE "NOYAUIf Alphonse Merrheim , P. MONATTE. PIERRE MONATTE,ALFREDROSMER, Communisme et morale J. MESNIL. V. DELAGARDE,M. CHAMBELLAND, Réponse à Herclet. P. M. R. A. LOUZON, GARNERY, sur l'Unité V. ALBIN Enquête syndicale : GODONNÈCHE, VILLEVAL, de B. GIAUFFRET. GEORGESAIRELLE,J. AUFRÈRE, Réponse D. ANTONINI,G. LACOSTE,F. CHARBIT, Méthodes destructrices. J. AUFRÈRE. L. MARZET,F. RICHERAND Salaires de femmes Marthe BIGOT. Réorganisation ou désorganisation ? M. CHAMBELLAND. Adressertoute la Correspondancerelative à la Rédactionet à l'Administrationà: A TRAVERS LES LIVRES Quefaire? de N. Lénine (Jean GLAIVE).–Le Tarramagnou, de P. MONATTE Lucien Fabre (G. SYFFERT). Le Manifeste communiste, de 96, quai Jemmapes PARIS-X" Karl Marx et Fr. Engels (J. G.). ChèquePostal: 734-99 Paris NOTES ÉCONOMIQUES Permanence: de 3 à 7 heures l'après-midi, Qu'est-ce qu'une crise financière? L'or de Sibérie, le manga- CONDITIONSD'ABONNEMENT nèse du Caucase et le charbon du Kouznetsk. Chronique des monopoles (R. LOUZON). COLONIES FRANCE,ALGERIE, EXTÉRIEUR FAITS ET DOCUMENTS Sixmois 11 fr. Sixmois Les faits du mois. De Versailles à Locarno.
    [Show full text]
  • The Maoist Internationalist Movement on Colonialism, Imperialism, and Revolutionary Strategy
    The Maoist Internationalist Movement On Colonialism, Imperialism, and Revolutionary Strategy Second Edition This book is produced and published by LOOP, the Organization for the Liberation of Oppressed Peoples, an anti-colonial, anti-imperialist solidarity organization. You can learn more about LOOP at http://fight4loop.org. 2020 Points of Unity LOOP The Organization for the Liberation of Oppressed Peoples (LOOP) is a communist organization dedicated to the advance of anti-colonial and anti-imperialist politics. Decolonization. LOOP is committed to decolonization, the repatriation of all Native land and the restoration of Native self-determination and lifeways on that land. Every inch of the settler nation now called “the united states” is stolen land, and the oppression of Native nations is rooted in this ongoing dispossession. LOOP struggles against all forms of settler colonial politics, both right and “left,” and unites with all demands and struggles which push forward the return of Native land and justice for Indigenous peoples. Anti-Imperialism. The principal contradiction in the world is that between oppressed and oppressor nations. Our commitment to a proletarian and revolutionary internationalism means that we struggle to advance this principal contradiction in the favor of the world’s oppressed peoples and nations, the global majority. LOOP recognizes that a defining feature of imperialism today is an immense drain of surplus value from Global South labor to the parasitic nations of the Global North. LOOP works for the end of imperialism and demands the repatriation of this stolen wealth to its creators, the international proletariat. Communism. LOOP’s aim is the achievement of communism, a classless society free of all forms of oppression.
    [Show full text]
  • French Women's Writing 1900-1938
    Overlooked and Overshadowed: French Women’s Writing 1900-1938 Margaret Ann Victoria Goldswain Student No: 18550362 Bachelor of Arts (UNISA). Bachelor of Arts (UWA) Diploma in Modern Languages (French) (UWA) This thesis is presented for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of the University of Western Australia School of Humanities (Discipline-French) 2014 ABSTRACT Overlooked and Overshadowed: French Women’s Writing 1900-1938 This study examines how women in France between 1900 and 1938 (before during and after the Great War) were represented in the writings of four selected women writers - Marcelle Tinayre (1870-1948), Colette Yver (1874-1953), Lucie Delarue-Mardrus (1874-1945) and Marcelle Capy (1891-1962). These authors, fêted in their time have now been largely excluded from contemporary studies on women in early twentieth-century France. The thesis demonstrates how their personal circumstances and the politico-social events of 1900-1938 influenced the way each writer represented women over time, and reveals that women’s writings were not homogenous in theme or in focus. By reading these texts alongside other contemporaneous texts (newspaper articles, reviews and writings by other women), the analyses show that Tinayre, Yver, Delarue-Madrus and Capy challenge and complicate stereotypical perspectives produced mainly by male authors of the same era. Using a longitudinal approach, the study explores each author’s selected texts across three distinct periods - the belle époque, the Great War and the inter-war. Such a reading makes it possible to assess changes in their writing in response to contemporary social and political events in France. By looking at four writers writing across the same era the diversity of women’s lives is also underlined.
    [Show full text]
  • On Historical Materialism
    Q&jnfaa ABL 1 f& 'S* CJrjA n . ^ ^ L { j L - f o ' l - f i i . 6Hf'Atc-e_«' <—■ . 1 ^v.c YA BASEBEMZI M A Y—J U L If : '‘ f'4‘;& KARL MARX,: 1818-1883^^ ~- :*>'- • *-w. .-• ;" * >- ’ ■ ■ .:*■ ---v-A" “~ 1 Contents • — —— ' - j ' *• j j ^ ' ry"‘ : ’ -H.1 . ‘ r*>'T-]v -V " I V *-■? X'is&A*-45 > % & ? ■ ''' • - ' ’ ■' "'* ■ -'• 5 ^ f i / . Introduction ;": r - '■ — - ^ X ;f P age2^;^ - ,••..•••. v v * s "■ . ' I -- . J ~ J i ,••..•••. v v * s "■ - *■ ■ » v » ” Marx the revolutionary .. s V -.. ;• • Vy" - T . By Brian Ingham - '"' y ■ . ~~:-f - Page 3 •y* ■“ * ■ •- ■ • - • *..-• " • • . * . * - .• *«T '*• f’’’ • • .*■.. • t v •• :•• C - Marx—founder of~ t . •••• : .-S': ' V -.i • v ’-.*. - ' / scientific socialism .T : By John Pickard Page 6 - • . - •.: * '- „ ‘ ...-;J . - 4» - 'i * • * On, historical materialism ' * • r*- ’ Letter by Friedrich Engels Page 9 The historical destiny of the teaching of K.Marx By V.LLenin v¥ i . The Communist Manifesto today V;.v. By L. Trotsky Page 11 T - • Marxism today By Peter Hadden Page 14 Explanatory Notes Page 15 This a .* sapplament to INQABA YA BASEBENZt journal of tha Marxist Worker*' Tendency af the African National Congress. Readers are urged to make photocopies of this publication and pass then on to other comrades. Subscriptions for readers outside South Africa can be ordered from: BM Bax 1719, London WC1I* 3XX. , \ : ■ ; . - KARL MARX. 1818-1883 Introduction the working dass under capitalism. Karl Marx, born in Germany in 1818, died a hundred It is the consdous understanding of years ago, on 14 March 1883. Hestruggled throughout the experience of political oppression and. economic exploitation of the his politically conscious life for the liberation of the working dass by the capitalist*, and working class and all humanity from all forms of of.
    [Show full text]
  • Browder S Speech to National Committee
    • ■ ■■ DISCUSSION BULLETIN 9 Issued by the California State Committee, CPA—July 1945 942 Market Street, Suite 701, San Francisco 2 Browder s speech to National Committee This is the first meeting of the national leadership ence and system into our attitude toward all ques Party is already being accused of proposing to of the American Communist movement since 1930 tions of the war, and toward the historical de sacrifice the interests of the workers to the capi to which I have not reported on behalf of the ex velopment of the war. The only complaint I have talists, because of our firm and unshakable insist ecutive body, except for the 14 months in which I ever heard against this book was from Comrade ence on the necessity of uninterrupted war produc was in prison. Foster, who thought it should have gone through tion. Only a little while ago, that irresponsible It is obvious that the present inner situation, in his hands for editing before publication; but even journal, The New Leader, printed such a charge which the first gunfire of sharp criticism from he has not challenged any of the political ideas ot against us. And some writers who have aCcess to some Marxists abroad has resulted, in our execu the book. The final chapter, which was approved the columns of the official news sheet of the tive, in the proposal for a sharp and unconsidered formally in meeting by our leadership before pub American Federation of Labor have also printed turn in policy which makes its point of departure lication, laid the foundation for my later book such a charge against us.
    [Show full text]
  • Post-Marxism: an Intellectual History
    Post-Marxism Post-Marxism is now a well-established theoretical position concerned with rescuing aspects of Marxist thought from the collapse of Marxism as a global cultural and political force. Marxism has come to be regarded by some as a discredited system of thought, carrying with it a burden of authoritarianism and totalitarian- ism which is at odds with the current commitment to cultural pluralism and libertarianism. This book traces the crystallisation of post-Marxism as a specific theoretical position in its own right and considers the role played in its development by poststructuralism, postmodernism and second-wave feminism. It examines the history of dissenting tendencies within the Marxist tradition, stretching from Rosa Luxemburg through the Frankfurt School to more recent theorists such as Barry Hindess, Paul Hirst, Rudolf Bahro, Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, and considers what the future prospects of post-Marxism are likely to be. A comprehensive account of the development of post-Marxist thought, Post- Marxism: An Intellectual History is an invaluable resource for students and scholars of Politics, Philosophy, Literature, Sociology and Gender Studies. Stuart Sim is Professor of English Studies at the University of Sunderland. He has published extensively on cultural theory and continental philosophy. 1 Routledge studies in social and political thought 2 3 1 Hayek and After 15 Wittgenstein and the Idea of a 4 Hayekian liberalism as a research Critical Social Theory 5 programme A Critique of Giddens, Habermas 6 Jeremy Shearmur and Bhaskar 7 2 Conflicts in Social Science Nigel Pleasants 8 Edited by Anton van Harskamp 16 Marxism and Human Nature 9 3 Political Thought of André Gorz Sean Sayers 0 Adrian Little 17 Goffman and Social 11 4 Corruption, Capitalism and Organization 12 Democracy Studies in a sociological legacy 13 John Girling Edited by Greg Smith 5 Freedom and Culture in 18 Situating Hayek 14 Western Society Phenomenology and the neo-liberal 15 Hans Blokland project 16 6 Freedom in Economics Mark J.
    [Show full text]
  • Labour Movements and Strikes, Social Conflict and Control, Protest and Repression (France)
    Version 1.0 | Last updated 08 January 2017 Labour Movements and Strikes, Social Conflict and Control, Protest and Repression (France) By Galit Haddad This article examines the institutional shake-up of the French labour movement during WW1. The movement underwent an internal rupture and faced a new reality with the outburst of the total and long conflict. A second aim of this article is to show how the proletarian experience changed under war conditions. Female and male workers suddenly became instrumental in the war effort, encountering harsh living conditions while having their demonstrations violently repressed. Table of Contents 1 Introduction 2 The French Labour Movement Facing the War 2.1 From Acceptance to Refusal 2.2 The Russian Revolution and the Stockholm Conference: New Hope for Peace? 3 The Workers’ Experience: Crises, Strikes, and Repression 3.1 Women in Action: Social Strikes 3.2 The 1918 Pacifist Strikes Notes Selected Bibliography Citation Introduction The sudden outburst of the war in summer 1914 shook up many pre-war social and political Labour Movements and Strikes, Social Conflict and Control, Protest and Repressio - 1914-1918-Online 1/11 structures. One of these was the French labour movement, which was strongly affected by the general mobilisation and the sudden transition to wartime economy. In French historiography, the first studies of the labour movement during the Great War date from the 1960s and were conducted by a generation of historians who looked primarily into the movement’s political dimensions. These historians examined the changes that took place in different branches of the labour movement: socialists, syndicalists, and anarchists.
    [Show full text]
  • Le Pacifisme Des Instituteurs Et Des Institutrices Syndicalistes Pendant La 1Ère Guerre Mondiale
    Le pacifisme des instituteurs et des institutrices syndicalistes pendant la 1ère Guerre mondiale Pierre Monatte a pu écrire de la Fédération nationale des syndicats d’instituteurs et d’institutrices (FNSI) qu’elle avait été, au sein de la CGT, la seule fédération « restée fidèle durant la guerre à l’internationalisme ouvrier ». Ce ne fut cependant qu’à sa conférence nationale d’août 1915 que la FNSI adopta une orientation résolument pacifiste et internationaliste, Hélène Brion et Fernand Loriot, les deux seuls membres du bureau fédéral restés à Paris et partisans, dans un premier temps, de la politique de « défense nationale ». Mais certains syndicats de la Fédération demeurèrent « jusqu’auboutistes », et le pacifisme des instituteurs et des institutrices syndiqués n’était pas monolithique. Des divergences apparurent au sein de cette « majorité fédérale », en particulier quand il fallut déterminer si L’Ecole, l’organe de la Fédération, devait publier les articles de ces syndiqués partisans de l’union sacrée. Ces divergences n’empêchèrent pas ces instituteurs et d’institutrices, un peu plus de 100, d’occuper une place déterminante dans la mouvance pacifiste. Les historiens, et en particulier Christophe Prochasson n’ont pas manqué de relever le « rôle nouveau » tenu par ces « petits intellectuels » pendant la guerre. Il n’échappa pas non plus aux gouvernements. Au printemps 1917, les militants de la Fédération devinrent les cibles privilégiées de la répression qui s’en prit aux pacifistes avant même l’avènement du gouvernement Clemenceau. Les sanctions administratives, les révocations et les condamnations se multiplièrent en 1918, l’année qui, par ailleurs, vit se disloquer la minorité de la CGT.
    [Show full text]