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Assimilation, Pluralism and Multiculturalism: the Policy of Racial/ Ethnic Identity in America

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Assimilation, Pluralism and Multiculturalism: the Policy of Racial/ Ethnic Identity in America Buffalo Human Rights Law Review Volume 7 Article 1 9-1-2001 Assimilation, Pluralism and Multiculturalism: The Policy of Racial/ Ethnic Identity in America Anita Christina Butera Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.buffalo.edu/bhrlr Part of the Immigration Law Commons, and the Law and Race Commons Recommended Citation Anita C. Butera, Assimilation, Pluralism and Multiculturalism: The Policy of Racial/Ethnic Identity in America, 7 Buff. Hum. Rts. L. Rev. 1 (2001). Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.buffalo.edu/bhrlr/vol7/iss1/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at Digital Commons @ University at Buffalo School of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Buffalo Human Rights Law Review by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ University at Buffalo School of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ASSIMILATION, PLURALISM AND MULTICULTURALISM: THE POLICY OF RACIAL/ETHNIC IDENTITY IN AMERICA Anita Christina Butera* In the spring of 1921, 19 year old Annamaria and her 16 year old brother, Giuseppe, had finally completed their voyage to the United States from the Italian town of Palermo. After disembarking from the cramped and unsanitary quarters of the steamship, they wearily endured the endless lines and official inspections of the Ellis Island immigrant processing sta- tions. With the successful end of the first phase of their "journey of tears," they began the next phase of social and cultural adaptation within the more comfortable boundaries of Little Italy. New national and social class identi- ties overlapped with familiar identities of region, village, and kin. Within a few months, Annamaria found a job in the garment industry as a seamstress and, over the next seven years, lived, worked and got married within the socio-economic boundaries of the ethnic enclave of Little Italy. Seven years later, Annamaria and her husband, Gianni, moved to the suburb of Ozone Park in Long Island where they spent the rest of their working ca- reers. Today, Annamaria lives with her widowed daughter, Gloria, and her husband of seventy-two years in the Washington, D.C. suburb of Sterling, Virginia. Nearly 70 years later, a much different pattern of immigration be- gan. In January 1989, Chiara left the Italian town of Agrigento and arrived in Dulles International Airport, Northern Virginia. She came to the Wash- ington D.C. metropolitan area to visit some distant relatives and to study English. With a postgraduate education and job experience in the public sector, she did not come to the United States with the expectation of a long- term residence. However, she soon met her eventual husband Doug, a Jew- ish-American, and decided to live in Washington, D.C. Today, they live in the Mount Pleasant neighborhood of Washington, D.C., a multi-ethnic, multi-class community that is currently experiencing intense gentrification pressures from white, high-income, professionals. The experiences of Annamaria and Chiara are emblematic of the changing immigrant experience from the Great Immigration waves of the turn of the century and the post-1965 immigration flows. On the one hand, * The author wishes to thank Ms. Catherine Isaacs for the assistance and personal support offered while the data were collected. A special thanks to Robert D. Man- ning for his priceless insights and carefully reading this paper. Finally, the author wishes to express her gratitude to her parents, Francesco and Cettina. 2 BUFFALO HUMAN RIGHTS LAW REVIEW Vol. 7 both Annamaria and Chiara shared the initial discomfort of living in a for- eign culture. On the other hand, their racial/ethnic identities are sharply divergent. While Annamaria describes her heritage as White/Caucasian Italian-American, Chiara refuses to accept such a simplistic and exclusive classification.' As it will be shown, the different identities of Annamaria and Chiara can be explained by the changes created by the postindustrial economy that have profoundly shaped their residential patterns, whom they interact with, and how they selectively accept and resist ethnic and racial categorizations. This article explores the complex role that the social geography of space plays in forging individual perceptions of race/ethnicity and self-iden- tity. Specifically, it argues that the degree of convergence or overlap of multiple social dimensions of residence, work, and leisure (such as the case of the ethnic enclave at the turn of the century) promotes a perception of race/ethnic relations as conflictual and a self identity primarily based on the American mainstream or "Assimilationist" approach to race/ethnicity. In comparison to the convergent social dimensions that characterize the urban ethnic enclave, the diffuse spatial articulation of residence, work, and lei- sure activities, which has emerged from the contemporary postindustrial metropolis, fosters a perception of race/ethnic relations as less conflictual and individualistic through the process of adapting to the dominant society (Americanization) versus a group identity most closely associated with so- cial class. ASSIMILATION, PLURALISM, AND MULTICULTURALISM: How SOCIETY DEFINES WHO WE ARE The commonly accepted vision of American society is that of a country of immigrants. 2 Besides the few survivors of the genocide of Na- tive Americans, the family roots of every American can be traced to another country. This includes the English escaping religious wars, the Jews escap- ing violent pogroms in Europe, the African survivors of the slave trade, the Chilean dissidents who escaped the totalitarian regime of Pinochet, or the Chinese refugees from the Tannaman Square demonstrations. This view of the United States as a country of immigrants is so deeply rooted in the U.S. Chiara emphatically proclaims that "I do not like Italian-Americans. They want to teach me what does it mean to be Italian, and yet they have never lived in Italy or interacted with real Italians. I find their vision of Italy very offensive and, at the same time, I feel sorry for what America did to them." Interview with Chiara, Washington, D.C. (Apr. 1997 and Sept. 1997). 2 See generally LAWRENCE H. FUCHS, THE AMERICAN KALEIDOSCOPE: RACE, ETHNICITY, AND THE CIVIC CULTURE. (University Press of New England 1991). 2001 IDENTITY IN AMERICA consciousness that most Americans describe themselves with secondary identities; the so-called "hyphenated" Americans: Asian-Americans, Afri- can-Americans, Jewish-Americans, Italian-Americans, Mexican-Ameri- cans, and even Muslim-Americans. This multiple identity serves the need to rank socially distinct racial/ethnic groups while maintaining a class based stratification system at the individual level. A society stratified along racial/ethnic cleavages promotes an ap- parently contradictory phenomenon, a form of horizontal stratification.3 In- dividuals of the same general social position (education, occupation, and income) are equal from a class perspective and, at the same time, can be rank-ordered from a race/ethnic minority relation's perspective. They share horizontally situated, structural positions as members of the same social class. As members of distinct, socially constructed racial/ethnic groups, however, they are distinguished along a cross-cutting, vertical axis as mem- bers of socially defined racial/ethnic groups. In other words, individual members of the same social class are stratified according to the societal ranking of their respective race/ethnic identity. In order for a stratification system based on racial/ethnic distinc- tions to be stable, individuals must believe that as members of a racial/ ethnic group they are intrinsically different from members of another group. Otherwise, individuals sharing the same class background, but from differ- ent race/ethnic groups, would not be opposed to collaborative political ac- tivities. This could foster potentially revolutionary alliances among members of different race/ethnic groups whose shared class position could produce transformative social change for all members of collaborating groups rather than favored individuals. Hence, the socially and politically defined process of racial/ethnic identity formation is of crucial importance. In the process of racial/ethnic identity formation, the social geogra- phy of space plays a crucial role both at the individual/micro and group/ macro levels. At the macro level, the manipulation of the use and exchange value of social space4 reinforces loyalty to the political/economic system by 3 See generally OLIVER C. Cox, CASTE, RACE AND RACE, (Doubleday & Com- pany 1948). 4 This paper approaches urban space as both a commodity (space economically defined) and the social vortex of personal space (residence) where to live and con- duct business (space socially defined). As a commodity, urban space has an ex- change value while, as the natural space where to live and conduct business, it has a use value associated with community, services, and jobs. This dual role of urban space creates conflict between the economic and political dlites, whose interest is to generate wealth by promoting urban growth, and local communities, whose interest is to preserve their communities. See generally JOHN R. LOGAN AND HARVEY L. 4 BUFFALO HUMAN RIGHTS LAW REVIEW Vol. 7 favoring specific racial/ethnic groups (alias, those for whom the "system works") and disadvantaging others. By associating privileged and disad- vantaged groups with specific spatial locations, social inequality is viewed as a natural result of a group's specific attributes. At the same time, at the micro level, space offers a visual representation of differences and pre- sumed uniqueness of certain racial/ethnic groups and, accordingly, it rein- forces the social construction of racial/ethnic stereotypes and the hierarchical ranking of "us" versus "them." It is only by denying individu- ality to the members of socially defined racial/ethnic groups that they are perceived as unique and different from other groups.5 Thus, the societal belief in group differences becomes a necessary precondition for racism to become an integrative component of intrinsically conflictual societies.
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