Chapter Two Political Dis-Positioning
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												  Calvinism in the Context of the Afrikaner Nationalist IdeologyASIAN AND AFRICAN STUDIES, 78, 2009, 2, 305-323 CALVINISM IN THE CONTEXT OF THE AFRIKANER NATIONALIST IDEOLOGY Jela D o bo šo vá Institute of Oriental Studies, Slovak Academy of Sciences, Klemensova 19, 813 64 Bratislava, Slovakia [email protected] Calvinism was a part of the mythic history of Afrikaners; however, it was only a specific interpretation of history that made it a part of the ideology of the Afrikaner nationalists. Calvinism came to South Africa with the first Dutch settlers. There is no historical evidence that indicates that the first settlers were deeply religious, but they were worshippers in the Nederlands Hervormde Kerk (Dutch Reformed Church), which was the only church permitted in the region until 1778. After almost 200 years, Afrikaner nationalism developed and connected itself with Calvinism. This happened due to the theoretical and ideological approach of S. J.du Toit and a man referred to as its ‘creator’, Paul Kruger. The ideology was highly influenced by historical developments in the Netherlands in the late 19th century and by the spread of neo-Calvinism and Christian nationalism there. It is no accident, then, that it was during the 19th century when the mythic history of South Africa itself developed and that Calvinism would play such a prominent role in it. It became the first religion of the Afrikaners, a distinguishing factor in the multicultural and multiethnic society that existed there at the time. It legitimised early thoughts of a segregationist policy and was misused for political intentions. Key words: Afrikaner, Afrikaner nationalism, Calvinism, neo-Calvinism, Christian nationalism, segregation, apartheid, South Africa, Great Trek, mythic history, Nazi regime, racial theories Calvinism came to South Africa in 1652, but there is no historical evidence that the settlers who came there at that time were Calvinists.
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												  The Gordian Knot: Apartheid & the Unmaking of the Liberal World Order, 1960-1970THE GORDIAN KNOT: APARTHEID & THE UNMAKING OF THE LIBERAL WORLD ORDER, 1960-1970 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Ryan Irwin, B.A., M.A. History ***** The Ohio State University 2010 Dissertation Committee: Professor Peter Hahn Professor Robert McMahon Professor Kevin Boyle Professor Martha van Wyk © 2010 by Ryan Irwin All rights reserved. ABSTRACT This dissertation examines the apartheid debate from an international perspective. Positioned at the methodological intersection of intellectual and diplomatic history, it examines how, where, and why African nationalists, Afrikaner nationalists, and American liberals contested South Africa’s place in the global community in the 1960s. It uses this fight to explore the contradictions of international politics in the decade after second-wave decolonization. The apartheid debate was never at the center of global affairs in this period, but it rallied international opinions in ways that attached particular meanings to concepts of development, order, justice, and freedom. As such, the debate about South Africa provides a microcosm of the larger postcolonial moment, exposing the deep-seated differences between politicians and policymakers in the First and Third Worlds, as well as the paradoxical nature of change in the late twentieth century. This dissertation tells three interlocking stories. First, it charts the rise and fall of African nationalism. For a brief yet important moment in the early and mid-1960s, African nationalists felt genuinely that they could remake global norms in Africa’s image and abolish the ideology of white supremacy through U.N.
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												  Prague Papers on International RelationsDivided union: South African nationalist opposition from 1939 to 1943 Mikuláš Touška1 ABSTRACT South Africa’s participation in World War II was accompanied by a specific and, to some extent, par- adoxical development. The declaration of war on Germany alongside Great Britain and other domin- ions was preceded by a government crisis that resulted in the collapse of Hertzog’s cabinet. The new coalition government led by Hertzog’s long-time political rival Jan Smuts had to face strong nation- alist opposition. This opposition supported by Nazi Germany was extensive but fragmented, causing it to be defeated in the 1943 elections. However, this defeat led to a paradoxical result. The ultra-con- servative and fiercely anti-British politician D.F. Malan became the undisputed leader of the oppo- sition and capitalized on his position to clinch an electoral victory in 1948. The goal of this paper is to identify the reasons for this paradoxical development based on the analysis of both the activities of various opposition groups and personal animosities among their leaders. The analysis is based on the existing literature as well as on archival materials, in particular the reports of South African counterintelligence. KEYWORDS Union of South Africa, Second World War, United Party, National Party, Afrikaner Party, James Barry Munnik Hertzog, Jan Christiaan Smuts, Daniel François Malan. “WHITE UNITY” The period after 1910 until the mid-30s in the Union’s political development is char- acterized by Afrikaners’ rising influence. Although English-speaking white South Africans represented about 40 percent of the Union’s white population, their impact on politics gradually declined as they focused mainly on the economy.2 It should be noted that there was no “British” political party on the South African political scene that might have constituted an adequate rival to the Afrikaner nationalists.
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												  SOUTK Afftica's EXPANDING RELATIONS with LATIN AMERICA, 1966-1976 W David FigSOUTK AFFtICA'S EXPANDING RELATIONS WITH LATIN AMERICA, 1966-1976 W David Fig The documentation of South Africa's relations with Latin America has previously received only cursory mention in work on contemporary South African history. This paper seeks to examine the significance of these relations and to raise a number of pertinent questions about the role of the state in its efforts to promote suoh linkages. Althou& trade relations existed since the early nineteenth century (l), and South Africa had limited diplomatic representation in Argentina and Brazil since 1938 and 1943, respectively (2), it is only in the last dozen years that relations with Latin America have been expanded significantly. The conjuncture of the mid-1960s in South Africa saw a period of sustained expansion of the gross domestic product which was assisted by new injections of foreign inves-tment following the severe repression of the nationalist movement. But "growth11required the importation of large amounts of expensive and sophisticated capital goods, and this took place at a much faster rate than did the increase in exports. South African exports - two-thirds of which consisted of primary products - had to overcome the adverse effects of an inflationary cost structure, and it became imperative that new markets for manufactured products be found, especially because it was feared that gold production would plateau and decline in view of the constant official price. Although Africa seemed the ideal target for a South African sub-imperial role, numerous political constraints presented themselves, only to be compounded later, after the abortive attempts at "dialogue" and ltdetente'l.Manufactured goods were also unlikely to be competitive with those produced in western Europe and North America, South Africa's traditional markets for primary products.
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												  InhoudsopgaweInhoudsopgawe Voorwoord 2 ons spore lê Ver oor die land 5 ons Vier ons Vryheid in ons land 7 ons Vorm die toekoms Van ons land 15 Voortrekkerspore oor 85 jaar ons Vure sal steeds helder brand 64 die fakkel word aangesteek op kerkenberg en retiefpas 64 kaapland kimberley 72 George 74 paarl 77 port elizabeth 81 namibië Fees in swakopmund 83 Feeskamp myl 4 84 Vrystaat en natal Vegkop 86 bloemfontein 88 bloedrivier 92 transVaal limpopo fietstrap 93 monumentkoppie 95 Feesdiens, Voortrekkermonument 99 ons almal bou ’n heGte band 102 dankie is ’n woordjie wat ons opreG bedoel 113 ons wil ons harte Vir jou wys 114 ons is diensbaar hier en in elke huis 116 Voorwoord Vanjaar het Die Voortrekkers 85 jaar se spore gevier. Tagtig jaar gelede, in 1936, het die eerste Hou Koers die lig gesien. Aanvanklik was die Hou Koers bedoel as ’n kwartaalblad vir die Voortrekkeroffisiere van Kaapland, maar sedert 1939 is dit nasionaal versprei as ’n kwartaallikse opleidingsblad vir Voortrekkeroffisiere. dit was te danke aan die persone soos japie heese, oom Vossie, Nig Sterretjie en Thys Greeff wat die Hou Koers-blad ontwikkel het tot ’n trotse tradisie. Die Hou Koers-jaarblad bou jaarliks steeds voort op die trotse tradisie. die jaarblad, met die feestema: Trap nuwe spore, gee nie net ’n oorsig oor die Voortrekkerspore van die afgelope feesjaar nie, maar kyk verder terug tot waar die droom van ’n eie Afrikaanse jeugbeweging in 1913 die eerste keer begin het. daar is heeltemal te min spasie om erkenning te gee aan die letterlik duisende Voortrekkers wat oor dekades diep spore getrap het.
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												  The Sadf Conscript Generation and Its Search for Healing, Reconciliation and Social JusticeTHE SADF CONSCRIPT GENERATION AND ITS SEARCH FOR HEALING, RECONCILIATION AND SOCIAL JUSTICE A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Philosophiae Doctor in the Practical and Missional Theology department Faculty of Theology and Religion University of the Free State Pieter Hendrik Schalk Bezuidenhout Study leader: Prof. P. Verster Bloemfontein January 2015 Translated by Suzanne Storbeck (June 2020) DECLARATION (i) I, Pieter Hendrik Schalk Bezuidenhout, declare that this thesis, submitted to the University of the Free State in fulfilment for the degree Philosophiae Doctor, is my own work and that it has not been handed in at any other university or higher education institution. (ii) I, Pieter Hendrik Schalk Bezuidenhout, declare that I am aware that the copyright of this thesis belongs to the University of the Free State. (iii) I, Pieter Hendrik Schalk Bezuidenhout, declare that the property rights of any intellectual property developed during the study and/or in connection with the study, will be seated in the University of the Free State. i ABSTRACT The former (Afrikaner) SADF conscript generation is to a large extent experiencing an identity crisis. This crisis is due to two factors. First of all, there is a new dispensation where Afrikaners are a minority group. They feel alienated, even frustrated and confused. Secondly, their identity has been challenged and some would say defeated. What is their role and new identity in the current SA? They fought a war and participated internally in operations within a specific local, regional and global context. This identity was formed through their own particular history as well as certain theological and ideological worldviews and frameworks.
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												  Boycotts and Sanctions Against South Africa: an International History, 1946-1970Boycotts and Sanctions against South Africa: An International History, 1946-1970 Simon Stevens Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2016 © 2016 Simon Stevens All rights reserved ABSTRACT Boycotts and Sanctions against South Africa: An International History, 1946-1970 Simon Stevens This dissertation analyzes the role of various kinds of boycotts and sanctions in the strategies and tactics of those active in the struggle against apartheid in South Africa. What was unprecedented about the efforts of members of the global anti-apartheid movement was that they experimented with so many ways of severing so many forms of interaction with South Africa, and that boycotts ultimately came to be seen as such a central element of their struggle. But it was not inevitable that international boycotts would become indelibly associated with the struggle against apartheid. Calling for boycotts and sanctions was a political choice. In the years before 1959, most leading opponents of apartheid both inside and outside South Africa showed little interest in the idea of international boycotts of South Africa. This dissertation identifies the conjuncture of circumstances that caused this to change, and explains the subsequent shifts in the kinds of boycotts that opponents of apartheid prioritized. It shows that the various advocates of boycotts and sanctions expected them to contribute to ending apartheid by a range of different mechanisms, from bringing about an evolutionary change in white attitudes through promoting the desegregation of sport, to weakening the state’s ability to resist the efforts of the liberation movements to seize power through guerrilla warfare.
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												  The Influence of Early Apartheid Intellectualisation on Twentieth-Century Afrikaans Music HistoriographyThe Influence of Early Apartheid Intellectualisation on Twentieth-Century Afrikaans Music Historiography by Carina Venter Submitted in partial fulfilment for the degree Masters in Musicology at the Stellenbosch University Department of Music Faculty of Humanities Supervisor: Stephanus Jacobus van Zyl Muller December 2009 The financial assistance of the Department of Labour (DoL) towards this research is hereby acknowledged. Opinions expressed and conclusions arrived at, are those of the author and are not necessarily to be attributed to the DoL. Declaration By submitting this dissertation electronically, I declare that the entirety of the work contained therein is my own, original work, that I am the owner of the copyright thereof (unless to the extent explicitly otherwise stated) and that I have not previously in its entirety or in part submitted it for obtaining any qualification. December 2009 Copyright © 2009 Stellenbosch University All rights reserved 2 Acknowledgements I have come to the end of one road and the beginning of another. As I pause at the juncture of these two roads, I reflect with an immense sense of gratitude on the past two years of my life. So many individuals have played decisive roles, not only in the research that constitutes this thesis, but also in the fostering of my intellectual development, ethical sensibilities and spiritual well-being. In many different ways, each of these individuals and their views matter and have become important to me. While I am sure that the work presented here is imperfect in many ways, the generous contributions of those who accompanied me on this road have made it better than it would have been without them.
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												  Wheat, Bread, and the Role of the State in 20Th Century South AfricaWheat, Bread, and the Role of the State in Twentieth Century South Africa Master of Science in Economic and Social History, Trinity Term 2012 Abstract Despite the vast literature on 20th century South Africa there is little that explores the way in which systems of regulation have defined agricultural de- velopment, and in particular how these systems shaped specific commodity chains. Even more scarce is work investigating the history of commodities that powerfully linked producers, consumers, and the state. This paper explores, for the first time, the subject of bread as an important commodity and one that offers several unique insights into the country’s economic and political past. Bread, however, does not stand alone in this analysis, it is at the centre of a wheat to bread chain that begins with the farmer who grows the grain and ends with the consumer who buys the bread. This chain became a significant subject of political interest and control, arising initially but not exclusively out of concern for (white) commercial wheat farmers but soon extending to incor- porate (predominantly black) working class consumers. Drawing on a range of primary and secondary sources this paper traces the evolution of the wheat to bread chain and the role played by the state. It is argued that extensive state control facilitated an organised drift toward monopolisation along the chain and the subsequent removal of this control, at the end of apartheid, merely entrenched monopoly power. Bread itself became the subject of regulation dur- ing World War Two and strict rationing (including the removal of white bread) contributed to the National Party’s election victory in 1948, which inter alia promised ‘white bread for a white South Africa’.
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												  Irisch-Südafrikanische Unabhängigkeitsbestrebungen, Ihre Verflechtungen Und Ihr Beitrag Zur Transformation Des Empires, 1899–1949„Travelling the same painful road“? Irisch-südafrikanische Unabhängigkeitsbestrebungen, ihre Verflechtungen und ihr Beitrag zur Transformation des Empires, 1899–1949 Inaugural-Dissertation zur Erlangung des Grades eines Doktors der Philosophie des Fachbereichs Geschichte und Kulturwissenschaften der Philipps-Universität Marburg vorgelegt von Katja Fortenbacher-Nagel Marburg (2017) Vom Fachbereich Geschichte und Kulturwissenschaften der Philipps-Universität Marburg als Dissertation angenommen am: 23.05.2017 Tag der Disputation: 09.02.2018 Erster Gutachter: Prof. Dr. Benedikt Stuchtey Zweiter Gutachter: Prof. Dr. Eckart Conze Originaldokument gespeichert auf dem Publikationsserver der Philipps-Universität Marburg http://archiv.ub.uni-marburg.de Dieses Werk bzw. Inhalt steht unter einer Creative Commons Namensnennung Keine kommerzielle Nutzung Keine Bearbeitungen 4.0 International Lizenz. Die vollständige Lizenz finden Sie unter: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/ Dank Diese Arbeit wurde durch die Gerda Henkel Stiftung, das Deutsche Historische Institut London und die Prof. Dr. Adolf Schmidtmann-Stiftung gefördert. Ihnen gilt mein tiefster Dank für die finanzielle und ideelle Unterstützung, ohne die dieses Vorhaben nicht möglich gewesen wäre. Meinem Doktorvater Prof. Dr. Benedikt Stuchtey, der meinem Interesse viel Aufmerksamkeit geschenkt hat, danke ich für die fachliche Begleitung, sein Engagement und die vielfältige Unterstützung. Auf meinem Weg durfte ich eine Vielzahl großzügiger und interessierter Menschen kennenlernen,
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												  South African Philosopher ______Journal of World Philosophies Book Review/270 Memoirs of a Black (Male) South African Philosopher _________________________________________ NOMPUMELELO ZINHLE MANZINI The Pennsylvania State University, USA ([email protected]) Mabogo Percy More. Looking Through Philosophy in Black. London: Roman & Littlefield International, 2019, pp. 283, USD 122. ISBN: 978-1-78660-939-7. To practice philosophy is to be part of a conversation, and this autobiography is a conversation about Mabogo Percy More’s experiences as a black African philosopher in South Africa. Not only is this a conversation about philosophy, but it is also a conversation with philosophy as a profession, its interlocutors, and the philosophical canon (i.e., its concepts, methodology, manuscripts). Moreover, it is an account of the philosophers both living (such as Lewis Gordon, Charles W. Mills, and Tendayi Sithole) and dead (such as Jean-Paul Sartre, Steve Bantu Biko, and William E. B. DuBois) who have informed More’s worldview, matched with his lived experience. More specifically, as he himself says, this is “an autobiography of a black philosopher in apartheid and (post)apartheid South Africa and its academic institutions” (vii). Key words: black philosophy; African philosophy; existentialism; critical philosophy of race Mabogo Percy More is a retired South African philosopher who has served as a professor at the University of KwaZulu-Natal and the University of Limpopo, South Africa. In writing this philosophical memoir, More details what it is like to exist in anti-black philosophical spaces as a black person during and “post” apartheid South Africa. He is also the author of Biko: Philosophy, Identity and Liberation and has written extensively on African existentialism.
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												  Practical Solidarity : Connections Between Swedish Social Democratic Women and Women in the African National Congress of South Africa, 1960-1994ORBIT-OnlineRepository ofBirkbeckInstitutionalTheses Enabling Open Access to Birkbeck’s Research Degree output Practical solidarity : connections between Swedish social democratic women and women in the African National Congress of South Africa, 1960-1994 https://eprints.bbk.ac.uk/id/eprint/40170/ Version: Full Version Citation: Lundin, Emma Elinor (2016) Practical solidarity : connections between Swedish social democratic women and women in the African National Congress of South Africa, 1960-1994. [Thesis] (Unpublished) c 2020 The Author(s) All material available through ORBIT is protected by intellectual property law, including copy- right law. Any use made of the contents should comply with the relevant law. Deposit Guide Contact: email Practical Solidarity: Connections Between Swedish Social Democratic Women and Women in the African National Congress of South Africa, 1960-1994 Emma Elinor Lundin Department of History, Classics & Archaeology Birkbeck, University of London Submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) July 2015 I declare that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Emma Elinor Lundin ABSTRACT This thesis discusses the struggle to increase women’s participation in public and political life by focusing on the activism of women within the Swedish Social Democratic Party (SAP) and the African National Congress of South Africa (ANC) from 1960 until 1994. It argues that internationalism was key to these women’s success, providing them with a source of support and funding as well as a stage to develop policies away from overwhelmingly patriarchal national settings. Creating and steering political trends and discussions in international fora, and bolstered by the approval of others in the international community, the women who feature here gained a foot in the door of power and created environments conducive to their presence, abilities and voices.