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The Position of Secretary of Defense: Statutory Restrictions and Civilian-Military Relations
The Position of Secretary of Defense: Statutory Restrictions and Civilian-Military Relations Updated January 6, 2021 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R44725 Position of Secretary of Defense: Statutory Restrictions and Civilian-Military Relations Summary The position of Secretary of Defense is unique within the United States government; it is one of two civilian positions within the military chain of command, although unlike the President, the Secretary of Defense is not elected. Section 113 of the United States Code states that the Secretary of Defense is to be “appointed from civilian life by the President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate.” The section goes on to elaborate a key mechanism by which civilian control of the armed forces is maintained: A person may not be appointed as Secretary of Defense within seven years after relief from active duty as a commissioned officer of a regular component of an armed force. The proposed nomination of General (Ret.) Lloyd Austin, United States Army, who retired from the military in 2016, to be Secretary of Defense may lead both houses of Congress to consider whether and how to suspend, change, or remove that provision. This provision was originally contained in the 1947 National Security Act (P.L. 80-253), which mandated that 10 years pass between the time an officer is relieved from active duty and when he or she could be appointed to the office of the Secretary of Defense. In 2007, Section 903 of the FY2008 National Defense Authorization Act (P.L. 110-181), Congress changed the period of time that must elapse between relief from active duty and appointment to the position of Secretary of Defense to seven years. -
Process Makes Perfect Best Practices in the Art of National Security Policymaking
AP PHOTO/CHARLES DHARAPAK PHOTO/CHARLES AP Process Makes Perfect Best Practices in the Art of National Security Policymaking By Kori Schake, Hoover Institution, and William F. Wechsler, Center for American Progress January 2017 WWW.AMERICANPROGRESS.ORG Process Makes Perfect Best Practices in the Art of National Security Policymaking By Kori Schake, Hoover Institution, and William F. Wechsler, Center for American Progress January 2017 Contents 1 Introduction and summary 6 Findings 14 First-order questions for the next president 17 Best practices to consider 26 Policymaking versus oversight versus crisis management 36 Meetings, meetings, and more meetings 61 Internal NSC staff management 72 Appendix A 73 About the authors 74 Endnotes Introduction and summary Most modern presidents have found that the transition from campaigning to governing presents a unique set of challenges, especially regarding their newfound national security responsibilities. Regardless of their party affiliation or preferred diplomatic priorities, presidents have invariably come to appreciate that they can- not afford to make foreign policy decisions in the same manner as they did when they were a candidate. The requirements of managing an enormous and complex national security bureau- cracy reward careful deliberation and strategic consistency, while sharply punishing the kind of policy shifts that are more common on the campaign trail. Statements by the president are taken far more seriously abroad than are promises by a candidate, by both allies and adversaries alike. And while policy mistakes made before entering office can damage a candidate’s personal political prospects, a serious misstep made once in office can put the country itself at risk. -
The History and Politics of Defense Reviews
C O R P O R A T I O N The History and Politics of Defense Reviews Raphael S. Cohen For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RR2278 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 978-0-8330-9973-0 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © Copyright 2018 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface The 1993 Bottom-Up Review starts with this challenge: “Now that the Cold War is over, the questions we face in the Department of Defense are: How do we structure the armed forces of the United States for the future? How much defense is enough in the post–Cold War era?”1 Finding a satisfactory answer to these deceptively simple questions not only motivated the Bottom-Up Review but has arguably animated defense strategy for the past quarter century. -
Requirements for Military Effectiveness: Chile in Comparative Perspective Thomas C
Cover photo caption: Former Chilean President Michelle Bachelet reviews military troops during the Great Military Parade in 2014. Photo credit: Chilean government. Disclaimer: The views expressed in this paper are those of the author and are not an official policy nor position of the Na- tional Defense University, the Department of Defense nor the U.S. Government. About the author: Dr. Thomas C. Bruneau is Distinguished Professor Emeritus of National Security Affairs at the Naval Postgrad- uate School (NPS). Dr. Bruneau was Chairman of the Department of National Security Affairs from 1989 until 1995. He became Director of the Center for Civil Military Relations in November 2000 and continued until December 2004. He is the author of six books, editor or co-editor of a dozen books, and the author of dozens of academic articles. He specializes in various security issues including street gangs, civil-military relations, and intelligence reform. He can be reached at [email protected]. Editor: Pat Paterson Layout Design: Viviana Edwards Requirements for Military Effectiveness: Chile in Comparative Perspective Thomas C. Bruneau William J. Perry Center for Hemispheric Defense Studies Perry Center Occasional Paper March 2020 Requirements for Military Effectiveness: Chile in Comparative Perspective Thomas C. Bruneau Introduction This paper utilizes a framework we have developed to analyze civil-military relations in terms of both democratic civilian control and effectiveness.1 As the achievement of effectiveness only makes sense in terms of the roles and missions actually implemented by the security forces in a country, the roles and missions will be spelled out. The focus in this paper will be on comparative analysis of four countries that the author finds to be relatively successful in achieving both democratic civilian control and ef- fectiveness. -
Lessons-Encountered.Pdf
conflict, and unity of effort and command. essons Encountered: Learning from They stand alongside the lessons of other wars the Long War began as two questions and remind future senior officers that those from General Martin E. Dempsey, 18th who fail to learn from past mistakes are bound Excerpts from LChairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff: What to repeat them. were the costs and benefits of the campaigns LESSONS ENCOUNTERED in Iraq and Afghanistan, and what were the LESSONS strategic lessons of these campaigns? The R Institute for National Strategic Studies at the National Defense University was tasked to answer these questions. The editors com- The Institute for National Strategic Studies posed a volume that assesses the war and (INSS) conducts research in support of the Henry Kissinger has reminded us that “the study of history offers no manual the Long Learning War from LESSONS ENCOUNTERED ENCOUNTERED analyzes the costs, using the Institute’s con- academic and leader development programs of instruction that can be applied automatically; history teaches by analogy, siderable in-house talent and the dedication at the National Defense University (NDU) in shedding light on the likely consequences of comparable situations.” At the of the NDU Press team. The audience for Washington, DC. It provides strategic sup- strategic level, there are no cookie-cutter lessons that can be pressed onto ev- Learning from the Long War this volume is senior officers, their staffs, and port to the Secretary of Defense, Chairman ery batch of future situational dough. The only safe posture is to know many the students in joint professional military of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and unified com- historical cases and to be constantly reexamining the strategic context, ques- education courses—the future leaders of the batant commands. -
Bound to Fail John J. Mearsheimer the Rise and Fall of the Liberal International Order
Bound to Fail Bound to Fail John J. Mearsheimer The Rise and Fall of the Liberal International Order By 2019, it was clear that the liberal international order was in deep trouble. The tectonic plates that underpin it are shifting, and little can be done to repair and rescue it. Indeed, that order was destined to fail from the start, as it contained the seeds of its own destruction. The fall of the liberal international order horriªes the Western elites who built it and who have beneªted from it in many ways.1 These elites fervently believe that this order was and remains an important force for promoting peace and prosperity around the globe. Many of them blame President Donald Trump for its demise. After all, he expressed contempt for the liberal order when campaigning for president in 2016; and since taking ofªce, he has pur- sued policies that seem designed to tear it down. It would be a mistake, however, to think that the liberal international order is in trouble solely because of Trump’s rhetoric or policies. In fact, more funda- mental problems are at play, which account for why Trump has been able to successfully challenge an order that enjoys almost universal support among the foreign policy elites in the West. The aim of this article is to determine why the liberal world order is in big trouble and to identify the kind of inter- national order that will replace it. I offer three main sets of arguments. First, because states in the modern world are deeply interconnected in a variety of ways, orders are essential for facilitating efªcient and timely interactions. -
Passing the Baton 2021: Securing America’S Future Together
Passing the Baton 2021: Securing America’s Future Together United States Institute of Peace Friday, January 29, 2021 Stephen Hadley: Good morning everyone. My name is Steve Hadley. I chair the board of the United States Institute of Peace, and I'm delighted to welcome you to Passing the Baton: Securing America's Future Together. USIP has hosted the Passing the Baton event after every change in administration for the last 20 years, starting in 2001, when President Clinton's National Security Advisor Sandy Berger, passed the baton to his successor, Condoleezza Rice, who we are honored to have with us again today. This year, we gather in the wake of a violent insurrection against our Capitol, the symbol and foundation of our democracy. The insurrection was marked by hateful expressions of white supremacy and anti-Semitism. These never are, and never can, be tolerated. There is no question that January 6 was one of the greatest tests of American democracy in recent memory. But as lawmakers gathered that same night to fulfill their constitutional duty, it was also the greatest measure of our democracy’s resilience. Ultimately, the events of January 6 underscore that despite the challenges and the fault lines, our democratic system remains the strongest, most powerful form of governance on earth, and the most effective vehicle for driving sustainable peace. Today, as we consider the formidable foreign policy and national security challenges facing the nation, we must recommit to navigating the road ahead together in the spirit, tradition, and principles of liberty and union that have been the bedrock of our republic. -
Why America's Grand Strategy Has Not Changed
Why America’s Grand Strategy Has Not Changed Why America’s Grand Patrick Porter Strategy Has Not Changed Power, Habit, and the U.S. Foreign Policy Establishment Why has U.S. grand strategy persisted since the end of the Cold War? If grand strategy is the long- term orchestration of power and commitments to secure oneself in a world where war is possible, the United States’ way of pursuing security has been re- markably stable.1 Long before the fall of the Soviet Union, the United States formed a grand strategy of “primacy,” often coined as “leadership.”2 This strategy was interrupted only occasionally. By the 1960s, it had set the parame- ters for Washington’s foreign policy debate.3 The strategy has four interlock- ing parts: to be militarily preponderant; to reassure and contain allies; to integrate other states into U.S.-designed institutions and markets; and to inhibit the spread of nuclear weapons.4 These fundamental security commit- ments have proven hard to change, even amid shocks. Patrick Porter is Professor of International Security and Strategy at the University of Birmingham. The author is grateful to the anonymous reviewers and to Stephane Baele, Tarak Barkawi, Gregorio Bettiza, David Blagden, Sergio Catignani, Peter Feaver, Francis Gavin, Jonathan Golub, Ryan Grauer, Ted Hopf, Burak Kadercan, Michael Lind, Beverley Loke, Jason Reiºer, Robert Saunders, Catarina Thomson, and Hugh White. 1. See Barry R. Posen, The Sources of Military Doctrine: France, Britain, and Germany between the World Wars (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1984), p. 13. 2. For accounts of U.S. -
Civilian Control and the Military in Policymaking
The Scholar EROSION BY DEFERENCE: CIVILIAN CONTROL AND THE MILITARY IN POLICYMAKING Polina Beliakova 55 Erosion by Deference: Civilian Control and the Military in Policymaking Delegating policymaking functions to members of the military profession can undermine civilian control in democracies, and yet democratic leaders continue to do just this. So why do leaders of democratic states delegate policymaking responsibilities to the military? Existing research does not provide a comprehensive answer to this question. To shed light on this understudied phenomenon, I advance a new concept of erosion of civilian control by deference. Using the Trump presidency as a case study, and considering additional evidence from the Clinton and Bush (43) administrations, I investigate three drivers of deference — boosting approval, avoiding responsibility, and cajoling the military. Relying on qualitative and quantitative analysis, I also show how deference to the military eroded civilian control under the Trump administration. “[I]f you want to get into a debate with a four- Specifically, the increased reliance on the military star Marine general, I think that that’s something in policymaking became a salient feature of U.S. highly inappropriate.” civil-military relations during the Trump admin- — Sarah Sanders, White House Press Secretary1 istration and is likely to have lasting consequenc- es. Trump’s initial set of appointees included Gen. he United States has experienced mul- (Ret.) James Mattis as secretary of defense, Gen. tiple episodes of civil-military tension (Ret.) John Kelly as secretary of homeland security, that have bordered on eroding norms of and Lt. Gen. (Ret.) Michael Flynn as national se- civilian control over the last 30 years.2 curity adviser. -
World Order Power and Strategy.Pdf (9.473Mb)
Texas Volume 1, Issue 1 December 2017 Print: ISSN 2576-1021 National Online: ISSN 2576-1153 Security Review WORLD ORDER, POWER, & STRATEGY Volume 1 Issue 1 MASTHEAD Staff: Publisher: Managing Editor: Copy Editors: Ryan Evans Megan G. Oprea, PhD Autumn Brewington Sara Gebhardt, PhD Editor-in-Chief: Associate Editors: Katelyn Gough William Inboden, PhD Van Jackson, PhD Stephen Tankel, PhD Celeste Ward Gventer Editorial Board: Chair, Editorial Board: Editor-in-Chief: Francis J. Gavin, PhD William Inboden, PhD Robert J. Art, PhD Beatrice Heuser, PhD John Owen, PhD Richard Betts, PhD Michael C. Horowitz, PhD Thomas Rid, PhD John Bew, PhD Richard H. Immerman, PhD Joshua Rovner, PhD Nigel Biggar, PhD Robert Jervis, PhD Elizabeth N. Saunders, PhD Hal Brands, PhD Colin Kahl, PhD Kori Schake, PhD Joshua W. Busby, PhD Jonathan Kirshner, PhD Michael N. Schmitt, JD Robert Chesney, JD James Kraska, JD Jacob N. Shapiro, PhD Eliot Cohen, PhD Stephen D. Krasner, PhD Sandesh Sivakumaran, PhD Audrey Kurth Cronin, PhD Sarah Kreps, PhD Sarah Snyder, PhD Theo Farrell, PhD Melvyn P. Leffler, PhD Bartholomew Sparrow, PhD Peter D. Feaver, PhD Fredrik Logevall, PhD Monica Duffy Toft, PhD Rosemary Foot, PhD, FBA Margaret MacMillan, CC, PhD Marc Trachtenberg, PhD Taylor Fravel, PhD Thomas G. Mahnken, PhD René Värk, SJD Sir Lawrence Freedman, PhD Rose McDermott, PhD Steven Weber, PhD James Goldgeier, PhD Paul D. Miller, PhD Amy Zegart, PhD Michael J. Green, PhD Vipin Narang, PhD Kelly M. Greenhill, PhD Janne E. Nolan, PhD Policy and Strategy Advisory Board: Chair: Adm. William McRaven, Ret. Hon. Elliott Abrams, JD Hon. -
TERRY ANDERSON Terry Anderson Is a Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution and the Executive Director of the Property and Environment Research Center
TERRY ANDERSON Terry Anderson is a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution and the executive director of the Property and Environment Research Center. His research helped launch the idea of free-market environmentalism and has prompted public debate over the proper role of government in managing natural resources. Anderson is an avid outdoorsman who enjoys fi shing, hiking, skiing, horseback riding, and archery hunting, especially in Africa. SCOTT W. ATLAS Scott W. Atlas, MD, is the David and Joan Traitel Senior Fellow at Stanford’s Hoover Institution. He investigates the impact of government and the private sector on health care access, quality, pricing, and innovation. His most recent book is “Restoring Quality Health Care: A Six Point Plan for Comprehensive Reform at Lower Cost” (2016). PETER BERKOWITZ Peter Berkowitz is a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution. He is the author of 4 books and hundreds of articles about, among other things, constitutional government, conservatism and progressivism in the United States, liberal education, national security and law, and Middle East politics. MICHAEL J. BOSKIN Michael J. Boskin is a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution, a professor of economics at Stanford University, and a research associate at the National Bureau of Economic Research. Boskin served as chairman of the President’s Council of Economic Advisers from 1989 to 1993. In addition he advises governments and businesses globally. DAVID BRADY David Brady is a professor of political science in the Stanford Graduate School of Business and a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution. At Stanford University Brady has served as associate dean for academic affairs in the Graduate School of Business, as vice provost for Distance Learning, and as a fellow at the Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences; he was also elected to the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. -
American Aviation Heritage
National Park Service U.S. Department of the Interior National Historic Landmarks Program American Aviation Heritage Draft, February 2004 Identifying and Evaluating Nationally Significant Properties in U.S. Aviation History A National Historic Landmarks Theme Study Cover: A Boeing B-17 “Flying Fortress” Bomber flies over Wright Field in Dayton, Ohio, in the late 1930s. Photograph courtesy of 88th Air Base Wing History Office, Wright-Patterson Air Force Base. AMERICAN AVIATION HERITAGE Identifying and Evaluating Nationally Significant Properties in U.S. Aviation History A National Historic Landmarks Theme Study Prepared by: Contributing authors: Susan Cianci Salvatore, Cultural Resources Specialist & Project Manager, National Conference of State Historic Preservation Officers Consultant John D. Anderson, Jr., Ph.D., Professor Emeritus, University of Maryland and Curator for Aerodynamics, Smithsonian National Air and Space Museum Janet Daly Bednarek, Ph.D., Professor of History, University of Dayton Roger Bilstein, Ph.D., Professor of History Emeritus, University of Houston-Clear Lake Caridad de la Vega, Historian, National Conference of State Historic Preservation Officers Consultant Marie Lanser Beck, Consulting Historian Laura Shick, Historian, National Conference of State Historic Preservation Officers Consultant Editor: Alexandra M. Lord, Ph.D., Branch Chief, National Historic Landmarks Program Produced by: The National Historic Landmarks Program Cultural Resources National Park Service U.S. Department of the Interior Washington, D.C.