Social Identity and Ornamentation in the Ancestral Puebloan Southwest

Home , Ancestral Puebloans, Casas Grandes, Pecos Classification, Pueblo II Period, Pueblo IV Period, Pueblo I Period

Social Identity and Ornamentation in the Ancestral Puebloan Southwest:

Basketmaker II to Pueblo IV

Zonna Barnes

B.A., Fort Lewis College, 2003

A thesis submitted to the

Faculty of the Graduate School of the

University of Colorado in partial fulfillment

of the requirement for the degree of

Master of Arts

Department of Anthropology

2010

This thesis entitled: Social Identity and Ornamentation in the Ancestral Puebloan Southwest: Basketmaker II to Pueblo IV written by Zonna Barnes has been approved for the Department of Anthropology

(Catherine M. Cameron, committee chair)

(Stephen H. Lekson)

Date

The final copy of this thesis has been examined by the signatories, and we Find that both the content and the form meet acceptable presentation standards Of scholarly work in the above mentioned discipline.

Barnes, Zonna (MA, Anthropology)

Social Identity and Ornamentation in the Ancestral Puebloan Southwest:

Basketmaker II to Pueblo IV

Thesis directed by Professor Catherine M. Cameron

In the northern Southwest, items of personal adornment were an important

component of ceremonial costuming and everyday dress that can provide a wealth of

information about the past. People use items of adornment to communicate information about themselves in a non-verbal manner and as a result, these items of adornment are informative of social identity, including age, gender, occupation, social status, ethnicity, social group membership, or ceremonial affiliation. In this thesis, I explore the materialization of social identity as it is communicated or symbolized through personal adornment by examining archaeological evidence from 68 sites in the Ancestral Puebloan

Southwest that date between 1200 B.C and 1400 A.D. Multiple lines of evidence are used

(ornaments, mortuary data, ethnographic data, and representational media) to attempt to understand and interpret personal adornment practices in the past, and assess how ornaments intersect with these social aspects. The results of this study demonstrate differences in the styles and types of ornaments in relation to age, gender, status and group membership.

iii Acknowledgements

I would like to extend my gratitude to several people that were integral in the completion of this thesis. First, I would like to thank my advisor, Cathy Cameron for her constant support, patience, understanding and guidance. I would also like to thank my committee members, Steve Lekson and Tammy Stone for their comments and willingness to participate in this endeavor.

The research conducted for this thesis at the American Museum of Natural

History and the Peabody Museum of Anthropology and Ethnology was funded by grants from the Walker Van Riper grant awarded by the CU Museum of Natural History and the

Alice Hamilton Scholarship Fund from the Colorado Historical Society.

I would like to thank Susan Haskell at the Peabody Museum of Anthropology and

Ethnology and Anibal Rodriguez at the American Museum of Natural History for helping me with my research and allowing me access to the collections.

Finally, without the support and encouragement of my family and friends this thesis would not be possible. I am indebted to you all for your unconditional support and it means more to me than words can say.

iv Table of Contents

Chapter 1: Introduction………………………………….……..……………………….1 The Data Set……………………………………………………………………………….4 Identity…………………………………………………………...………………………..6 Sources of Interpretation………………………………………….……………………...10 Ornamentation……………………………………………….……………………….10 Mortuary Data………………………………………………………………………..12 Imagery……………………………...……………………………………………….13 Ethnography………………………………………………………………………….15 Organization of Thesis….………………………………………………………………..16

Chapter 2: Context and Background………………………………………………….19 Culture History of the Study Area…………………………………………………….....19 Basketmaker II……………………………………………………………………….20 Basketmaker III………………………………………………………………………26 Pueblo I………………………………………………………………………………28 Pueblo II……………………………………………………………………………...30 Pueblo III – A.D. 1150-1300………………………………………………………...33 Pueblo IV – 1300-1540………………………………………………………………36 Overview of Ornament Research in the Ancestral Puebloan Southwest...... 38 Raw Materials and Ornament Manufacture………………………………………….39 Distribution and Trade……………………………………………………………….42 Ornament Styles and Types………………………………………………………….46 Ornament Use………………………………………………………………………..48 Ornaments and Dress………………………………………………………………...51

Chapter 3: Social Identity and Adornment…………………………………………...53 Identity……………………………………………………………………………….53 Identity and Performance..…………………………………………………………...55 Identity and Inscription…..…………………………………………………………..57 Embodiment……..………………………………………………………………...…60 Dress and Identity …………………………………..……………………………….61 Adornment and Aesthetics ………………………………..…………………………63 A Theoretical Approach to Personal Adornment……………………………………...…64 Adornment and Identity in the Southwest……………………………………………….67 Group Membership, Social Role, Status, Sex/Gender and Age and Artifacts of Personal Adornment………………………………………………………………….69 Discussion………………………………………………………………………………..94

Chapter 4: Analytical Methods………………………………………………….…….96 Burial Data…………………………………………………………………………...…102 Site Data………………………………………………………………………...………102 Ornament Analysis Data……………………………………………………………..…102

v Material Types……………………………………………………………………...108 Manufacture………………………………………………………………………...111 Visual Media and Ethnographic Data ……………………………………………….....113 Limitations of the Data Set…………………………………………………………..…121 Mortuary Data: Interpretative Difficulties and Interpretive Potential……………...122 Ornament Analysis: Interpretive Difficulties……………………………………….131 Ethnographic Analysis: Interpretive Difficulties …………………………………..133

Chapter 5: Sources for Interpretation of Personal Adornment and Identity: Iconography and Ethnography…………………………………………………….....135 Imagery and Adornment………………………………………………………...……135 Rock Art…………………………………………………………………………….136 Kiva Murals………………………………………………………………………...139 Comparison of the Murals: Implications for Ornaments and Identity……………...159 Other Media………………………………………………………..……………….160 Adornment and Ethnography…………………………………………………………161

Chapter 6: Results and Interpretations...... 172 The Burial Population ……………………………………………………………….…172 Ornaments in the Northern Southwest………………………………………………….175 Ornaments and Status…………………………………………………………………..203 Temporal Distribution of Ornaments…………………………………………………...205 Group Membership……………………………………………………………………..222 Summary…………………………………………………….………………………….229

Chapter 7: Conclusions and Future Research …………………………………...... 230 Adornment and Adults………………………………………………………………….231 Adornment and Subadults……………………………………………………………....234 Dress and Adornment: Future Research………………………………………………..237 Conclusion…………………………………………………………………..………….239

References Cited...... 240

Appendix A. Ornament and Burial Data……………………………………………265

vi List of Tables

Table 2.1. Pecos Classification System Phases (adapted from Lipe 2003:Table 1.1)…...20 Table 2.2. Jernigan’s (1978) Bead Types by Period……………………………………..47 Table 2.3. Jernigan’s (1978) Pendant Types by Period………………………………….47 Table 2.4. Jernigan’s (1978) Other Ornament Types by Period…………………………48

Table 5.1. Kuaua Layer H-31…………………………………………………………..144 Table 5.2. Kuaua Layer G-26…………………………………………………………..145 Table 5.3. Kuaua - Other Layers…………………………….…………………….……146 Table 5.4. Pottery Mound Murals………………………………………………………150 Table 5.5. Awatovi and Kawaika-a……………………………………………………..157

Table 6.1: Distribution of Age and Sex for Single and Multiple Burials with Ornaments …………………………………………………………………………………………..173 Table 6.2. Ornament Material Types…………………………………...………………178 Table 6.3. Distribution of Ornament Types by Age and Sex…………………………...179 Table 6.4. Bead Styles………………………………………………………………….180 Table 6.5. Pendant Styles…………………………………………………...…………..181 Table 6.6. Distribution of hair ornaments and combs…………………………………..183 Table 6.7. Distribution of rings…………………………………………………………184 Table 6.8. Distribution of buttons…………………………………………...………….184 Table 6.9. Distribution of shell bilobed beads………………………………………….185 Table 6.10. Distribution of stone bilobed beads…………………………….………….186 Table 6.11. Flat Stone Disc Beads……………………………………………………...187 Table 6.12. Shell Disc Beads………………………………………………………...…188 Table 6.13. Distribution of Glycymeris shell bracelets…………………………………189 Table 6.14. Glycymeris Shell Pendants……………………………………….………..191 Table 6.15. Distribution of shaped shell pendants………………………………..…….192 Table 6.16. Distribution of shell tinklers……………………………………………….194 Table 6.17. Distribution of Olivella shell beads……………………………………...... 195 Table 6.18. Ornament locations on the body…………………….……………………..198 Table 6.19. Distribution of Olivella shell bead bracelets worn on left wrist……..…….201 Table 6.20. Distribution of Olivella shell bead bracelets worn on right wrist………….202 Table 6.21. Distribution of earrings…………………………………………………….202 Table 6.22. Earrings located near the ear……………………………………………….203 Table 6.23. Number of Ornaments by Gender and Age………………………………..204 Table 6.24. Ornament Types by Time period………………………..…………………207 Table 6.25. Distribution of Ornaments – Basketmaker II………………………………209 Table 6.26. Distribution of Basketmaker II Ornaments by Region………………….....210 Table 6.27. Distribution of Basketmaker III Ornaments……………………………….211 Table 6.28. Distribution of Basketmaker III Ornaments by Region…………………...211 Table 6.29. Distribution of Ornament Types…………………………………………...212 Table 6.30. Distribution of Ornaments – Pueblo II…………….………………………214 Table 6.31 Distribution of Ornament Types – Pueblo III………….…………………...215 Table 6.32. Distribution of Ornaments – Pueblo IV……………………………………216

vii Table 6.33. Distribution of Pueblo IV Ornaments by Region…………………………217 Table 6.34. Frog Effigy Ornaments……………………………………………………224 Table 6.35. Distribution of Ornaments at Pueblo Bonito……………………………...226 Table 6.36. Distribution of Ornaments at Aztec Ruin…………………..……………..226 Table 6.37. Distribution of Ornaments at Hawikku…………………………..………..227 Table 6.38. Distribution of Perforated Glycymeris shell pendants…………………….228

viii List of Figures

1.1 Map of the Study Area…………………………………………………………...5

ix Chapter 1 Introduction

In the northern Southwest, items of personal adornment were an important

component of ceremonial costuming and everyday dress that can provide a wealth of

information about the past. People use items of adornment to communicate information about themselves in a non-verbal manner. As a result, items of adornment are informative of social identity, including age, gender, occupation, social status, ethnicity, social group membership, or ceremonial affiliation. They also provide insight into personal aesthetics. As items that may communicate social group membership, objects of personal adornment can also aid in the reconstruction of social group boundaries as well

as continuities or changes in those boundaries. Items of adornment are a temporary form

of body modification that can be easily adjusted or discontinued during changing social

conditions, thus by examining personal adornment practices over time, these shifts may

have correlations with other cultural upheavals or changes.

Although ornaments have been featured in numerous archaeological reports in the

Southwest, they are often discussed in relation to trade, manufacture or as symbols of

status. Little research has been focused on how people actually wore these sought after items, why they were meaningful, the culturally appropriate expectations for their use and

how social identity was materialized by the adornment of the body. The research

presented in this thesis hopes to fill this gap in knowledge.

In this thesis I explore the materialization of social identity as it is communicated

or symbolized through personal adornment by examining archaeological evidence from

68 sites in the Ancestral Puebloan Southwest that date between 1200 B.C and 1400 A.D.

1 Social identity is multifaceted and determining which aspect of an individual’s identity is being communicated in different contexts is a difficult, but not impossible task.

Therefore, it is necessary to use multiple lines of evidence to attempt to understand personal adornment practices in the past, and assess how ornaments intersect with these social aspects. For the purposes of this research, the most useful lines of evidence involve the ornaments themselves and associated mortuary data. The accoutrements that people are buried with provide the best evidence archaeologists have of the identity of these individuals while they were alive. My linking of ornaments with burials is a unique and important aspect of my thesis.

In order to interpret the ornaments found with burials, I also used ethnographic data and visual (representational) media such as rock art and kiva murals that describe or depict people wearing ornaments. These lines of evidence are employed to understand how articles of adornment were used in the past by people to embody and materialize themselves as individuals or members of a various social groups. This investigation focuses primarily on gender and age-based uses of adornment, however ethnic and status distinctions are also discussed. In addition, these lines of evidence are used to reconstruct how adornment was worn in order to illuminate the differences among the kinds of ornaments worn by various groups and interpret how personal adornment represented and physically served to constitute group affiliations.

The data collected for this project are used not only to examine the ways in which social identity was materialized, communicated and embodied in prehistoric groups in the northern Southwest but also how material expressions of group membership changed through time and were expressed regionally. Social identity is found to be materialized in

2 several ways within the burial context. Ornament practices also change through time in

terms of age and sex. For example, during the Basketmaker II period, all members of the

group (adults/subadults, male/female) were interred wearing ornaments. In contrast,

during the Pueblo periods, ornaments were more restricted to certain individuals.

Regional differences are noted but are largely attributed to the nature of the sample.

The results of this study demonstrate differences in the styles and types of

ornaments in relation to age, gender, status and group membership. Although there

appear to be similar numbers of ornaments with male and female individuals, far fewer

female burials have significant numbers of ornaments. There are also marked differences

in the types of ornaments with males, females and subadults. Male burials are often associated with rare objects and items that have been interpreted as status symbols in other regions (i.e. Hohokam). In terms of age, children and infants were sometimes buried with objects that are considered symbols of status based on the presence of these objects with other high status individuals.

In the following sections of this chapter, I introduce my approach to the analysis of ornaments. First, I briefly describe the data that I collected for the analysis. Secondly,

I introduce the concept of identity – the ways in which people occupy and express the social roles they fill in the societies in which they existed. I then provide an overview of my lines of evidence: ornaments, mortuary data, imagery and ethnography. Finally, I provide an outline of the remainder of the thesis.

3 The Data Set

Data collected for this study consisted of a total of 230,619 ornaments which were

associated with 448 burials. These data were derived from two sources: 1) my own

analysis of collections housed in the American Museum of Natural History and the

Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology (5 sites with 42 burials and 64,066

ornaments); and 2) my review of site reports and other literature that reported ornaments

associated with burials (63 sites with 406 burials and 166,424 ornaments). Although the

total number of ornaments is very large, the vast majority were multiple beads from

necklaces or bracelets (226,080 beads). Still, the remaining 4,500 ornaments provides a

significant sample of objects used to understand practices of adornment in the prehistoric

northern Southwest.

Burials with their associated ornaments were derived from 68 sites located

throughout northern Southwest. The study area was delineated by considering Ancestral

Puebloan sites north of Little Colorado River and south of the northern boundary of the

Northern San Juan region. These sites were further divided into five broad regions:

northeastern Arizona (north of the Little Colorado River and south of the Colorado

River), San Juan Basin (San Juan Basin and adjacent sites in the nearby Chuska

Mountains), Northern San Juan (southwest Colorado, northwest New Mexico,

southeastern Utah), Western Pueblo (Hopi and Zuni regions) and Rio Grande (Rio

Grande and Pecos River sites) (Figure 1.1).

4 5

Figure 1.1. Map of the Study Area

All sites within these regions dating from Basketmaker II to Pueblo IV were considered if published descriptions or museum collections contained data on burials and

associated ornaments. Not all regions contained all time periods. This is an expected

result for two reasons: 1) based on the areas where the most work has occurred as well as

the general patterns of prehistoric population movement across the landscape in the past.

For example, the majority of the sites located in northeastern Arizona date to the

Basketmaker II period. This is largely due to the expeditions of Alfred V. Kidder and

Samuel Guernsey in the early 20th century that were focused on finding evidence of the

pre-Pueblo Basketmakers. In addition, all of the sites dating to the Pueblo IV period are

located in two regions: the Rio Grande and Western Pueblo due to the prehistoric

migrations into southern areas in the preceding time periods. The San Juan Basin region

is also primarily represented by sites dating to Pueblo II because this is the time period

when Chaco Canyon was prominent. Although sites dating from other time periods may

exist in these regions, the data required for this thesis was either not present (i.e. no

burials with ornaments) or the data was not adequately published in a useable format (see

Chapter 4).

The analysis reported here was restricted to only the associated burial items, the

human remains themselves were not analyzed. Osteological records and published data

were used to determine the age and sex of the individuals. Data on burials with which

ornaments were associated were variable. The age and sex of burials was not always

available or sometimes were incomplete. Furthermore, a large number of individuals

were not interred as single burials, but groups of individuals were interred together

(referred to in this thesis as “multiple burials”), which limited my ability to associate

6 ornaments with individual aged and sexed burials. The best data involved descriptions of accurately aged and sexed burials, accompanied by information on the locations of where

ornaments were placed on the body. However, even if the burial data was not complete, important information about the use of ornaments in the northern Southwest could still be

obtained.

In order to interpret the ornament data I collected, I examined the depiction of

ornaments in rock art, kiva murals, and ethnographic accounts. My goal was to

determine if there were correlations between the types and placement of ornaments in

burials and the depiction of the use of ornaments in these other media. Through this use

of multiple lines of evidence I was able to strengthen interpretations of how ornaments

were worn and how they may have materialized social identity through time. For

example, whole Glycymeris shell pendants were located in several Pueblo IV burials and

are also depicted as part of necklaces in kiva murals.

Identity

As my goal is to learn about prehistoric social identities in the northern

Southwest, it is important to understand the concept of social identity. Identities can be

both personal and communal, ascribed and achieved, manipulated and feigned. Gender,

age, status, ethnic affiliation, and religion all represent forms of social identities with associated behavioral expectations and roles. Identity involves self-perception and self- promotion as well as constraints imposed by others. It is the process of social interaction or daily performance within a matrix of intangible social identities that makes the human social world so complex (Díaz-Andreu and Lucy 2005). Identities are “the process by

7 which the person seeks to integrate the various statuses and roles, as well as the diverse

experiences, into a coherent image of self” (Epstein 1978:101). This process is not static

and it is widely recognized that individuals adopt a number of social, religious, and

political identities that may coexist or change over time (Diaz-Andreu et al. 2005;

Meskell 2001).

The construction of social identities is a universal practice that is integral to the negotiation of a person’s place within a group. However, because identities are complex, shifting identities are difficult to examine archaeologically. Social identities have been

evaluated through mortuary artifact assemblages (Joyce 1999), clothing (DiPaolo Loren

2003; Pollard 1994) and dental and cranial modification (Blom et al. 1998; Geller 2006;

Hoshower et al. 1995; Torres-Rouff 2002, 2003). For the purposes of this research, age, gender, social status and group affiliation are the focus. Ethnicity, religion, and social role/occupation are better suited to be evaluated with multiple lines of evidence using a different scale of analysis that was beyond the scope of this thesis.

According to Diaz Andreu (2005:14) gender can be defined as an individual’s self- identification and the acknowledgement by others of that individual’s membership in a specific gender category based on their culturally perceived sexual difference. She states that “the concept of gender is related but not equivalent to that of sex. Sex refers to the physical and genetic elements of the body related to reproduction”. Recent research has focused on the relationships between gender and sex and the importance of studying gender as an identity (Arnold and Wicker 2001; Brumfiel 1992; Butler 1999; Conkey and

Spector 1984; Diaz-Andreu 2005; Hays-Gilpin and Whitley 1998; Joyce 2000; Meskell

2001; Sweely 1999; Wright 1996).

8 The examination of age as an important category of social identity has only recently

become a topic of interest in archaeology (Baxter 2005; Gowland 2006; Kamp 2001;

Lucy 2005a; Sofaer Derevenski 1994, 2000). Although age is now a topic that is explored

by archaeologists, this research has also uncovered the multitude of age related categories

used by researchers. Gowland (2006:143) outlines three types of age definitions that illustrate how age can be conceived differently:

1) Physiological/biological age (representing the physical aging of the body).

2) Chronological age (amount of time that has passed since birth)

3) Social age (socially constructed norms concerning appropriate behavior and

attitudes for an age group).

It is important to identify and deconstruct age categories so bias and imposition of our perceptions of important age transitions – either developmental or social – upon the past can be prevented (Baxter 2005a, 2006; Gowland 2006).

Age and gender identities are interconnected and cannot be easily separated.

However archaeological analyses that focus on only one attribute of social identity, for instance gender, end up excluding subadults because they cannot be sexed and this

hinders analyses of gender roles in past societies (Sofaer Derevenski 1997a). Sofaer

Derevenski (1997a:876) asserts that “gender and gendered behaviors are age related, the

cultural construction of ‘social age’ is cross-cut by gender ideology”. Thus the age-

gender relationship is seen as a continuum, while biological sex is a dichotomous

variable. “In exploring gender in the archaeological record, we should look for

continuous, rather than discrete variables, displaying different age-related changes in

distribution between men and women. Conversely, looking at sex we should identify

9 discrete, rather than continuous variables, on the basis of presence or absence.” (Sofaer

Derevenski 1997a:877).

One of the primary theoretical frameworks used in this thesis to explore social

identity is the concept of embodiment. Embodiment is viewed as the manner in which the body is shaped individually and socially during ontogeny (Joyce 2000; Meskell 1999).

This concept has developed in the context of feminist theory. It explicitly opposes the

Cartesian mind/body duality and instead considers the body as a product of lived experience. Joyce (2005:152) states that embodiment is the “analysis of the production and experience of lived bodies, in which surface and interior are no longer separated.’’

Meskell (1998:148) argues that the body is “not merely constrained by or invested with social relations, but also forms a basis for and contributes towards these relations” She also states that “an embodied body represents, and is, a lived experience where the interplay of irreducible natural, social, cultural, and psychical phenomena are brought to fruition through each individual’s resolution of external structures, embodied experience and choice.”

Archaeologists have used embodiment as a way to conceptualize identity construction. Through clothing, ornamentation, body modification, gestures, and posture, individuals constantly construct and manipulate their identities to self-identify themselves as members of new or different groups (Fisher and DiPaolo Loren 2003). Much of the pioneering work in embodiment in archaeology has utilized iconographic and historical data (Bachand et al. 2003; DiPaolo Loren 2003; Fisher and DiPaolo Loren 2003; Joyce

2000, 2003, 2005; Meskell 1999).

10 Sources of Interpretation

As stated above, using multiple lines of evidence is paramount when examining the materialization of social identity in the past. For this thesis, these lines of evidence include mortuary data (burials and associated ornaments), representational media of people wearing ornaments and ethnographic accounts of ornament use. Each of these categories are discussed below.

Ornamentation

Ornaments are considered nonutilitarian items of material culture that were used primarily for decoration or adornment purposes. Types of ornaments found in the

Southwest include: pendants, bracelets, beads, necklaces, earrings, armlets, tinklers, rings, hair ornaments and buttons. Styles of ornaments varied and included geometric, zoomorphic effigy, mosaic and “natural” items that were only modified for suspension.

Material types included stone, shell, bone, metal and other organic items (wood and seeds/nuts). At archaeological sites throughout the Southwest, ornaments are located in caches, skin bags, baskets, middens, burials, in the general fill, as well as attached to objects (i.e. dice, pahos, and clothing). In burial contexts, ornaments were often worn by the deceased as part of their mortuary costume, however many items were also placed in other containers among the mortuary furniture/offerings. Outside of the burial context, ornaments also appear to have served a ritual function. Dedicatory caches of ornaments have been located underneath walls, in kivas, niches and in the corners of rooms (Pepper

1909; Renfrew 2001; Mathien 2001). These caches have been interpreted as ritual offerings or offerings prior to building construction (Renfrew 2001; Mathien 2001).

Another alternative use of ornaments is for architectural decoration. For example, at the

11 site of Tijeras, pendants were embedded in a kiva floor to form a mosaic pattern (Judge

1975). Ornaments were also attached to ritual items such as pahos that were used as

offerings at shrines or other sacred places (Figure 1.2). The presence of ornaments in

mortuary and ritual contexts indicates that these objects were imbued with symbolic

importance and significant meaning.

Exotic ornament materials are often the focus of interest for Southwest

archaeologists due to interest in long distance exchange and hierarchy. Exotic items

include ornaments manufactured from turquoise, shell and copper. Color also seems to

have been a significant factor in selecting raw materials for ornament manufacture. Red, orange, blue, green, black and white were popular colors that most likely also had symbolic significance (Plog 2003; Lewis 2002).

Items of ornamentation were worn as part of the daily costume as well as during ceremonies. Ethnographic accounts note that not all of the Pueblos manufactured their own beads, and often these items were obtained through trade (Wright 1979). With the

exception of silver, many of the materials used by the Ancestral Puebloans continued to

be sought and valued for ornaments. Necklaces dating to prehistoric times were also highly valued by the Pueblos and these items were passed down from generation to generation and only worn on special occasions (Stevenson 1987:289).

Mortuary Data

Mortuary data provides the most direct association between individuals and adornment practices in the past and are the most widely used source of data for investigating age and gender. Crass (2001:105) states that “burials have been described

as containing more information per cubic meter than any other archaeological feature”.

12 Mortuary data is used to explore social/sex roles, status, identity, symbolism, ritual,

heath, diet and prestige. Mortuary data has primarily been used by archaeologists to

deduce the social structure and organization of prehistoric groups (Binford 1971; Brown

1981; Goldstein 1976; Saxe 1970; Tainter 1978). It is important to stress that mortuary

ritual is a task performed by the living. Decisions regarding burial offerings and body

preparation are made by the living to adhere to culturally appropriate standards. These

“standards” may change over time, and thus it is important to evaluate mortuary practices

chronologically and determine if changes in the objects chosen for inclusion are based on availability or choice (Pearson 2000). Ideally the evaluation of identity should include all aspects of mortuary treatment as well as general health, cause of death, age, gender and the larger social conditions of the site (i.e. social upheaval, migration, immigration etc.).

Imagery

Images of people in the past provide an important avenue for examining how

ornaments were worn and to some extent, their importance to the people who wore them.

Imagery refers to pictures that are intended to represent something in the physical or non-

physical world. Iconography is the composition of images with shared meanings and the

presumption of their power in particular cultural contexts (Hays-Gilpin 2004).

Researchers examining representations of human figures have a variety of types of media

to evaluate (Nelson 2004). These items range from portable objects to stationary art

panels. Portable objects include decorated pottery, figurines, baskets, storage containers

and many other items. The overall design or decoration on these objects can be analyzed

and interpreted based on who may have made, decorated or used the item as well as what

the specific design or symbols may be represented. These and other artistic elements

13 provide archaeologists with a window of insight into prehistoric ideology and the

physical environment that shaped people’s social relationships (Hays-Gilpin 2004).

These social relationships include gender, seniority, kinship, class, and ethnicity. Gender

imagery research usually concentrates on the human form and known material correlates

relating to each gender.

In this study, I used two types of images to determine how ornaments were worn

by ancient people of the Southwest: rock art and kiva murals. Within these two media, I

focused on human figures that had indications of gender (type of dress or sex

characteristics) as well as depictions of ornaments. Although the data set for these two

variables occurring in the same medium is limited to two time periods, Basketmaker II

(rock art) and Pueblo IV (rock art and kiva murals), the information regarding prehistoric use of ornaments in the northern Southwest could be extrapolated to other periods if

supported by the archaeological record (see Chapters 6 and 7).

Rock Art: Kelly Hays- Gilpin (2004:2) states “rock art provides one particularly

important line of evidence for ancient beliefs because it is embedded in the landscape; it

comprises pictures of things experienced in the physical world and in the spiritual worlds

of trance, ritual and myth……Rock art, then, can help us understand the ritual practices,

ideological constructs and social identities of prehistoric peoples.” Rock art may be the

pictorial representation of initiation rituals, signaling ethnic and territorial identities, and

communicating with a gendered spirit world (Cole 1990; Hays-Gilpin 2004). It is within

these interpretive, ritual, ideological and social context parameters that rock art and visual

media in general are used in this study. However, differing opinions of the significance of

rock art exist among researchers and it has been interpreted as the product of “idle

14 doodling” to the production of “art for art’s sake” (Hays-Gilpin 2004:2). Although rock art is an important area of research, it is a difficult field of study due to the limited number of interpretation that can be deduced without using other types of data including southwest Native American oral traditions and material correlates from the archaeological record. Rock art is also difficult to date, especially using the accepted techniques like radiocarbon and dendrochronology (Cole 1990; Hays-Gilpin 2004;

Schaafsma 1980).

For the purposes of this research, human images in rock art that represent/depict sexed figures are the most informative. The association of decorative styles of rock art with items made and used by men and women as well as evidence for gender roles in ritual activities can also help reconstruct past gender ideologies (Hays-Gilpin 2004).

During certain periods of Southwestern prehistory, rock art portrayals of human figures have been depicted with items of adornment and textiles. Rock art depicting items of ornamentation occurs early (Basketmaker II-III) in Ancestral Puebloan history and then do not appear again as a prominent stylistic attribute until Pueblo IV. Therefore, the iconographic data for this thesis was largely derived from these two time periods.

Kiva Murals: Kiva murals, which in this study are limited to the Pueblo IV period, are ritual depictions that often include prominent human images. Although the images are not portrayed with clear sex distinctions, the hairstyles and clothing can provide the data necessary to determine gender. Many of the figures (both zoomorph and anthropomorph) depicted in the murals are wearing several types of ornaments including bracelets, necklaces, pendants and earrings. Thus, this media provides unparalleled evidence of how these items were worn.

15 Ethnography

For the purposes of this research, ethnographic accounts and historical

information regarding dress from the Southwest were consulted to examine

ornamentation practices from the modern Pueblos and determine continuity of adornment

practices (Bunzel 1932; Ellis 1968; Parsons 1996; Stevenson 1987; Voth; 1905).

Ethnographers may witness the behaviors similar to those that created the archaeological

record, and therefore ethnographic data can provide information about past behavior that

would otherwise remain unknown. Ethnographies of the Southwestern Pueblos have

been widely used by archaeologists (Crown 2003). Although ethnographic accounts

provide a wealth of information, dress and adornment were largely ignored as topics of

study beyond merely recording what people wore (if this was even attempted). Thompson

(1996) states that early ethnographers (mostly men) viewed dress and adornment within

the female realm and very little time was spent recording and observing female activities

beyond food preparation and childcare. Thus, the ethnographic record may not represent

the activities of women or children accurately, if at all. However, it is not surprising that

some of the best accounts of dress in the Southwest are the result of female ethnographers

(Bunzel 1932; Parsons 1996; Stevenson 1987). Examples from the ethnographic record

and material cultural studies are presented throughout this thesis in order to support the

interpretations regarding the construction and communication of social identity through

adornment and dress in the Southwest.

All of the sources of data discussed above are incorporated into this thesis to

elucidate and interpret the construction, negotiation and communication of social identity in the past through adorning the body. These results demonstrate that using multiple lines

16 of evidence can provide the additional support necessary to put forth solid interpretations

even within the parameters of the limitations of each data set.

Organization of Thesis

Chapter 2 will provide an overview of the chronological scheme (Pecos

Classification) that will be used throughout the thesis. In conjunction with the basic

chronological traits of the sequence, this chapter will focus on the types of ornaments,

rock art, dress and socio-cultural shifts that took place during each stage in the sequence.

These traits will be used throughout the thesis to extrapolate the embodied experience

that is constructed through the materialization of identity through representative art, dress

and adornment. This chapter also provides background information regarding the

different avenues that previous researchers in the Southwest have used to investigate

ornaments.

Chapter 3 describes the theoretical approach applied in this study. I use the work

of archaeologists, fashion historians, and material cultural specialists in a discussion of

personal adornment and the construction of identity. These scholars explore the ways in

which the identities of gender, class and age are constructed through ritualized

performances of mundane acts and the central role the body has in relating to and

perceiving the self and others. I review studies of the function of dress in communicating identities. Since dress and adornment have yet to be included as a focus of research for the Ancestral Puebloan area, the section following introduces adornment/ornamentation as a means of identity construction and negotiation in my study area. Here I explore the

work of those few scholars who have examined how social identity is communicated

17 through adornment of the body, including ethnicity, gender, age, status, social role,

occupation, religion, and group affiliation and each of these aspects are discussed in the

context of their construction and materialization in Southwest archaeology. The multiple

lines of evidence and sources for interpretation used in this study are presented in the

following chapter.

Chapter 4 presents the analytical methods used for the examination of the

museum collections and published reports in this study. This includes sample selection,

data collection procedures, ornament and material types, and the limitations that were encountered.

Multiple lines of evidence are necessary to investigate social identity in the past and Chapter 5 provides information regarding visual media and ethnography. In this

section, data regarding representational media including rock art panels and kiva murals

are used in conjunction with ethnographic sources and data regarding prehistoric and

historic dress to construct how items of adornment were worn in the Ancestral Puebloan

Southwest. The data from this chapter is later used in Chapter 6 as supporting evidence for the larger trends observed in the material analysis.

The results of the ornament analysis and literature search are presented and interpreted in Chapter 6. First, I examine the distribution of the entire assemblage of ornaments by type, material, age, sex, and location on the body. With a general understanding of types ornaments present in the ancient northern Southwest and how they were used, the second part of this chapter examines the materialization of social identity within the frameworks of time period, region, and ornament type. I assess the ways in which personal adornment is a means for elucidating the construction of individual

18 identity and group affiliation in the past. These results are supplemented with the iconographic and ethnographic data and mortuary data from sites outside of the study area to further investigate and support conclusions regarding the types of ornaments that were worn in the study area, and how these items were used in the construction of identity on differing scales of time and space. The results of this study demonstrate cultural shifts in adornment practices, and mortuary practices, however there are continuities in the styles of dress over time as well as the materialization and construction of individual and group identities within the Southwest as communicated through the practice of adorning the body.

In Chapter 7, I summarize the results of this thesis and discuss and reflect on the limitations of the data set used and the potential data that is missing from collections.

Future research goals are also outlined for ornamentation as a class of material culture and the steps required to move forward to a better understanding of social identity in the

Ancestral Puebloan Southwest.

19 Chapter 2 Context and Background

This chapter presents a brief overview of Southwest culture history to place research on ornamentation in context and introduces the previous research that has been conducted regarding items of adornment in the Southwest. The culture history section focuses on the areas inhabited by the Ancestral Puebloan people and the modern Pueblos and highlights the sites that are used in this thesis. Secondly, I discuss the previous research that has been conducted on ornaments in the Ancestral Puebloan Southwest, which has included studies using ornaments to explore social status, raw material and manufacture, trade and exchange as well as the styles and types of ornaments that have been used over time (Basketmaker II- Pueblo IV). The majority of these studies have viewed objects of ornamentation as vehicles to explain the levels of hierarchy or aspects of social organization, as well as explore the nature and extent of trade and exchange networks. My study, instead, focuses on the use of ornaments as indicators of social identity.

Culture History of the Study Area

This brief overview of culture history of the study area includes five broad regions of Ancestral Puebloan and modern Pueblo occupation discussed in Chapter 1

(Figure 1.1). Since the research presented in this paper evaluates continuity and change over time, it is important to highlight the social changes that occurred in the Southwest throughout the sequence. This discussion focuses on the primary attributes of the cultural sequence that have bearing on the present study, including social change and the potential

19 implications of these changes to visual media, elements of dress and social roles.

Understanding the role of ornamentation in the materialization/construction of identity during times of social stress/change is significant. People may have wanted to visually communicate affiliation to avoid being mistaken for an enemy or minimize their affiliation in hopes of blending in as a refugee joining other groups. In addition to highlighting the elements of social change occurring in each period, the types of visual media, ornamentation and dress that are characteristic of each period are also discussed in detail. The primary cultural traits that distinguish each phase of the Pecos classification for this region of the Southwest are presented in Table 2.1.

Table 2.1, Pecos Classification System Phases (adapted from Lipe 2003: Table 1.1) Basketmaker II 1500 B.C. – A.D. 500 Cultivation of maize and squash; small low density settlements in some areas; habitation in shallow pithouses; use of caves for storage, burial and rock art; atlatl and dart; Basketmaker III A.D. 500- 750 Habitation is deep pithouse plus surface storage pits, cists, or rooms; dispersed settlement with occasional small villages and occasional great kivas; plain gray pottery, small frequencies of B/W pottery; bow and arrow replaces atlatl; beans added to cultigens. Pueblo I A.D. 750-900 Large villages in some areas; unit Pueblos of “proto-kiva” plus surface roomblock of jacal or crude masonry; great kivas; plain and neckbanded gray pottery with low frequencies of B/W and decorated red ware. Pueblo II A.D. 900-1150 Chacoan florescence; Great Houses; great kivas, roads etc. In many but not all regions; strong differences between great houses and surrounding “unit pueblos” composed of a kiva and small surface masonry roomblock; corrugated gray and elaborate B/W pottery, plus decorated red or orange types in some areas. Pueblo III A.D. 1150-1300 Large pueblos and/or revisionist great houses in some areas, dispersed pattern in others; high kiva to room ratios; cliff dwellings; towers; triwalls; corrugated gray and elaborate b/w pottery, plus red or orange pottery in some areas. Abandonment of the Four corners by 1300. Pueblo IV A.D. 1300 - 1600 Large plaza oriented pueblos in the Rio Grande and Western Pueblo areas; low kiva to room ratio; kachina cult widespread, corrugated replaced by plain utility types; B/W pottery declines relative to red, orange or yellow types.

Basketmaker II – (500 B.C- A.D. 500)

The dates of the Basketmaker II period are variable and are subject to debate.

Generally accepted dates are approximately 500 B.C to A.D. 500, however some scholars push the date of Basketmaker II to as early as 2000 B.C. (Smiley 1994; Hays-Gilpin

20 2000). The majority of the archaeological data pertaining to Basketmaker II in the

northern Southwest is derived from dry cave/rockshelter sites where preservation is

optimal. The Basketmaker II time period is characterized by the increasing reliance on corn and squash as additions to the subsistence base. The diagnostic material culture

attributes vary depending on location and environment during this time, prompting

researchers to propose an east-west division of Basketmaker II in the Northern San Juan

region (Berry 1982, 1985; Berry and Berry 1986; Charles 2000; Matson 1991, 1994,

1999; Morris and Burgh 1954). The division boundary is drawn at approximately the

Utah/Colorado, Arizona/New Mexico borders. The distinct differences in material

culture have led researchers to suggest two different ethnicities inhabited each region

(Matson 1991, 2006; Mowrer 2003, 2006).

The rock art in these two regions is one component of material culture that

illustrates the division and has important implications for understanding ornament use

(Cole 1990; Robins 1997; Morris 1980). The rock art style in the western region is

known as the San Juan Anthropomorphic style (Schaafsma 1980). It is composed of

large broad shouldered anthropomorphic figures. These figures are important for the present study because often the torsos are decorated and elements of adornment can be identified (Cole 1993; Grant 1978; Robins 1997; Schaafsma 1980). Animals and geometrics are also design elements in this style, however the human figures dominate the panels and are the obvious focal points (Cole 1993; Robins 1997; Schaafsma 1980).

In addition to torso adornment, many of the figures are also depicted with headdresses of various styles and Robins (1997) has identified certain styles that are restricted to specific areas of the western region. Headdresses are represented as rows of dots or crescents and

21 lines (tabular), left ear devices (also known as bifurcate) and plumed. Figures with

prominent headdresses are often found within Canyon de Chelly (northeastern Arizona)

and the Butler Wash (southestern Utah) regions (Robins 1997). Stylistically the figures

are very similar and the unique headdresses in the two regions may signify an emblematic

display of social boundaries (Robins 1997). Figures are also depicted with hairstyles, the

most common of these is shown as two “bobs” hanging down on each side of the head,

which may be a representation of hair bobs (two on each side and one in the back). This

type of hairstyle has been observed in preserved Basketmaker II burials from White Dog

Cave (Amsden 1949:61; Cole 1990).

The gender of the Basketmaker large human figures is not always obvious,

however females and phallic males are depicted. Cole (2006:194) asserts that the rock art

in the San Juan region was intended for public viewing and communication based on

locations in open unobstructed areas and the association with sites. Rock art in the

eastern Basketmaker II region is noticeably different. The human figures are smaller and have stick figured bodies. They are usually brightly colored, but lack torso embellishments (Charles and Cole 2006; Daniels 1954).

These divisions based on material culture are directly correlated with the origins of the Basketmaker II culture and therefore also would ultimately affect discussions of the identity of the proposed distinct populations. Matson argues that data from the

plateau indicates: “an east/west ethnic division among the Basketmaker II; the similarity

of Eastern Basketmaker II with earlier Colorado Plateau Archaic; and of the Western

Basketmaker II with the San Pedro Cochise” (Matson 2002:347; see also LeBlanc 2002).

In other words, Western Basketmaker II people may be immigrants from the south. Much

22 of this discussion has focused on the spread of agriculture, however the relationship

between immigrants and locals would have had important consequences for identity

construction and maintenance. Matson and Cole (2002:206) posit that evidence for

conflict exists from burial data, rock art (scalps), artifacts and defensive Basketmaker II

sites. They argue that the evidence for the violence is particularly pronounced in the

western area, but it is unclear at this point whether the conflict is external or internal (see

also LeBlanc 1999). The visibility of rock art during this time may also have served to communicate territorial boundaries due to the increasing social tension (Robins and

Hays-Gilpin 2002:235).

The postulated division between “eastern and western” Basketmaker II from the

view of ornamentation is much less clear. Morris and Burgh (1954) noted only two

differences in their comparative list of culture traits; the lack of deer mandible bangles in

Classic (western) Basketmaker sites and the absence of compound beads in Durango

(eastern) Basketmaker sites. These categorical differences are not substantial enough to

include as a basis for varying ethnicities. However, examining the ornaments within the

framework of style and social identity, the overall goal of this thesis, there are no major

difference in the ornaments interred in burials for Eastern and Western Basketmaker II

that would support the proposed division.

Basketmaker II ornaments collected from burials include beads and pendants of

stone, shell, and seeds. Stone ornaments were often manufactured from lignite or other

local stones. Whole seed beads selected for ornaments included acorns, onion shaped

seeds and juniper berries. Other seed types were used in the manufacture of beads,

however these were often shaped into tubular beads eliminating the possibility of species

23 identification. Shell ornaments include large circular disk pendants or buttons of

Haliotis/Abalone and multiple strands of Olivella shells were also prominent during

Basketmaker II. Roberts (1931:161) notes that the great quantities of Olivella shells have been found in association with Basketmaker burials. Often the mouth of the deceased was filled with them prior to burial and strings of Olivella shells were also placed as grave goods. He observed many of the burials at Long H Ranch contained Olivella shell necklaces, bracelets and one burial had appeared to have had a “girdle” composed of over

300 shells. He also reports that the shells were quite scarce in the Pueblo component of the site. This could be interpreted as a stylistic shift during this period towards turquoise as the preferred medium for ornaments (see Pueblo II below).

Due to the dry cave context of many Basketmaker sites, perishable textile remains have been recovered and a reconstruction of the type of clothing worn can be attempted

(Kent 1983). Fur yarn robes were common for both males and females. These garments would have covered the individual from the shoulders to the mid-calf region. In addition to the fur robes, females were dressed in woven aprons and males wore breechcloths

(Kent 1983:221). Fiber blankets/shirts may also have been worn as well as other tanned animal skin clothing. Based on the rock art depictions described above, these shirts may have been highly decorated with geometric patterns. The remains of belts and sashes are also common from Basketmaker II sites. A dog hair sash recovered from a burial in

White Dog cave is a notable example (see Guernsey and Kidder 1921).

“The bodies of adults were always wrapped in fur-string blankets and at

the loins of most females were small string aprons. The limbs were flexed

to occupy the least possible space and occasionally held in that position by

24 cords. The bundles were thus prepared were encased in large woven bags,

which were cut down one side for greater ease in drawing on, and then

stitched together again with yucca leaves. Babies were sometimes placed

in bags, but were more commonly buried on their cradles with their

blankets, umbilical pads and “diapers” of bast in place as in life.”

(Guernsey and Kidder 1921:22).

Footwear during the Basketmaker periods was primarily dominated by woven

sandals, however skin moccasins were worn (Kent 1983; Webster and Hays-Gilpin 1994;

Hays-Gilpin et al. 1998). Sandal types dating to this period are manufactured from twine

or wicker, rectangular in shape and often lack decoration. Other more decorative sandals

are manufactured from fine cordage with “elaborate fringe added to the toes” (Webster

and Hays-Gilpin 1994:322).

The sites dating from Basketmaker II that were used in this thesis are listed in

Table 4.2. These sites are primarily located in the northeastern Arizona/southeastern

Utah or the Western Basketmaker II region (Figure 1.1). The majority of these sites were

excavated by Alfred Kidder and Samuel Guernsey in the early 20th century during their

expeditions to discover information regarding the Basketmaker II culture (Kidder and

Guernsey 1919; Guernsey and Kidder 1921; Guernsey 1931).

It would have been desirable to have more sites from the eastern Basketmaker region to fully explore how these divisions were materialized in terms of ornamentation, however due to limited data regarding age and sex and a lack of ornaments with burials

(i.e. Eastern Basketmaker Los Pinos phase sites) this was not possible.

25 Basketmaker III- A.D. 500-750

This period is characterized by the continuation of Basketmaker II traits and the

addition of pottery, beans, the bow and arrow, and an increasing reliance on agriculture.

Import of shell and non-local chipped stone material also increases during this time

(Gumerman and Dean 1989) and turquoise appears in burials in Canyon de Chelly,

Arizona (Morris 1925). Many Basketmaker III villages are located underneath larger

Pueblos, thus the majority of burial information for this period is derived from single component sites in dry caves (Prayer Rock District, Morris 1980; Canyon De Chelly,

Morris 1925), open habitation and special purpose sites (Nichols and Smiley 1984).

Recent work has also observed the presence of large aggregated villages of continuously occupied pithouses during Basketmaker III. The conflict between groups described above

in the Basketmaker II period also continues during the Basketmaker III period and the

Basketmaker III/Pueblo I transition discussed below.

Basketmaker III rock art is similar to Basketmaker II and the two periods are

often discussed together as Basketmaker II-III style (Cole 1990, 1994). The primary distinctions are the gradual reduction in size of human figures in the western region and

an increase in the number of types of figures and designs that are represented (Schaafsma

1980:121-122). The lobed-circle image appears during this period and has been

interpreted as the symbolic representation of a “womb” (Manning 1992). This image

appears in association with female figures (abdomen), male figures (chest), great kiva

representations and flute players (Hays-Gilpin 2000:171). Lobed-circle ornaments also

appear during this period at sites in Canyon de Chelly (encrusted with turquoise and

located on the chests of individuals in burial contexts, Morris 1925) and the Prayer Rock

26 District (Morris 1980). The symbolic lobed-circle has also been interpreted as continuing on into later periods in the form of “key-hole” shaped kivas and pithouses (Manning

1992).

The types of ornamentation worn during Basketmaker III are similar to

Basketmaker II however a few distinctions are notable. Based on Jernigan’s study (1978) during the Basketmaker III period rectangular stone beads are introduced as well as white stone disc beads. White stone disc beads, according to Jernigan, may have been used as a substitute for shell. It is often very difficult to determine the exact material of disc beads without chemical or obtrusive analysis when they are significantly altered from their original form (see Chapter 4). Glycymeris shell bracelets are also first introduced during the Basketmaker III period in the Prayer Rock region. These bracelets are very common in the Hohokam region and may have been a symbol of status or badge of office (Bayman

2002, also see Chapter 6). The end of the Basketmaker III period also marks the discontinuation of the larger subspherical stone beads. These beads tend to be quite heavy, but also quite colorful. Larger shell disc beads and shell saucer shaped beads were common during the Basketmaker period. Bilobed beads are present in small quantities during Basketmaker III, however this bead style does not become common until the

Pueblo II period.

The clothing worn during the Basketmaker III period was also similar to the

Basketmaker II styles and differences primarily occur in the types of materials used for manufacture. The fiber aprons worn by females during the Basketmaker III period had more fringe than those worn previously. The majority of the aprons found dating to

Basketmaker III were located in the Prayer Rock region. These aprons were often

27 undecorated, however a few have been found with geometric patterns woven into the front (Kent 1983; Morris 1980). Sandals dating to the Basketmaker III period are also similar to those dating Basketmaker II. However, the marked difference is that the square-toed sandals are decorated with textured designs on the soles and colored stripes/geometric patterns on the tops of the sandals. The textured design on the sole would have provided more tread and formed unique individual footprints in the sand

(Morris 1980). Scallop-toe and round toe sandals with textured soles are also present in collections dating to this period.

Pueblo I- A.D. 750 to 900

Information regarding the Pueblo I period is largely derived from the Northern

San Juan region, and is characterized by aggregation, movement and rapid demographic and organizational change (Wilshusen and Ortman 1999). Surface rooms become more extensively used and agricultural production continues as people become more sedentary

(Reed 2000:7). Settlement patterns consist of both large aggregated villages and small hamlets scattered across the landscape (Wilshusen 1999). These villages were occupied for only 30-40 years before they were abandoned and the population moved to another location. Some areas with Basketmaker II and III components lack sites dating from the

Pueblo I period, indicating the movement of people to other regions (Wilshusen and

Ortman 1999). The Pueblo I period, like Basketmaker II, also appears to have been composed of two groups based on an examination of architecture and material culture

(Wilshusen and Ortman 1999; Chuipka 2009). The changes in site layout and architecture indicate that the political structure present during the Pueblo II period was

28 rooted in these ethnically diverse Pueblo I villages (Wilshusen and Van Dyke 2006).

However, sites dating to the Pueblo I period are largely absent from regions that flourished during the Pueblo II period (i.e. San Juan Basin).

Following the Basketmaker II-III period, rock art begins to change and large human figures are no longer prominent in panel depictions. However, the rock art of the

Pueblo I period is poorly understood due to difficulties in identifying styles that date to this period (Hays-Gilpin 2000:172). Hays-Gilpin (2000:172) argues that this may be the result of: 1) a lack of rock art produced during this period or 2) the rock art cannot be associated with Pueblo I due to the location far from dateable sites. These difficulties have resulted in most rock art dating to the Pueblo I period being lumped stylistically with Basketmaker III due to regional variation in stylistic shifts and these shifts not always corresponding to the chronological periods of the Pecos classification (Cole

1990). Due to the minimal focus on the human figures during this period, information regarding ornamentation is lacking.

The styles and types of ornaments that have been recovered from Pueblo I contexts, appear to be a continuation from the Basketmaker periods, however a few notable introductions can be seen in the archaeological record. Zoomorphic pendants and side-drilled beads first become part of the ornamental costume during Pueblo I. The zoomorphic pendants recovered from the Mesa Verde region tend to be stone bird effigy pendants.

A limited number of textiles have been found that date to the Pueblo I period.

This could be attributed to the open site settings resulting in only fragmentary textile

29 remnants (Kent 1983). The materials used for manufacture of these garments appear to be

similar to the preceding Basketmaker periods.

The practice of unintentional cranial modification also becomes more pronounced

during this period (Ancestral Puebloan and Mogollon regions). Piper (2002) attributes

this to a change in the use of cradleboards. She argues that prior to the Pueblo I period,

people carried children in cradleboards on their backs, which allowed for movement of

the head. However, with the shift towards sedentary lifestyle and increased reliance on

the cultivation of crops, children were carried far less, thus spending more time lying flat

in the cradleboard. Although this type of body modification is not the focus of this study,

it is important to note due to the change in appearance that results from this action. This

unintentional practice left a permanent modification that may have become part of a

group’s identity and offers potential for identifying group boundaries, interaction,

intermarriage and migration.

Pueblo II- A.D. 900-1150

The Pueblo II period is distinguished from Pueblo I by the elaboration and enlargement of previous cultural traits. Major social changes are related to the development of the Chacoan regional system (A.D. 900-1150). Chaco Canyon is located in northwestern New Mexico (Figure 1.1) and involves the development of perhaps the most complex social system in Pueblo history. The Chacoan regional system centered on

Chaco Canyon and included many outlier great houses (identified based on similar architectural layout, construction techniques) located throughout the northern Southwest

and many contemporary small sites located near these large structures (Lekson 2006:13).

30 The role of Chaco Canyon in this regional system has been debated. Some researchers

believe that Chaco functioned as a “rituality” and the great houses served as lodging for

the many people that made the pilgrimage to the site for seasonal rituals (Judge 1993).

Others have argued that the great houses were used for storage of the many items that

were brought into the canyon and subsequently redistributed (Judge 1993). An alternate

theory suggests that Chaco was the center of a complex polity, that was political and

hierarchical, however, ritual and ceremonial aspects were a major component (Mills

2002). This complexity was materialized in the building of several great houses, great

kivas, roads, mounds, berms, and exchange networks with other regions. These

architectural achievements may not appear to be of monumental scale in comparison to

great temples or pyramids, however when viewed in the context of the environment of

Chaco Canyon, the feats of labor become more impressive. Chaco Canyon is a located in

a harsh, marginal environment that more than likely could not have supported large

populations without the use of outside resources, including corn, timber and ceramics, as

well as exotic goods (Kantner 2004). Many of these resources were brought in from the

Chuska Mountains located 70 km west of Chaco Canyon (Mills 2002). The road system that connects many of the larger great houses was designed for foot travel and may have facilitated transport of significant quantities of imported goods (Lekson 2006:12-13).

Chaco is well known for the large amounts of exotic, valuable goods that were present in the canyon, including turquoise and jet ornaments, copper bells and macaws (Toll 2006).

Pueblo Bonito is located in the “center” of Chaco Canyon and is the largest and most extensively studied great house. The site consists of 800 rooms (many up to four stories high) and several kivas, including two great kivas. The site was “excavated” by

31 several expeditions and explorers in the late 1800’s and in the early 1900’s, and reports

were subsequently published by George Pepper and Neil Judd. The function of Pueblo

Bonito has been debated, especially the nature of the resident population at this and other

great houses, as well as the small sites in the Canyon (Neitzel 2003, Reed 2004). The site

may have been used as an elite residence and/or a ceremonial center (Lekson 2006).

Many of the small sites in the canyon were also occupied during Pueblo II. These small sites consisted of only one story structures with approximately 16 rooms on average. A

single great kiva may have been used by several small house sites. The function of these small sites in relation to the great houses has also been debated and there is a stark contrast in wealth related items between the two site types (Mathein 1997). As stated above, many valuable trade items were found at Pueblo Bonito along with several high status burials, whereas the items were largely absent or found in very small quantities at

small sites. Evidence for ornament manufacture has been located within the canyon at a

few of the small sites (see Raw Material and Manufacture section below).

Ornaments are found in large quantities during the Pueblo II period. The

florescence of ornamentation during this period indicates a communication sphere that

was far reaching. Many of the ornaments dating to this period in the northern Southwest

are also present in large quantities in the Hohokam area including Glycymeris shell bracelets, bilobed beads and water animal effigy ornaments (i.e. frogs, serpents, tadpoles) suggesting trade with the Hohokam region.

In Pueblo II rock art human figures are rare, and those that are depicted rarely exhibit sexed characteristics (Hays-Gilpin 2000). Lizard men are a common element depicted on panels and have been interpreted as playing a role in the creation myth

32 (Hays-Gilpin 2000). Female figures are present and are recognized based on hairstyle, including hair bobs and whorls (Cole 1990; Hays-Gilpin 2000). Animals, hand prints and geometric designs continue to be the focus on many panels during this period. The scalp imagery of the Basketmaker periods does not continue into the Pueblo periods, however, other war related imagery including masks, shields and shield figures are present.

The Pueblo II period also has a limited amount of textile evidence from which to determine style of dress. Evidence of twill-plaited (braided) and twined sandals have been found at Aztec Ruins, Salmon Ruins and Chaco Canyon (Webster 2008). Small fragments of other textiles have also been found at these sites however the types of garments these pieces represent are unknown.

Pueblo III-A.D. 1150-1300

The Pueblo III period is characterized by aggregation followed by abandonment and transition in the northern Southwest region. By the end of the Pueblo III period, many people had relocated to the south and east, settling in the areas along the Little

Colorado and Rio Grande Rivers and in areas along the Mogollon Rim. These settlements become increasingly aggregated and the social pressures that are associated with living in closer proximity gives way to unprecedented cultural developments. Dean (1970:151) argues that the decrease in overall moisture and overuse of farmed areas were probably instrumental in bringing about the social changes that occurred. Mechanisms for maintaining identity or conforming would have been paramount during this time of increasing social complexity (Dean 1970).

The majority of rock art dating to the Pueblo III period is located outside the study area in the Moab region of Utah (Cole 1990:164). Anthropomorphs depicted

33 include broad shouldered, ovate, sticklike and rectangular figures as well as figures with

upraised arms, humpback flute players, and shield figures. Shield figures often wear ear,

horn and antennae like headdresses. During the Pueblo III period there was continued

emphasis on anthropomorphs in the Canyonlands region, however, in other areas

including the San Juan drainage anthropomorphic images appear less important after

A.D. 900.

The distinctive broad-shouldered and tapered figure Pueblo II-III anthropomorphs

in the Canyonlands region are commonly depicted with facial features and often are

adorned with jewelry, clothing and headdresses. Often, the torsos of the anthropomorphs

are portrayed without appendages, or sex characteristics, however gender could be

inferred from clothing or hairstyle in some instances. The clothing and ornamentation

depicted includes earplugs or earrings, headdresses, collars, breastplates, pendants, waist

belts and kilts. Interior body decorations of parallel lines and other geometric patterns may be representative of textile patterns of the clothing (Cole 1990:169).

Outside of the Canyonlands region, the human figure is reduced to a size

comparable to all other elements. The highly formalized rectilinear stick figure with

arms held up as well as down is a characteristic anthropomorphic type late in the

Ancestral Puebloan tradition. Schaafsma (1980) argues that the rigid stylization of the

rectilinear stick figures indicates a general interest in formal patterns and a tightening of

form. Geometric designs resembling those from pottery and textiles including abstract

designs like rectilinear scrolls, spirals and concentric circles are prominent elements on

the panels. These elements along with rectilinear shapes of men and lizards could be said

to be diagnostic of the Pueblo III period (Cole 1990).

34 The Rio Grande art style is the exception during the Pueblo III period and contains a new symbolic content and pantheon of figures replacing the Ancestral

Puebloan tradition. This style of art is believed to be one manifestation of socioreligious institutions that functioned to integrate these large pueblos and becomes the basis of

Pueblo IV representational media (Schaafsma 1980). Other notable changes in rock art and visual media correspond to changes in other types of material culture. For instance, geometric pottery and textile motifs became highly structured and intricate and design elaboration across mediums was rampant (Turner 1963:7). Kiva murals and plaster designs in rooms also reflect the formal geometric pottery and textile patterns.

Ornament styles and types from the Pueblo III period contexts are largely a continuation of ornaments from preceding periods. Jet and abalone tab pendants, and conus shell tinklers are common ornament types. Conus shell tinklers were used for several styles of adornment including necklaces, single pendants and were also sewn onto clothing items such as bandoleers, sashes and kilts. Multiple strand Olivella shell necklaces and bracelets were also very popular and are found in several burial contexts.

Jet tadpoles/frog effigy beads were located at Aztec Ruins. These effigies are very similar to turquoise versions of the same type of ornament found at Chaco Canyon.

Evidence of the types of clothing worn during the Pueblo III period is based on collections from sites with good protection from the elements. The textile evidence from the Pueblo III period is well documented and researched. The majority of textiles dating to this period were woven on a loom. Burial evidence indicates that the deceased were often wrapped in cotton blankets and feather robes. Pueblo III clothing styles appear to be the same as earlier Puebloan and Basketmaker periods including tunic shirts,

35 robes/blankets and breechcloths, however design elaboration continues and cotton

becomes the dominant material type used to manufacture the garments. Historically,

weaving is an activity that is associated with men (Stevenson 1904), however, this has

not been fully explored in the Prehistoric Southwest.

Pueblo IV- A.D. 1300-(1540-1600)

The Pueblo IV period is framed by two major events, the population migration from the northern Southwest to the south (after A.D. 1250) and the arrival of the Spanish

(A.D. 1540-1600). Pueblo IV is characterized not only by migration, but also continued aggregation into large villages, abandonment of large geographic regions in the

Southwest and a shift in ideological worldviews and ceremonial rituals (Spielmann

1998). Settlements were concentrated along drainages of the major rivers and atop prominent landscape features (Adams and Duff 2004). These large villages consisted of contiguous, masonry or adobe structures with unique public architecture including enclosed plazas. Ritual architectural spaces were often located near the plazas and included both square/rectangular and round kivas (Adams and Duff 2004).

The significant ideological modifications that developed during the Pueblo IV

period have been attributed the level of aggregation occurring in the region. These

changes were formulated as a response to “facilitate integration and cooperation in

recently founded communities that contained immigrants from divergent social and

political backgrounds (Adams 1991:186). Adams (1991) states that this ideological shift

is most visible in the katsina iconography depicted in rock art, kiva murals and ceramic

designs. The primary focus of leadership roles also appears to have shifted from

economic wealth and trade to ritual knowledge, war tactics and sodalities (i.e. horizontal

36 complexity) (Adams 1991; Howell and Kintigh 1996). These major social shifts have been interpreted as a response to the social stresses both within the community and

between communities.

Trade at Zuni involved three primary items: salt (from Zuni Salt Lake), turquoise

(Cerllios mine and other locales) and buffalo robes (Ferguson and Hart 1985:53). In

exchange for these items, the Zuni sought blankets, cloth, jewelry, jet seashells,

ceremonial and dance regalia among other items. The Zuni village of Hawikku was

essentially the hub of a large regional trade network (Ferguson and Hart 1985).

The Rio Grande style of rock art becomes prominent in the Ancestral Puebloan

area during Pueblo IV. This style of rock art shares many of the same iconic

characteristics as the colorful kiva murals (i.e. Pottery Mound, Awatovi, and Kuaua)

including complete anthropomorphic figures depicted wearing masks, sashes and kilts

(Schaafsma and Schaafsma 1974). Other iconographic elements include serpents with

horns, birds and other animals including badgers, rabbits, mountain lions, cloud

terrace/rainbows and the four-pointed star. Schaafsma and Schaafsma (1974:540) argue

that these iconic changes evidence of a “new religious and ceremonial pattern in the

Pueblo world”, the kachina cult. The icons of the kachina cult have striking similarities to

images that are well known in the Mesoamerican worldview including the horned or

plumed serpent and star. Ornaments and female figures (hair whorls) are also present in

Pueblo IV rock art and kiva murals. After A.D. 1300 a “florescence” in the visual arts is

unmistakable in the kiva murals, and pottery of the period, however other crafts like

ornaments/jewelry witnessed a decline in overall quality from other periods (Jernigan

1978:153).

37 Many of the types of ornaments discussed in the sections above continue to be

worn during the Pueblo IV period, however several new styles are introduced during this

period as well. Perforated Glycymeris shells appear to be restricted to the Pueblo IV

period. As will be discussed in Chapter 6, these items are primarily found in the

Hohokam area and are present in these contexts as early as the Pioneer period (300 B.C

to A.D. 500) (Jernigan 1978:42) and may also be a symbol of the Casas Grandes

interaction sphere (Bradley 1999). Turquoise mosaic inlay continues and includes

earrings and hair combs, however it has been noted that the quality of these items appears

to have diminished and resemble older pieces of inlay rather than the finer specimens

found in Pueblo II and III contexts (Hodge 1920).

The majority of the information regarding costuming from Pueblo IV is derived

from the kiva murals. People or supernaturals are represented in most scenes fully clothed

in items/styles that were also worn during the historic Pueblo periods. These garments include manta dresses, kilts, sashes, shirts/tunics and ornaments. Descriptions of these clothing items are presented below (see Ornaments and Dress).

Overview of Ornament Research in the Ancestral Puebloan Southwest

This section provides an overview of the research that has been conducted on ornaments in the Ancestral Puebloan Southwest. This research has focused primarily on raw materials and ornament manufacture (Haury 1931; Mathien 1997), the distribution and trade of ornaments (Mathien 1993), the different styles and types of ornaments that have existed through time (Jernigan 1978) and the significance of ornaments as indicators of social status (Aikens and Schelberg 1984). These sections provide the background

38 information necessary to understand what is currently known about how ornaments were

used, manufactured, traded and worn in the Southwest.

Due to the large quantity of information regarding ornaments in the Hohokam and

Mogollon regions and the trading relationships necessary to successfully acquire exotic

ornaments, these two regions will be used throughout this discussion for comparative

purposes. Ethnographic examples will also be provided to highlight potential continuity

in the use of ornaments from prehistoric to historic and modern times.

Raw Materials and Ornament Manufacture

Ornament manufacture has been identified at several sites in the Southwest and

may have occurred at many more sites since the debris of this activity is often

overlooked. Ornaments were manufactured from a variety of materials depending on

local availability and trade relationships. The manufacturing process could be

accomplished locally or finished items could also be traded. This section provides an

overview of the archaeological evidence of the raw materials and ornament manufacture

in the study area.

Stone ornaments, specifically pendants, were manufactured at Yellow Jacket

Pueblo (5MT3) in Southwestern Colorado (Murphy and Imhof 1997). In total, 472

pendants in various stages of manufacture were excavated from the site. The majority of

the pendants were manufactured from local stone materials primarily sedimentary stones, except for one quartz, one lignite and two turquoise pendants (Murphy and Imhof 1997).

These ornaments were very rare in mortuary contexts (Yunker 2001) which, as stated

above, may indicate an economic rather than social significance. Jernigan (1978:205)

39 states that tab pendants, like those manufactured at Yellow Jacket, were the easiest to

produce. The selected material was abraded on a stone to the desired shape and a

perforation was drilled to enable suspension (Jernigan 1978:205).

Haury (1931:82) evaluated the manufacture of Hohokam minute stone beads. He

suggests that the type of tool required to manufacture beads with small perforations was a cactus spine. He found that the amount of labor required to manufacture these very small beads was 480 eight-hour days to create a strand of 15,000 beads. If the value of the object is measured in the time required to manufacture an item, these beads would be more highly valuable than most other goods offered in mortuary contexts. Another method for manufacturing shaped stone beads was recorded at Zuni by both Hough

(1914:23-24) and Roberts (1932:43). This method involves using a grooved stone to achieve a more uniform round shape. Jernigan (1978:204) states that shaped turquoise beads would have been more difficult to manufacture due to the nature of the stone’s composition and each blank would have had to have been produced and drilled separately.

Mathien (1984:Table 3; 2001) found possible jewelry workshops at several sites within Chaco Canyon based on the presence of large quantities of manufacturing debris and partial ornaments. Ornament lapidary abraders and drills have also been recovered

(Akins 1997; Cameron 1993, 1997; Mathien 1997). Hagstrum (2001) suggests that both lithic and ornament manufacture were the part-time work of men and this work took place in outdoor work areas. Research by Mathien (2001:110) has confirmed that lithic production and jewelry manufacture were present at small sites and both tasks were more than likely done by the same individuals.

40 Shell ornaments were manufactured from both marine and freshwater species,

however marine shells appear to have been favored (Vokes and Gregory 2007).

Depending on the type of shell, shell ornament manufacture ranged from relatively

simple to complex. Olivella shells were widely used in the Southwest for ornaments and

the majority of these shells were only altered slightly, keeping the shell intact. The majority of the Olivella shells were modified simply by grinding or cutting off the spire

to expose a small hole. Other shell types were manufactured by cutting the shell

nacreous (shell interior or body) into pieces, shaping them and then drilling a perforation

(Bennyhoff and Hughes 1987). Shell craftsmen at Casas Grandes employed two types of

production techniques in the manufacture of ornaments (Bradley 1993, Di Peso 1974).

These included skilled production and expedient production (Bradley 1993). Di Peso

(1974: 402) argues that the expedient production was the most common method used and

required the least skill in craftsmanship. Stevenson (1987:290-91) states that the process

of shaped shell bead manufacture was “tedious”. Shells were broken into small pieces

and then each piece was rubbed on a stone slab until it was the desired thinness. The

thinner more delicate beads were considered more valuable (Stevenson 1987:290).

Experimental research has also proven that the shell bead manufacturing process was

time consuming and depending on the method used, creates a large amount of waste

material (Francis 1988). Other shells that appear modified could be the result of natural

wave action and were never purposefully modified. Shells are an ideal material type for

the manufacture of ornaments due to the option of working the shell or using natural

perforations.

41 The most common ornament manufactured from bone are tubular bone beads.

These beads are manufactured by cutting a long bone of a rodent, bird or small mammal in sections of desired length. Various sizes of bone tubes have been manufactured in this manner. The manufacture of longer bone tubes may have only involved cutting off the distal and proximal ends of the long bone. Bone beads are relatively easy to manufacture, and several sizes are produced (Orchard 1975). The longer bone tubes may have served a purpose other than ornamentation, however few studies have focused on their use.

Distribution and Trade

Ornaments manufactured from exotic materials have received more study than objects of local material (Neitzel 1989; Nelson 2006; Vokes and Gregory 2007; Vargas

1995; Windes 2001). Materials often considered “non-local” or exotic to the Ancestral

Puebloan area include shell, turquoise and copper. Although marine shell has been noted in the archaeological record prior to the appearance of turquoise and is the most prevalent material type for ornaments in the Southwest (Jernigan 1978; Tower 1945), it is considered exotic due to it’s source far outside the northern Southwest in the Pacific

Coast region. Donald Brand (1938) was one of the first researchers to evaluate the distribution of shell at archaeological sites in the Southwest. He also determined the source areas for shell and investigated possible exchange routes into the Southwest from these areas. The sources identified for marine shells include the coast of California, the

Gulf of Mexico, and the Gulf of California. Some of the shell species desired for ornaments are restricted to only one of these areas (Di Peso 1974; Tower 1945; Vokes and Gregory 2007). For example, Haliotis and Olivella biplicata are only found on the

42 Pacific Coast. Other popular varieties including Spondylus, large conch shells and small

univalves are only found in the Gulf of California (Vokes and Gregory 2007:332).

Shell trade has been widely recognized as being a major component of the

Hohokam economy (McGuire 1993; Nelson 1981, 1991; Seymour 1988; Haury 1976;

Bayman 2002, Vokes 1983), and the shell present in the Ancestral Puebloan region may

have been obtained through trade with this area. However, it appears that far fewer shell

genera and ornament types were traded into the Ancestral Puebloan area than are found in

the Hohokam region. Jernigan (1978) noted that based on shell ornament types it appears

that the Mogollon may have operated as middlemen along the trade route and a

“gradient” of shell types and styles was the result of this interaction, leaving the

Ancestral Puebloans with the unwanted leftovers of the Mogollon. Although later in

time, Casas Grandes also had economic interests in shell trade and distribution (Bradley

1993, 1996; DiPeso 1974), and may have taken over control of the network after the

decline of Hohokam economy (Vokes and Gregory 2007). Over 3.9 million shells

(including ornaments) were excavated from Casas Grades and a large majority (96%) of

these shells were located in two rooms of the site (Bradley 1993; DiPeso 1974). In

addition, only a select group of residents were buried with shell ornaments, further

supporting the interpretation that shell ornament export was a major component of their society (Bradley 1993; Rakita 2001; Ravesloot 1984, 1987; Vokes and Gregory 2007).

Tower (1945) states that almost 90 percent of the shell found in Southwest has

been modified from its original form and it is rare to find unmodified shells in any

context other than the refuse piles. Shell “blanks” and evidence of manufacture (refuse)

are rare in the Northern Southwest. However, evidence for Glycymeris shell bracelet

43 manufacture has been found in Northern Mexico. At the Boquillas site in Sonora,

Mexico, hundreds of the round Glycymeris shell blanks were discovered with cut edges and without perforations (Woodward 1936). Tower (1945:37) notes that it is likely that

the Glycymeris shell jewelry was traded as finished pieces since large quantities of these

shells would have been heavy to carry for long distances.

Turquoise has also been the focus of numerous studies related to trade (Mathien

2001; Warren and Mathien 1985; Windes 1992; Wiseman and Darling 1986; Weigand

2007; Weigand and Harbottle 1993). Weigand’s (2007) study of trade between

Mesoamerica and the Southwest utilized NAA source analysis to determine the sources

of the turquoise being circulated throughout the two regions. He discovered that by A.D.

1000 an extensive trade network was fully operational between the two regions.

Weigand (2007:350) states that prior to the rise of Chaco Canyon, turquoise was mainly

traded in raw form, however Chaco soon began manufacturing beveled edge tessarae pieces that would have been attached in mosaic patterns to a variety of different backings which were often worn as ornaments.

Copper artifacts were also traded into the Southwest, however the distribution was limited. The majority of the copper ornaments are restricted to the southern areas, with a few trickling into the northern Southwest (Vargas 1995). Copper bells have been located at several sites in the Southwest including Chaco Canyon with the majority found in the

Hohokam and Mogollon regions. As with shell variety, the presence of copper bells seems to decrease in frequency the further the site is from the source. Upwards of 115 copper bells were recovered from Casas Grandes (Kelley 1995:110). The majority of these bells were recovered from one room (Room 9C-8) at the site and 52 of them were

44 part of a composite necklace. This necklace had been cached in a cotton bag in the rafters

of the room along with two strings of seven clustered bells and one string of six clustered bells. Kelley argues that this cache represents the status marker of one or several very important persons, or possibly a cult group which utilized the jewelry in its rituals.

Casas Grandes is the only site in the Southwest that has evidence for copper ornament manufacturing (Bradley 1993:127). DiPeso (1974) states that the metal workers may have inhabited an area of the site known as Family Cluster 4 based on the abundance of bulk metal found in this dwelling. In the Hohokam region, at Snaketown, a necklace composed of 28 copper bells and shell beads was found on the floor of a house (6G) and

may also have been stored in the rafters (Gladwin et al. 1938:163-164). Copper bells

were also found with burials at the Gatlin Site, a Hohokam site near Gila Bend, Arizona.

At this site, copper bells were found with cremations and may have been parts of necklaces or anklets and are thought to be markers of high status (Kelley 1995:114).

In comparison to the Hohokam area, copper bells are relatively rare in the Anasazi and Mogollon regions until approximately A.D. 1000 – 1400 (McGuire 1980:30-31), and even then, they are found in limited quantities. At Chaco Canyon, copper bells were found by various excavators at Pueblo Bonito (n = 32; Lister 1978: 237), Pueblo del

Arroyo (n = 6; Judd 1954:109), Casa Rinconada (n = 2; Vivian and Reiter 1960: 24), and

Pueblo Alto (n = 1; Judd 1954:109). None of the copper bells were found in association with burials and all were found in relatively late (after A.D. 1050) ritual deposits i.e. great kivas etc. They do not appear to have been used as status symbols within the burial context.

45 Ornament Styles and Types

E. Wesley Jernigan’s Jewelry of the Prehistoric Southwest (1978) was the first large-scale evaluation of ornamentation throughout the Southwest and through time.

Since this thesis also covers ornaments through time, Jernigan’s study is used throughout this report for comparison. Jernigan found that certain styles of ornaments enjoyed varying degrees of popularity through time (Tables 2.2 through 2.4). The research presented in this paper expands on Jernigan’s work by evaluating one of the contexts in which these ornaments are found (burials) to further address how ornaments were worn and how styles correlate with the materialization of social identity.

Based on Jernigan’s research, several ornament types are present during all time periods including disc beads (both stone and shell), stone tubular beads, stone seed beads

(i.e. minute beads) and shell saucer shaped beads (Table 2.2). As stated above, subspherical beads are restricted to the Basketmaker periods and several types are first introduced during Pueblo II (tubular shell beads, stone and shell bilobed beads and rectangular shell beads). The research conducted for this thesis found similar patterns, however not all of these bead types were found in burials from all time periods in the sample. In addition, bilobed beads were discovered in Basketmaker III burials therefore this style appears earlier than Jernigan’s research suggests.

46 Table 2.2. Jernigan’s (1978) Bead Types by Period Ornament Type Material BM II BM III PI PII PIII PIV Disc Beads Stone X X X X X X Shell X X X X X X Subspherical Beads Stone X X Tubular Beads Stone X X X X X X Shell X X X Bilobed Beads Stone X X Shell X X X Rectangular Beads Stone X X X X Shell X X Side Drilled Beads Stone X X Seed Beads Stone X X X X X X Dentate Beads Shell X X X Saucer Beads Shell X X X X X X

Jernigan’s research on pendants indicates that the majority of pendant types were used throughout time (Table 2.3). A few styles are absent from the Pueblo I period, however this is probably due to the limited data for this time period overall. Only shell zoomorphic bird pendants are restricted to one time period (Pueblo II). These pendant types are popular in the Hohokam and Mogollon regions, which supports the assertion that increased interaction and trade with these regions may have been occurring during this period.

Table 2.3. Jernigan’s (1978) Pendant Types by Period Ornament Type Material BM II BM III PI PII PIII PIV Tab Pendants Stone X X X X X X Shell X X X X X X Whole Shell Pendants Shell X X X X X Round, Sunburst or Oval Stone X X X X X X Pendants Shell X X X X X Square and Rectangular Stone X X X X X X Pendants Shell X X X Diamond, Elongate, Stone X X X X X X Trapezoid, and Shell X X Triangular Pendants Bird Pendants Stone X X X X X (Zoomorphic) Shell X Animal Pendants Stone X X X (Zoomorphic) Shell X X X

47 According to Jernigan’s study, other ornament types are more varied in their

distribution across time. For example, rings do not appear in the archaeological record

until the Puebloan periods. I would argue that necklaces of all material types were present

through time and Jernigan’s data is skewed by the nature of the sample available for study and difficulties classifying some of the ornaments as necklaces due to context.

Table 2.4. Jernigan’s (1978) Other Ornament Types by Period Ornament Type Material BM II BM III PI PII PIII PIV Rings Stone X X X Bone X X Bracelets Shell X X X X X* Bone Tubes Bone X X X X X Mosaic and Inlay Stone X X X X X Shell X X Jet Plaques and Buttons Stone X X X X Necklaces Stone X X X X X Shell X X X X Seed X X X X Bone X X

Ornament Use

The use of ornaments as decorative items on other significant objects and their

placement in special contexts speaks to the importance of ornaments beyond items of

adornment. This section explores the different ways ornaments were used in the past. The

purpose of this discussion is to highlight the variability in ornament use and the

interpretive difficulties that may result from attempting to identify ornaments and how

they were used outside of the burial context. The use of ornaments in a variety of

contexts supports the interpretation that ornaments were valued symbolically and may

have materialized many different aspects of identity.

Beads and pendants were strung onto prayer sticks at Zuni (Parsons 1996).

Parsons (1996) states that depending on the topic of the prayer, certain ornaments were used. For example, at the shrine on Corn Mesa white shell beads were used when prayers

48 involved children (Parsons 1996:299). Other uses of ornaments included adorning

fetishes and stone figurines with necklaces. For example, the Twin War gods were

adorned with shell (Olivella) necklaces and a large shell pendant of abalone shell (Voth

1905:287). The war cults also adorn several objects with Olivella shells including mini

bows (Jemez) and dance bandoleers (Parsons 1996). The importance and value of shells

is also demonstrated in the legends and stories. For example, the hero of one of the Tewa tales is named “Olivella Flower” (Parsons 1996:126).

Ornaments were also used as offerings. Ritual caches of ornaments have been found in kivas, niches, rooms, shrines, and other ritual contexts (Mills 2004). It has also been suggested that select deposits, like the northern room block at Pueblo Bonito, served as a ritual refuse area (Neitzel 2003:125). Dedicatory caches of ornaments have been located underneath walls, in kivas, niches and in the corners of rooms (Pepper 1909;

Renfrew 2001; Mathien 2001). These caches have been interpreted as ritual offerings or offerings prior to building construction (Renfrew 2001; Mathien 2001; Mills 2004). At

Zuni, offerings of turquoise were buried under the foundation of the kiva (Acoma) or a house (Zuni) for the war gods prior to war. Another alternative use of ornaments is for architectural decoration. For example, at the site of Tijeras, pendants were embedded in a kiva floor to form a mosaic pattern (Judge 1974).

The value of exotic goods has been recognized in the archaeological record based on the restricted consumption of these items and their presence in high status contexts.

At Chaco Canyon, Mathien (2001:110) determined that the majority of turquoise at the site was restricted to offerings in kivas and grave goods. Dedicatory offerings were located primarily in the Great Kivas and included beads, necklaces and pendants of shell,

49 turquoise and other materials in caches, beam recesses and niches. However, not all of

the offerings were finished ornaments. Turquoise pieces/refuse were also included in some offerings indicating that even small amounts of turquoise still had inherent value

(Judd 1954; Mathien 2001:115). The inclusion of large quantities of shell and turquoise

as grave goods appears to be restricted to burials within the great houses. During the

Classic Bonito and Late Bonito phases small site burials do contain exotic ornaments but

in fewer numbers than those found at the great houses. The restricted nature of turquoise

and shell at the site may indicate that the value of the material was far greater as a trade

item, thus the majority of localized consumption was limited to only important

dedications and deaths. Most areas in the Ancestral Puebloan Southwest appear to have

had access to these exotic materials in some degree. However, turquoise does not seem

to have been accessible or a desired resource in the Mesa Verde region during the Pueblo

III period. At Aztec Ruins, the large political center that rises after the fall of Chaco

turquoise ornaments and artifacts were found however the economic role appears to have

changed from trade to personal consumption.

Across the Southwest, shell ornaments appear to have been the most persistent

sought after exotic ornament from Basketmaker II to Pueblo IV. Out of 25 genera of

shells that are highly valued on the Pacific and Gulf coasts for food and would have been

procured for those purposes with the shell as added bonus, only five species are found in

the Southwest: Glycymeris, Haliotis, Cardium and Pecten (Tower 1945) and only two of

these are found in the Ancestral Puebloan region (Glycymeris and Haliotis). Therefore

the majority of shells would have been harvested, gathered and traded primarily for their

value in some other capacity other than food. In other areas of the world, shell was used

50 as a type of currency, however, there is no evidence for this use in the Southwest, although shell may have symbolized wealth. The diverse context of shell in the

Southwest indicates its use in rituals, adornment and possibly as a symbol of prestige.

Tower (1945) suggests that this use can also be supported by the limited number of freshwater shells found in sites when compared to salt water varieties and the observation that these land and fresh water shells were not widely traded. This indicates that the salt water varieties of shell may have been imbued with meaning and value in their inherent aesthetic or exotic nature. Shell imitations have been crafted from clay and other materials, which also indicates their apparent prestige and value.

Most ornaments are identified based on the presence of perforations for suspension or attachment, however many other items may have been used as adornment.

Items like projectile points that lack any type of perforation could have been worn by wrapping cordage around the object and if necessary, using a type of adhesive. According to Parsons (1996:332), projectile points were often worn as amulets for protection.

However, in archaeological contexts, these items are often interpreted as functional rather than ornamental or aesthetic.

Ornaments and Dress

The loose ornaments that are found at archaeological sites may have been part of a necklace or bracelet, but they also could have been attached to a garment of clothing

(i.e. dance costumes). Without context, the use of ornaments on clothing is speculation, however the placement of many ornaments in burials suggests that this assumption may be correct. Depictions in kiva murals and ethnographic accounts (see Chapter 5) also

51 support this usage of ornaments. Dance bandoleers, and wrist guards were embellished

with Olivella shells and Abalone pendants were an in important element of the costume of the Zuni Mahedinasha kachina (Roediger 1941).

This section has outlined research on ornaments in the Ancestral Puebloan

Southwest. Studies relating to ornament types, manufacture, distribution and trade and use are ongoing and the questions relating to these topics have not been exhausted.

However, as the above discussion has illustrated, very little attention has been focused on the significance of these items beyond the value as trade goods and items reserved for elite individuals. The social significance of ornaments and the potential insight regarding social identity that can be ascertained by shifting the focus away from the objects themselves and evaluating them as items that were worn to symbolize, communicate or embody a multitude of aspects of ones identity are discussed in the following section.

Since the research presented in this paper focuses on ornaments as personal possessions that communicate aspects of social identity, a discussion of the theoretical approaches to both body modification and identity are paramount. Therefore the following chapter will discuss identity and how it has been conceptualized theoretically and the aspects of social identity that can be communicated through their use in these contexts.

52 Chapter 3 Social Identity and Adornment

Theoretical approaches to personal adornment in archaeology derive from various

academic disciplines including anthropology, fashion history, sociology, critical theory and material cultural specialists. Each of these disciplines offers insight to the understanding of the reasons why people wear what they do and the symbolic meaning that surrounds those decisions concerning self portrayal. For this thesis, I have taken an approach that draws on several theories about identity and material culture in the past,

that help to elucidate the social significance of what people wore in the past and how

individual and group identities were shaped and constructed by these choices in physical

appearance.

In this chapter I present several theoretical perspectives which are used in this

thesis. First, I present the concepts of identity, identity formation, the significance of the

individual in archaeological analysis, and the categories of identity that are used in this

thesis: gender, age, group membership, social role, and status. Second, I discuss the

relevant theories about the body, inscriptions on the body and the place of the body in

perceiving the self and others and embodiment. Thirdly, I explore the relevant theories

about fashion, dress and its role in communicating ideas of self and identities. The final

section of this chapter examines the previous research on identity in the Southwest.

Identity

The concept of identity is complicated, contradictory and culturally situated in

time, place and society (Diaz-Andreu and Lucy 2005; Fisher and Loren 2003). It can

53 refer to both individual identity (also known as personality or personhood) and group

identity (Bernard and Spencer 1996:292). Diaz-Andreu and Lucy (2005:2) argue that it is

“through identity we perceive ourselves, and others see us, as belonging to certain groups

and not others”. Diverse social characteristics are encompassed in identity, including age,

gender, ethnicity, religious affiliation, occupation, kin group, and status. Identity can be

constituted in many different ways and people identify with various groups at different

stages in their lives, thus certain aspects of identity may be more ephemeral than others

(Diaz-Andreu and Lucy 2005; Fisher and Loren 2003:225; Joyce 2005). The identities of

one person are simultaneously multiple and intertwined. A single person can possess any

multiplicity of identities, can be thought by others to possess a number of identities, or

can favor certain aspects of his or her own self – identity over any other. Social identity is

pertinent to this thesis because it is through dress, body modification, and ornamentation

that “an individual has the ability to ‘put on a social skin’, allowing self-identification as

a member of a larger or different social or interest group (Fisher and Loren 2003:225).

For the purposes of this thesis I utilize items of personal adornment to explore the

dimensions of gender, age, status and group membership (regional groups).

Focus on social identity as a topic of interest has developed out of social

anthropology and feminist studies and a trend towards examining the role of individuals

(agency and practice) rather than only elites or culture groups, and has become more

prevalent in archaeological research (Diaz-Andreu and Lucy 2005). Although the topic

of identity has become prominent in archaeological discourse, the theoretical constructs

concerning how identity can be studied archaeologically have changed over the years

along with the trends in the larger scheme of archaeological thought. As Rosemary

54 Joyce’s recent article (2005) on the archaeology of the body illustrates, the theory surrounding personal adornment and the body in archaeology has ranged from markers of identity that could be read from inscriptions on the body, to the body as a site for performance and embodiment.

Performance is essentially the acts, gestures, rituals, that people “perform” or

“engage in” on a daily basis. This includes the act of getting dressed and adorning the body with ornaments that materialize one’s identity. It is through performance that individuals actively negotiate and construct their identity on a daily basis. Inscription is related to the concept of performance in the sense that the items that people adorn themselves with on a daily basis become symbolic of their identity and can be interpreted by others as markers of certain social roles. As stated above, through performance these roles can be negotiated, discontinued and constructed, but the ornament itself “inscribes” the social role on the body for others to view and interpret. In addition to performance and inscription, the concept of embodiment is also integral to research regarding identity.

Embodiment encompasses all aspects of what is like to be living in one’s body. The experiences of daily life and self portrayal culminate in an embodied individual. These concepts are discussed in detail in the following sections.

Identity and Performance

Judith Butler (1993:136) describes identity and the act of identification as an

“enacted fantasy” or incorporation in which a person enacts or incorporates the individual fantasy or elements of identity into themselves through individual acts, gestures and

55 desire. Significantly the place where these elements are played out is on the surface of the body. As Butler describes:

“Acts, gestures, and desire produce the effect of an internal core or substance, but produce this on the surface of the body….Such acts, gestures, enactments generally construed, are performative in the sense that the essence or identity that they otherwise purport to express are fabrications manufactured and sustained through corporeal signs and other discursive means” (Butler 1993:136).

While acts and gestures make up the internal ideas of identity, it is the exteriority (surface of the body) of the signs and of the communication of ideas that enable their ultimate incorporation into the self. It is through the performance of the gestures and acts that the ideas are imprinted into the ideas of the self. In other words, the acts – the gestures and actions – actually are the identity itself (Butler 1990:141). The concept of performance as integral to identity formation is paramount to the connection of personal adornment to ideas of identity, for personal adornment is concrete, recoverable evidence of the exterior construction of the self. One recoverable performance or act, and thus, the means by which people produced identities, then is through the decoration of the surface of the body with personal adornment.

An important part of the idea of identity construction as performance is that there must be an audience for the performance. As stated above, the substance of identity is construed by and through the means of actions performed by the individual. These actions are performed for a social audience and the presence of the social audience reinforces the fabrication of the identity to the individual who is performing it. These acts are believed by both the actor (the individual) and the audience (the larger society or

56 some such group). In fact, the audience is as much a participant in the performance as is

the actor in that they believe in the actions performed by the actor (Butler 1990:141). It is

the creation and enactment or conduct of the performance and the participation of both

audience and performer that creates the identity and the identity itself in the performance.

Recent research that has focused on identity focuses on investigating the past athe

from the perspective of the individual. Meskell (1999:12) describes three layers of the

interpretation through which archaeologists can access the individual. The foundation, or

first layer, is the material experience of the individual. The second layer is the culturally situated experience of what it is to be someone within a specific temporal and cultural framework. At this level, the cultural ideas of one’s body, mind and self operate. The third layer is that of the individual experience that is determined by one’s age, gender, class, ethnicity etc. This final layer, or the individual, is what prevents the experiences of two people from being identical at any time (difference and variation). As Meskell states

“an archaeology of individuals and their social relations is possible, if the questions we

ask, and the interpretations we offer, allow the people of the past intention, volition, and

agency” (Meskell 1999:6).

Identity and Inscription

The body has become increasingly popular as a topic of archaeological inquiry.

For the purposes of this discussion, the body is defined as “a concrete, material, animate

organization of flesh, organs, nerves, skeletal structure and substances, which are given

unity and cohesiveness through physical and social inscription on the bodies surface”

(Grosz 1995:104).

57 The practice of inscribing identity on the body has been practiced throughout

human history for social and aesthetic reasons. This section introduces the methods of

how the body is inscribed and through body modification and the ways in which social

identity is communicated through the practice of inscription. Body modification (or body

alteration) is the permanent or semi-permanent deliberate altering of the human body for

non-medical reasons (Eicher et al. 2000). Examples of permanent alterations of the body

include head shaping (cranial deformation), dental modification, tattooing, scarification,

mutilation, and body piercing. Permanent body modifications typically “encode long-

lasting social identities such as peer group affiliation, and in this way contrast with more

ephemeral body alterations” (Torres-Rouff 2003:2). Regardless of whether decorative

items are added to the body, or markings are imposed on the body, all alterations carry

social meaning and many are associated with a person’s identity and social position

within the cultural group (Barnes and Eicher 1992).

Temporary means of altering the body, including body art, dress, and adornment

or ornamentation, can also be used to convey a wide array of information. However, in contrast to more permanent forms of alteration, temporary modifications can easily be discontinued when no longer useful in social negotiations of identity or affiliation (Joyce

2005). Therefore, aspects of identity that are situational or negotiated would more than likely be materialized in a temporary form. The situational removal or addition of adornment must assume a level of self- consciousness and active participation at the level of the individual (Joyce 2005).

The techniques of social inscription vary according to gender, class, race, cultural and age codifications, as well as according to social positions and relations (Grosz 1994:

58 141-142). Thus we can expect to see such differences reflected in the artifacts that record

these practices. The practices of clothing and adorning the self are voluntary practices

and remnants of these actions are archaeologically recoverable. Grosz discusses the ways

in which the body is inscribed and employs the metaphor of the body as a text. The body

is a text - a system of signs to be read, decoded and understood. The body is “read” as an

expression of the interior (mind) of the individual. The body is a “storehouse of

inscriptions and messages between its internal and external boundaries” (Grosz 1994:34)

and these messages and inscriptions are incorporated as behavior that has meaning and

functions within the social system (Grosz 1995:34). She states “the tools of body

engraving – social, surgical, epistemic, disciplinary – all mark, indeed constitute, bodies

in culturally specific ways; the writing instruments, - pen, stylus, spur, laser beam,

clothing, diet, exercise – function to incise the body’s blank page” (Grosz 1994: 117).

Personal adornment in the form of clothing, jewelry, and other dress accessories, is one

of those tools used to mark the body and produce such a text.

Grosz (1995:33) views the body as the arena in which the sociopolitical

exteriority produces interiority (in the case at hand here in terms of identity construction).

One manner of producing interiority via exteriority is through the “inscription of the

body’s surface”. According to Grosz, bodily inscriptions function to make apparent the

cultural ideals held by the society as a whole on the surface of the body. What is

inscribed on the surface is a reflection and intensification of the exterior ideas that then move from the surface to the interior. So although these inscriptions “lie” on the surface

of the body, they are not merely “superficial”, but rather, they create an underlying depth

in the form of individuality and consciousness (Grosz 1994). It is in this realm that the

59 physical manifestations of the surface of the body contribute to the “creation of interior” ideas about identity and group affiliation.

The process of incorporation into and inscription onto the body is uncomplicated:

“Anything that comes into contact with the surface of the body and remains there long enough will be incorporated into the body image – clothing, jewelry, other bodies, objects” (Grosz 1994:80). Artifacts of personal adornment are a set of items that can be incorporated into or inscribed onto the body. The artifacts recovered as items of personal adornment are the physical remains of surface inscription; they are evidence of inscriptions on the surface of the body that create and maintain group and individual ideas and identities.

Embodiment

The body is central to a discussion of personal adornment because it is on the surface of the body and through the actions of the body that identities are enacted (Butler

1990). As Meskell describes, the body, or embodiment, can be used to engage with multiple aspects of the archaeological past. Materiality – such as the way people eat, sleep and feel pain – is part of embodiment and so are the ways that a particular culture and its social setting and cultural context create a corporeal style and constitute bodies.

Embodiment explores what it is to be in one’s own body and to live and act as an individual. Finally, expressions of sex and gender and other identity markers are part of embodiment (Meskell 1999:37). In order to gain insight into the embodied lives of individuals archaeologically, Joyce (2005) argues that one must understand the “reflexive relations” between bodily practices, perceptions, and experience among persons.

60 According to Joyce (2005:143), “the textualization of the body’s surface is increasingly

viewed as a more or less deliberate social strategy through which embodied identities

were shaped, not simply signaled”. The focus is shifted to the actual “effects of the use of ornaments or styles of dress on the experience of the person whose body is literally shaped by a manner of dress”. Furthermore, she argues that recent work related to the body considers the relationship between ornaments and the body “as products of active construction of identity, not simply as signaling of independently existing identities

(Fisher and Loren 2003; Joyce 2005). The “history of the body” becomes paramount rather than analyzing the materialization of a moment in time (Joyce 2005). The degree

of consciousness and intentionality in the use of costume and the way that costume serves

to perpetuate embodied identities is of primary focus. This thesis considers the ways that

body practices (adornment) and representations of bodies (rock art and kiva murals)

worked together to produce experiences of embodied personhood differentiated along the

lines of group membership, gender, age, status and social role.

Dress and Identity

Historically all people have decorated their bodies and inscribed themselves in

some kind of performance that was part of a ritualized set of acts through which they

defined themselves along gender, class, ethnicity and age lines. Clothing, and the act of

dressing, is considered to have symbolic and communicative power and is assumed to

convey ideas about group and individual affiliation (Barnes and Eicher 1992; Eicher

1995; Hendrickson 1995).

61 Fashion, clothing and dress are widely understood to be part of a system of

communication (Barnes and Eicher 1992; Entwistle 2000). Through the examination of

dress and fashion, theoretical descriptions of the body become accessible in an

archaeological context. It is within the realm of costume and dress, that ideas and

attitudes about the body are “enacted and physically experienced and it is here that daily

living occurs” (Entwistle 2000:7). Dress or adornment is one means by which bodies are

made social and given meaning and identity (Entwistle 2000:7). The individual and the

personal act of dressing is an act that prepares the body for the social world and is an

ongoing practice starting early in childhood (Eicher and Roach-Higgins 1992). Entwistle

(2000:5) argues that dress in everyday life is about the experience of acting on and living

in the body.

Dress is mediated by a range of social factors including status, gender, ethnicity,

age, occupation, income, and body shape, In addition, factors such as bonds to traditional

costume and social situations are also involved in determining what people wore

(Entwistle 2000:44). When an individual gets dressed, he or she prepares his or her body

for presentation and observation in the outside world. Through the action of dressing a

person “clothes”, or constructs, his or her body in a manner that is “appropriate”,

respectable, and desirable (Entwistle 2000:7). Alternately, the individual can choose to clothe and construct his/her body in a way that is contrary to accepted modes of dress.

Dressing the body is an intimate, personal, and individual experience at the same time

that it is a conscious and knowing presentation of the body and the self to the public

(Eicher and Roach-Higgins 1992:15). An individual follows or knowingly disregards

conventions and standards known in a society. In this way, the body and the way the

62 body appears dressed or clothed, constructed, is directly related to social order and is embedded in social relations. (Entwistle 2000:9-10).

Dress and the act of getting dressed is a repetitive ritual and is part of the performance of identity. Clothes and other items of personal adornment become part of the body, and this clothing is part of the body as the center of perception, part of the body that sees and part of the body that is seen (Entwistle 2000). Dress can be at the center of a

theoretical and methodological framework used to understand the relationship(s) between

dress, the body and culture (Entwistle 2000). Entwistle’s perspective describes the body

as a cultural construction and emphasizes the ways the historical constraints on the body

effectively create the body (Entwistle 2000:11). In other words, the historical constraints

on the body impact the way that dress and dressing take place, and these constraints

influence in multiple ways how the body is presented in any given situation. Small

artifacts of personal adornment are the physical remains of dress, dressing and of the

physical presentation of the body. It is through the artifacts of personal adornment that

we can access the action of getting dressed and begin to see how individuals dressed their

own culturally constructed and socially situated bodies.

Adornment and Aesthetics

Items of personal adornment have received attention and interest from both

researchers and the general public due to the beauty and exotic nature of these items.

Although the aesthetic value may have drawn our attention today, the degree to which

this affected the choices in the ornament manufacture process and personal adornment

practices of the past are difficult to assess due to the entangled nature of both personal

63 aesthetics and the materialization of social identity. Eicher and Roach-Higgins (1992:17) argue “the form of a society’s language of personal adornment depends on environmental resources, technical developments and cultural standards for judging what is fine or beautiful”. They emphasize that personal aesthetics are culturally and historically constituted and constructed (Eicher and Roach Higgins 1992). Although aesthetics or societal preferences may be one of the motivating factors in the ornaments original manufacture and wear, social meanings, either conscious or unconscious are ultimately associated with these items. Due to the embedded nature of meaning in ornamentation and adornment, personal or group aesthetic preferences are rarely used in archaeological interpretation. Although aesthetics are not the focus of this thesis, it is important to note that the decision to wear certain items may have been based on the aesthetics of the ornament. However, individual identity is still constructed and negotiated by that choice.

A Theoretical Approach to Personal Adornment

In the previous section, I described a number of frameworks used to understand the potential of personal adornment as a means of investigating individual and group identity in the past. In this final section, I focus on the most pertinent aspects of these multiple perspectives, and summarize the theoretical approach to personal adornment I use in this thesis.

For this study, I use all of the frameworks discussed above to understand the use of personal adornments in the Southwest. Although “texturalization” and inscribing the body may be fading out of “fashion” in terms of contemporary archaeological thought, it must be noted that a study of this magnitude has not been attempted in the Southwest.

64 Therefore in order to gain a basic understanding of how items of personal adornment were worn, who wore them, and how these trends changed over time, an approach that uses a combination of each perspective is necessary.

As a research topic, personal adornment has been essentially ignored as an element of dress in the Ancestral Puebloan Southwest, even though it is a class of material culture with great potential for understanding the significance of personal appearance and the construction of group and individual identity. As discussed previously, personal adornment manufacture, trade and raw material studies have been the primary focus relating to ornament studies. “The process of “clothing the site inhabitants” allows the archaeologist to understand the people – give agency to people and to understand them as participants in daily life in a more active and realistic manner”.

The items of personal adornment in this study are used to gain an understanding of the ways in which individuals dressed themselves and marked themselves as individuals and as members of different groups. Performance, inscription and embodied experience intertwine as the primary frameworks I employ to understand how personal adornment was used by individuals to create, maintain, and demarcate boundaries of social groups, gender, status, and age.

As I discussed in the previous section, the idea of performance put forth by Butler

(1990) is integral to this study. From this perspective, identity is viewed as incorporated into the “self” through the repeated acts and gestures (performances) that occur on the surface of the body. The artifacts of personal adornment are the “tools” that were used to incorporate identities into the body and are the physical remains of the mundane and repeated acts that can be recovered from archaeological contexts.

65 In addition to the concept of performance, the concept of inscription is also an

important framework used in this thesis. The act of inscribing identity on the surface of

the body allows people to display their affiliations and memberships on the body through

the clothes and adornments that they wear as well as other more permanent body

modifications.

Embodiment is the means by which a person interacts with, and experiences the

world. In the culturally embedded embodied experience, the body is seen as the central

focal point for all perception, and adornment is incorporated into the body and is the

remains of this perception and of all sensory experience. This thesis focuses on the ways that body practices (adornment) and representations of bodies (rock art and kiva murals) worked together to produce experiences of embodied personhood differentiated along the

lines of group membership, gender, age, status and social role.

Dress and costume are integral components of social identity. According to

Barnes and Eicher (1992:1), dress defines a person’s identity geographically and historically, and links a person to a specific community. Dress serves as a sign that a person belongs to a particular group (i.e. gender, social and economic position etc.), but also serves to differentiate the person from the rest of the group.

By using the framework of the symbolic and communicative attributes of dress along with an understanding of how dress operates as a sign and symbol of group membership, gender, ethnicity, status, and age – through the frameworks of performance, inscription and embodiment, the picture of how people physically constructed and constituted themselves through personal adornment can be reconstructed. This framework allows for researchers to recognize how people were active agents in the construction of

66 themselves as parts of larger groups and as separate individuals at the same time. The following section explores how the topic of identity has been approached in the

Southwest and expands upon each of the aspects of identity used in this thesis to further elucidate how they have been previously approached and how they are constructed and materialized in the archaeological record

Adornment and Identity in the Southwest

Research regarding identity in the Southwest has become more prevalent over the last decade (Cordell 2007), partly because of the need to determine cultural affiliation from material culture to comply with NAGPRA legislation (Cordell 2007; Ferguson

2004). In order to determine cultural affiliation, archaeologists have renewed interest in migration studies (Cameron 1995; Duff 2002; Stone 2003), ethnicity (Clark 2004), group interaction (Hegmon 2000) and social boundaries (Stark 1998; Cordell 2007). Several types of material culture have been used to isolate social identity from the archaeological record. Aspects of these items that have been fruitful for researchers include: style/design and technology/manufacturing techniques. Most of these avenues of research involve evaluating learned behaviors under the assumption that these behaviors are unique for different groups. Artifact manufacture, as illustrated in Lyons and Clark

(2007) often involves unconscious choices, thus it works well for identifying migration through their low visibility style studies. However, ornamentation and dress are high visibility attributes that communicate social identity non-verbally. I argue that ornaments offer evidence of a much more active aspect of social identity due to their role in

67 everyday dress and ceremonial contexts (this will be elaborated further in the following

sections).

Style is also an important element of this research since the style of the item of

personal adornment may be the mechanism or vehicle that is communicating identity. As

Polly Wiessner (2004:57) states, “style is one of several means of communication

through which people negotiate their personal and social identity vis-à-vis others,

whether to project a certain image, to mask an aspect of identity, or to raise questions about a person’s identity. “Style largely deals with projecting aspects of relative identity- unconsciously or consciously – non-verbal communication” (Wiessner 2004:57). If style is seen as a means of negotiating individual and social identity, then this supports the use of style to provide information on groups, boundaries and interaction.

Archaeologically, in the Southwest, very few types of body modification can be

identified based on material remains. Evidence for cranial modification is present,

however this type of modification is believed to have been the unintentional result of

cradle boarding (Piper 2002:43-44). Nonetheless, cranial modification in the Southwest

does appear to be linked to geographic region (different types of cradleboards) and it can

be helpful in determining identity (Piper 2002; Whittlesey 1999). Body art has been

indicated through the presence of certain dyes or pigments (i.e. red ochre) that appear to

have been used to decorate the body upon death (Tanner 1976). Body art is also

evidenced in rock art depictions of human figures (Cole 1990; Hays-Gilpin 2004), although some of these same elements have been interpreted as portrayal of decorated textiles (Hays Gilpin 2004). Dress and adornment/ornamentation are the two types of body modification that provide the most information about the identity of a group or

68 individual. The preservation of textiles has provided researchers with enough information to ascertain the typical regional dress of prehistoric Southwestern people (i.e.

Ancestral Puebloan, Sinagua and Hohokam), however determining the specificities of styles and costume differences on a smaller scale within these larger groups has not been feasible (Kent 1983:258). Thus, items of personal adornment provide the best avenue of research on social identity due to their generally good preservation and their presence in burial contexts.

Group Membership, Social Role, Sex/Gender, Age, and Status and Artifacts of

Personal Adornment

Group Membership

Studies aimed at identifying prehistoric group membership have focused on cultural traits that are unique to specific groups or cultures. These traits have then been compared to other groups to further isolate “cultural” or “ethnic” differences and to track the movement of people across the landscape (migration). These studies have largely focused on large-scale cultural groups both at the site level (i.e. Chacoans) and the regional level (i.e. Ancestral Puebloan). However, group membership is a multifaceted concept with many different nested levels. Group levels include culture, ethnicity, sodality, clan, kiva, religion, gender, age, etc. Essentially all aspects of one’s social identity could be considered a “group” that one may belong to. As stated above, the majority of research in the Ancestral Puebloan region has focused on large groups and ethnicities. Very little research has focused on identifying members of the smaller sub-

69 groups within these larger encompassing groups. Ornaments can be used to begin to

isolate and disentangle these different levels of group.

First, adornment can be used to differentiate oneself from others in the group

(Storm 1987; Wiessner 2004). It can also serve the function of group cohesiveness and a

certain ornament may be the materialization of group membership (Storm 1987;

Wiessner 2004). Depending on the size of the group, one ornament may signify

membership in the larger group, whereas other ornaments may signify membership in

smaller sodalities or sub-groups. Group affiliation communication through dress may not

be overtly obvious until a small group attempts to avoid assimilation into a larger group

or other situations when group cohesiveness is paramount (Storm 1987). At the village

level, group membership may have been significant to either conceal or wear proudly

depending on the circumstances. Intermarriage and immigration may have been situations

where it was necessary to conceal or abandon ones symbolic ornament of village

affiliation, however during periods of war or group cooperation was necessary for

survival, group affiliation may have been promoted and worn in highly visible locations

on the body.

Membership in these groups may be predetermined at birth based on kinship or

through initiation at an appropriate age. The initiation into a specific clan may have also

been established by kinship, however other clans may have selected members based on a

particular experience or talent. For example, according to Parsons (1996:114), the Eastern

Pueblos tend to have small clan groups that are composed of people who were chosen or dedicated from birth. In contrast, the Western Pueblo clan groups are larger and

membership is through recruitment after a “cure or peculiar experience or, in certain

70 weather-control groups, through matrilineal descent”. It would be expected that

memberships conferred at birth, if communicated through ornamentation would be

present even in the burials of infants or children.

Grasshopper Pueblo, located in central Arizona, is the largest extensively studied

Pueblo IV site in the Southwest. This site also produced one of the largest collections of

human remains and mortuary offerings that have been extensively studied. Using a sample of 410 burials and 1571 associated funerary artifacts Whittlesey (1978) recognized that the burial goods interred with the Grasshopper inhabitants were symbols of age, sex, and group membership. Research regarding mortuary customs at Grasshopper

Pueblo discovered that certain types of ornaments were worn only by certain groups

(Reid and Whittlesey 2001). Reid and Whittlesey (2001) have interpreted this finding as the presence of four different sodalities, the majority of which were restricted to only male members. Male burials at Grasshopper tended to be associated with more funerary items than females and the types of ornaments were strikingly varied between the two sexes. Items of personal adornment restricted to males included bone hairpins, Conus shell tinklers, bone beads and Glycymeris shell pendants. Female burials included shell ornaments with turquoise mosaic and finger rings of bone and shell. Both males and females were buried with stone pendants, strings of stone and shell disc beads (worn as anklets, bracelets, and necklaces), Glycymeris shell bracelets and turquoise mosaic ear bobs.

Based on these burial distinctions, Reid and Whittlesey (2001) proposed the presence of five different sodalities at Grasshopper. Four of these groups were restricted to males. Membership in the first male sodality was recognized by a bone hairpin worn in

71 the knot of hair at the back of the head. The second male group was distinguished by

wearing a Glycymeris shell bivalve pendant. Based on the location in burials, it is

suggested that these pendants were worn around the waist and may have been attached to

a belt or loincloth (Whittlesey 1999:127). Conus shell tinklers were the emblem of the

third male sodality. The location in the burials suggests these shells were used to

decorate other funerary objects or attached to a garment. The last male sodality

recognized by Reid and Whittlesey (2001) is the Arrow society. Members of this group

were identified by a quiver of arrows placed in the burial. The only sodality that was

open to both male and female membership was symbolized by Glycymeris shell bracelets.

These bracelets were commonly worn on the left arm in varied quantities (single or multiples). Approximately half of the males at Grasshopper belonged to one of the ceremonial societies. The arrow society is the only sodality recognized that also included

members from the other three male ceremonial groups. The symbolic distinctions

recognized at Grasshopper Pueblo will be used for comparative purposes throughout this

thesis.

Social Role

Items of ornamentation can also visually communicate a person’s social role.

Dichotomies of rich and poor, powerful and weak, conformers and non-conformers, and

religious and non-religious can be observed in differences of adornment. Such

distinctions may be more easily observed in large stratified populations where

distinctions are more pronounced (Storm 1987).

72 Occupation can also be signified through adornment. A particular object may be

symbolic of a person’s occupational role and the services that they are expected to

provide (Storm 1987). Social role has often been inferred from utilitarian objects

(grinding implements, hunting implements etc.), however badges of office or authority,

religious symbols (shaman, priest) or other symbols may also indicate someone is a specialist in a particular trade. For example, bone beads have been found on the right wrist of several male burials at Hawikuu. These beads have been interpreted as bow guards and indicate that these men may have been the hunters or warriors of the group.

Bayman (2002) has interpreted certain unique shell ornaments from Hohokam sites as badges of office. Although it would benefit the person in most cases to have these symbols in a visually prominent location, badges of authority/office were not necessarily items of adornment. They may have been an item that was carried like a staff, cane, rattle, or shell trumpet. At Hopi, badges of office included canes and large circular Haliotis

pendants. In addition, ritual authorities may have been materialized with the inclusion of

“medicine outfits”. These “outfits” would have involved wearing a skin pouch with

certain important items that were required for the ritual specialist, therefore the contents

of each pouch would be unique. Items in the pouches included minerals, pigments, beads,

fossils, crystals and other items used to manufacture pahos (prayer sticks). These have

been identified in the archaeological record as clusters of specific artifacts or tool kits of

a particular occupation or social role (Smith et al. 1966). It is likely that many badges of

authority were inalienable possessions that would not be retired in the burial of

individuals and would have been stored in a ritual location or clan-affiliated location.

73 At the site of Hawikku, Howell (2001) searched for community leaders based on

skeletal information and grave goods. This site dates to the Pueblo IV period and

provides a good example for evaluating continuity into the Historic period. Burials from

Hawikku date to three periods and were interred into ten distinct cemeteries at the site.

The results of his study indicate that economic status or control was no longer a criteria for leadership during Pueblo IV. Instead, the primary coveted attributes of political power/stature were “access to supernatural forces, esoteric knowledge and the ability to wield coercive force” (Howell 2001:149). Howell identified leaders based on a “diversity score”. These leaders included three adult females (Burials 193, 915A and 927A), and one adult male (Burial 113). The burial goods included with these individuals ranged from pigments, food items, grinding implements and weaponry. Only one burial was afforded ornaments upon death, and included one finger ring (Burial 193). This is an interesting finding, since ornaments were present with other individuals at Hawikku.

Lowering the diversity score standards, Howell identified three other males that may have held leadership roles (Burial 870, 216 and 196). Of these four burials, two contained necklaces (Burial 113 and 216). Based on Hodge’s field notes transposed by Smith et al.

(1966:207), the necklace with Burial 113 appears to have included a small pendant of jet and Burial 216 was buried wearing a necklace of seed beads. Therefore, based on

Howells’s analysis, leadership does not appear to have been materialized through ornamentation since other individuals are also interred with these items at the site, including subadults.

Clusters of specific artifacts found with burials have also been identified as tool

kits of a particular occupation or social role (Smith et al. 1966). For example, tool kits

74 containing minerals, beads, animal teeth and projectile points have been found in association with several burials at Forked Lightning Ruin (Kidder 1958). Based on the contents of these kits, Kidder (1958) interpreted the social role of these individuals as medicine women/men. These individuals were afforded a unique burial ritual in comparison to other individuals in the group based on their social role within the community. People participating in a particular religion may also adorn themselves in a certain fashion to convey their affiliation. In addition, certain rituals or ceremonies may require the participants to adorn themselves with a specific costume that is relevant to the particular event

Status

Status is defined as an individuals ranking within the group in relation to wealth and power. In the Southwest, social status may also be marked through ornamentation and is a topic that needs further exploration. Individuals interpreted as “commoners” were afforded very few if any grave goods. If any of these items were ornaments, it usually consisted of a single bead or pendant (Ellis 1968). In the evaluation of status, the quantity and quality of ornaments is often considered (the greater the number of ornaments the higher status of the individual) (Frisbie 1978; Neitzel 2003). Quality ornaments include those manufactured from exotic material types (discussed above) as well as unique styles are also viewed as markers of high status individuals. However, as

Aizpurua and McAnany (1999:117) note “the symbolic and social entanglements of items of adornment may carry more weight than simple status significance” and therefore require additional attention beyond the automatic assumption of high status.

75 In the Southwest research regarding ornamentation and status has largely been

coupled with the evaluation of mortuary practices in general. Akins and Schelberg’s

(1984) conclusions regarding whether the inhabitants of Chaco Canyon were part of a

ranked or stratified society, focused on the presence of the quality and quantity of the items offered to the deceased. This included ornaments manufactured from exotic goods.

These items were found with almost every person (including children) interred in Pueblo

Bonito, thus their conclusion that Chaco was indeed a hereditary based stratified society.

Two high status burials, which will be discussed in more detail below, were found in one

of the back rooms at Pueblo Bonito. These individuals were identified as being of high

rank or leaders (Pepper 1909; Neitzel 2003), based on the wealth of objects interred with them. The offerings included a large quantity of ornaments and turquoise. There may be other aspects of social identity other than status that are communicated through ornaments within the Pueblo Bonito population (see Chapter 6), however the disturbance of many of the burials prevents this from being fully investigated. Several high status burials have been identified in the study area. These burials are discussed below with a focus on the ornaments located. This burial data is included in this study and will be discussed further in Chapter 6.

Pueblo Bonito

Several rooms of Pueblo Bonito were utilized for burials and numerous

individuals were buried in each of these rooms. The two highest status burials from the site have been described in several publications (Akins 2003, 2004; Judd 1954; Pepper

1909, 1920). These two burials were located in the oldest portion of Pueblo Bonito and

76 were located under a plank floor in Room 33. In this room, offerings of ornaments were

placed in the four corners as well as with the burials. The following description of the

room and burials was adapted from Akins (2003) and Pepper (1909).

The offerings located in the northeast corner of the room included 983 beads and

pendants, 27 inlays, 26 pieces of turquoise, 6 stone and jet inlays, a shell bead and two

fragments of reed arrows with wooden foreshafts were located around a post. The

northwest corner contained 51 beads, 5 pendants and 5 pieces of worked turquoise.

The numbers of ornaments interred in direct association with the remains was equally as impressive. Burial 14, an adult male (approximately 25 years old; Akins

2004:184), is by far the richest, if the associations of goods assigned to each individual are accepted. Around the neck of the individual, 1,980 turquoise disk beads of various

sizes were found. Pepper (1909, 1920) speculated that these beads were once part of a

necklace or were sewn onto a clothing garment. In association with this necklace, one

large and eight small turquoise pendants were located. Surrounding the abdomen, another

large concentration (n = 2642) of turquoise beads, 168 small turquoise tab pendants and four turquoise pendants of “unusual form” (i.e. effigy). Around the right wrist, a bracelet

or wristlet composed of 616 turquoise disk beads, 147 small turquoise pendants, and a

turquoise pendant with two perforations (one at each end). Two carved turquoise objects were also found in association with the burial and included one bird effigy and one with incised lines both were perforated for suspension. Around the left wrist, 2,384 turquoise disk beads, 194 pendants and four cylindrical turquoise beads were worn. Several other pendants of unusual form were also located along with five shell pendants of unknown

77 type. The right ankle was covered with 322 turquoise disk-shaped turquoise beads, five small turquoise pendants, and two cylindrical turquoise beads.

The left ankle was adorned with 432 turquoise disk beads, eight small turquoise pendants, and eight small shell and stone beads. Pepper laments the preservation in this room and states that any sign of original cordage or fabric had decayed leaving the exact style of adornment up for interpretation. I would speculate based on the sheer number of ornaments, these items were worn as the multi-strand items that are depicted in the kiva murals. There has been no evidence of ornaments of this type being sewn onto a garment in the southwest and even when the Plains Indians adopted embroidery of European introduced seed beads, the Pueblo groups only utilized these items for necklaces and

never incorporated them into their costume.

Burial 13 is an adult male. The lower leg bones of the individual were scattered

with 2,997 turquoise disk beads. The right ankle also had a concentration of 698 of these

disk beads suggesting they were worn as an anklet. On the upper left arm, 1628 turquoise

disk beads and a set of small turquoise pendants and one large turquoise pendant. Nine

additional turquoise pendants were found in association with the remains as well as three

shell disk beads. Near the burial, several important shell items were also recovered.

Although these items are not ornaments, these shells are thought to have important ritual

functions. A large shell trumpet (conch shell) was located four inches from the right knee.

Shell trumpets have been identified in the Hohokam area as symbols of status or religious

office and their use is well documented in the ethnographic record (Mills and Ferguson

2008). Mills and Ferguson (2008) argue that the location of trumpets in restricted contexts associated with caches, ritual storerooms and burials indicates that these items

78 were inalienable items. In addition, their compilation of known occurrences of these

shells, few are from sites contemporaneous with Pueblo Bonito. This in conjunction with

the number of Glycymeris shell bracelets located in Burial 14 indicates a possible

Hohokam connection or a visit to the Hohokam area by the leaders to procure these powerful symbols (Mills and Ferguson 2008). This shell trumpet was resting on and near three unmodified Haliotis shell. According to Parsons, unmodified large shells were used during the as ritual dippers (1996) and these particular shells may have been used during

the preparation of the body for burial. Next to these shells, 26 complete Glycymeris shell bracelets and 15 bracelet fragments were found. Near this deposit, another Haliotis shell and a turquoise encrusted cylindrical basket with a cache of 2,150 disk shaped turquoise beads, 152 turquoise pendants, and 3,317 shell disk beads numerous small pendants and

68 large shaped shell pendants. In the general fill surrounding the two skeletons, two turquoise tadpoles, five turquoise frogs and seven turquoise buttons (similar to the frogs but without the eye features) were located. The significance of these frogs will be discussed further in Chapter 6. The remains of this individual exhibit evidence of a violent death. This in conjunction with the numerous artifacts afforded in death, and the placement of the burial in the northern burial cluster has led some to interpret this individual as a high ranking person or leader (Akins 2004).

Overall the importance of turquoise at Chaco Canyon is obvious based on the sheer amount interred with Burials 13 and 14. As stated above, the amount of turquoise at

Aztec ruin could be far greater than that recorded by Morris due to the discoloration from

the exposure to heat. Turquoise was an important status marker for the Chacoan symbol

of power. The presence of the Glycymeris shell bracelets that are status symbols in the

79 Hohokam area may support the assertion that this powerful individual may have used these symbols to communicate his power and connections to far reaching areas. Shell was

not as dominate in the Chaco area as it was in previous periods and in other areas. This

indicates a shift in identity or thought- focus on economics, status and trade vs. fertility,

water and rain. In the Pueblos, as stated before the black and white necklaces of the

ancestors were highly valued and turquoise is rarely mentioned.

The high status burials of Pueblo Bonito appear to be joining two different types

of adornment. On one hand, the sheer amount of turquoise asserts their power as leaders

of the regions and possible economic control over the turquoise mines and production.

On the other hand, Burial 14 contains many items that are associated with ritualistic

knowledge and identity in the Hohokam region. As this study has demonstrated,

Glycymeris shell bracelets are relatively rare outside of this burial context in the Northern

Southwest and do not reappear in burial contexts until the Pueblo IV period.

Dominguez Ruin

Dominguez Ruin is located in southwestern Colorado. The site was excavated in

1976 by the Mesa Verde Research Center (Reed et al. 1979). Of the three burials

recovered from this site, one contained the most ornaments found with a burial in the

Mesa Verde region. Burial 2, an adult female, was located beneath the floor of Room 2.

A red pigment was observed on several of the grave goods, remains and in the

surrounding soil indicating that a red ochre or hematite had been used to cover the flesh

during burial rites (Reed et al. 1979). The number of and quality of grave goods sets this

burial apart from others in the Mesa Verde region (the majority of burials in the Mesa

80 Verde region do not have ornaments as part of the mortuary costume). Ornaments associated with the burial included three elaborate pendants, 6,900 turquoise, jet and shell disk beads, and three turquoise and shell mosaics. One of the pendants, a frog effigy pendant, was located near the sternum and the three drill holes on the dorsal side indicate that it was strung for suspension possible around the neck. The purpose of three holes, instead of two may have been to compensate for the weight so the frog would lay flat against the chest. The other two pendants were similar medallion types found near the chin and right shoulder. These pendants may also have been strung as a necklace or could have been sewn onto a piece of clothing as a decorative embellishment. The majority of the beads were located insitu near the neck and the original pattern of the necklace could be extrapolated. Other beads were located throughout the fill of the internment and a few loose beads were also placed in a ceramic bowl placed near the head.

Reed (1979) postulates that the female may have been the mother of the infant or possibly the infant was a sacrificial offering and was placed in the burial after the female in Burial 2 was partially buried.

In conjunction with the ethnographic record, several interpretations regarding this burial can be postulated. First, the large number of ornaments interred with this burial are unusual for female burials in the study area and burials in general during this time period in the Northern San Juan region. Second, several “exclusive” ornament types were also present in the burial. The presence of frog effigy pendant with the burial is significant.

The frog, as discussed above, is an important water symbol that is linked with fertility.

This symbol is prominent in the Hohokam region, however in the study area, it is restricted to Pueblo Bonito and Aztec Ruins (see frog effigy section). It is important to

81 note that these effigy objects are not always cataloged as ornaments, therefore this assertion of site restriction in the study area would require further analysis in order to be conclusive. The medallion pendants found near the chin and shoulder are also similar to objects found in the high status burials at Chaco and Aztec.

Aztec Ruin

Aztec Ruin is located in northwestern New Mexico and is interpreted as the

Pueblo III successor of Chaco Canyon. The site was excavated from 1916 to 1927 by Earl

H. Morris. Several burials at Aztec have been interpreted as “high status” based on the wealth and variety of material offered. Burial 16 is located in room 41, east wing. This burial consisted of at least two adults and three children. Conflaguration occurred at some point in the room above causing heat damage and roof collapse to destroy many of the perishable items that may have also accompanied these burials (Morris 1924:155).

Morris noted that if this particular room had it not been burned it would have rivaled the burial chamber at Pueblo Bonito in terms of the wealth and variety of goods present and inferred. Many of the ornaments recovered from this room show signs of being burned or exposed to high heat and much of the turquoise is hardly recognizable. The high polish sheen and color are gone, causing a reevaluation of whether the material is even turquoise. Some objects faired better than others with only discoloration for damage.

Two adults were buried in the northwest corner of this room. On the chest of one individual, several mosaic disc shell buttons, Haliotis pendants, hundreds of Olivella shell beads and 30 jet frog effigy beads were found Morris noted that this individual “had been completely covered from throat to thighs with beads, abalone shell, and mosaic pendants”. Morris also noted an Olivella shell bead anklet on the left leg. The second

82 adult was interred facing the first individual. It is unclear from the notes the exact nature

of personal adornments with this individual since this information is not explicitly stated

by Morris. Two children were located in the northwest corner of this room. Adornments with these children were far less numerous, however they included Olivella shell beads, bilobed shell beads, and Conus shell tinklers. Other adornments found in this room included a strand of 31,000 black disk shaped minute beads. Burial 25, two adults in rooms, 110, 111 and 112 were also afforded many lavish offerings, however many of the ornaments are incomplete. The disturbed nature of the burials led Morris to conclude that looters may have ransacked the burial. Although disturbed, many beads were found in this burial. This includes 12 ft of white and black disk shaped beads. The combination of white and black beads appears to have been a long standing tradition in the southwest.

Another well-known high status burial from Aztec is known as the Warrior’s

Grave (Burial 83). This burial is drastically different in the amounts of ornaments included, indication that the social role of warrior may be materialized though other artifacts rather than ornamentation. This burial of an adult male contained only three ornaments including a spherical ornament of lignite located on the chest, bead bracelet of white disk beads and lignite beads, red disk beads and pieces of turquoise on the right wrist.

In contrast to the number of ornaments interred with high status individuals, a multiple burial of 15 infants and children were accompanied by numerous ornamental offerings. These ornaments included 6 feet of black disc beads (n = ca. 3100), 56 feet of black disc shaped beads (n = ca. 16,600), and numerous other types of loose beads including stone, bone, turquoise, and Olivella shell. Frisbie (1978:215) states that since

83 this is a mass burial, it does not seem likely that that they represent status-bearing individuals unless status was ascribed. He argues that this mass burial with numerous

offerings may be a sacrificial deposit, or “perhaps an attempt to dispel the cause of death,

possibly epidemic, through ritual means” (Frisbie 1978:215). Although speculation as to

the primary reason for this type of burial is beyond the scope of this thesis, the result of

this study on a large scale have shown that multiple burials of infants and children

afforded ornaments are not isolated events in the study area and a large number of

ornaments used in this study are from these contexts.

Ridge Ruin

The Burial of the Magician was recovered from the site of Ridge Ruin. This site is

located in near Flagstaff, Arizona and is located on the border of the Ancestral Puebloan

and Mogollon regions. This burial was located away from the other inhumations –

located in a small room and may have served as a kiva. The remains were identified as a

male of large stature 35-40 years old. The burial accoutrements included 400

arrowpoints, 600 indivudal and composite items including lignite mirrors, turquoise

mosaics, 25 pottery vessels of diverse types, beaded head cover, knives, Conus tinklers,

nose plug of red argillite with turquoise ends, mosaic turquoise bird forms with iron

pyrite eyes, small bows, arrows, painted or inlaid wands or staves in crescent special mineral caches, hallow tubes filled with dyes and pigments, composite turquoise and shell ear ornaments, turquoise and calcite pendants, lignite button, painted wooden cup and basketry tube with mosaic in turquoise, orange-colored rodent teeth, red argillite and black stone inlays. The interpretations regarding the role of this individual are diverse.

84 According to McGregor’s (1943) interpretation, this individual was a ceremonialist

associated with the Moochiwimi or Nasot wimi ceremony. According to Hopi informants, during this ceremony swords were swallowed and the individual performing the ceremony would have also been involved in witchcraft. This person may also have been both a religious leader of a specific clan as well as a war society leader/priest

(Hohmann 2001:113).

RB 568

Two burials located at RB 568, a Pueblo III site located in near Kayenta, Arizona have been identified as high status based on the variety of accoutrements afforded upon death and the amount of labor involved in the manufacture of the items interred and the types of material (Crotty 1983). Burial 50, a female of approximately 30 to 35 years old was buried with numerous items of adornment including a painted wood bracelet, a turquoise encrusted wood pendant, a pair of turquoise pendants, and over 50,000 minute red and black stone disc beads.

Burial 26, a young man, was also buried with a pair of turquoise pendants and a

39,000 black and red minute stone disc beads with a few turquoise beads interspersed into the pattern. The concentration of offerings itself was a unique attribute for the area.

The majority of burials considered high status in the study area were interred with numerous ornaments, which is rare in comparison to other burials that usually contained only one or two items of adornment.

85 Age

Age, like gender is a culturally constructed category (Kamp 2001:3; Prout and

James 1990:8). Although age is linked to biology through patterns of growth and general

aging, categories of age distinctions are culturally determined (Chamberlain 1997:250;

Kamp 2001:3; Sofaer Derevenski 2000:9-10; Perry 2006). Thus, age categories (infancy,

child, adolescent, young adult, old adult) and their associated biological ages, vary across

time and cultures (Kamp 2001). It is imperative for future studies of age to evaluate the

entire population and attempt to identify changes in each age distinction.

Until recently, the past has been peopled by adults. Two categories of age, the

elderly and children have been largely absent from archaeological discourse and interpretation of the past. Children have largely been ignored, invisible and viewed mainly as a burden of motherhood (Kamp 2006; Lucy 2005:43; Schwartzman 2006;

Moore 1997). The reasons for this omission have been discussed by several researchers,

(Kamp 2001, 2006; Schwartzman 2006; Lillehammer 1989) and primarily revolve around

Western notions of children as non-contributing members and the perceived limitations

of the archaeological record “exposing” traces of children’s activities. The archaeology of childhood and children has followed in the footsteps of the gender movement to include children as an important topic of study. Childhood is an important age distinction because it is the time when children learn how to be adults (Baxter 2005, Sofaer 2006). It is during childhood that children learn about gender, gender roles, gender ideology, ethnicity, and religious identities, and appropriate behavioral expectations based on family status or group (Sofaer Derevinski 2006).

86 Research regarding the elderly population has not yet developed the interest to

make it a viable topic of study beyond interpretations that the elderly are of a higher

status due to their age (Lucy 2005). However, if archaeologists begin to evaluate the

whole population and recognize that all members of a society were active participants in

creating the archaeological record, this may change. Kamp (2006:117) argues that

“archaeology is the archaeology of all people or it is the archaeology of no one”.

Ornaments can materialize important age distinctions since all societies have

some type of body modification that differentiates age and sex (Storm 1987; Roach and

Eicher 1992; Kamp 2001). Children may have similar types of adornment and appropriate dress until they reach a culturally determined rite of passage or initiation.

Rites of passage, initiations, puberty rituals and other age related events are often

celebrated and marked by alteration of the body (Joyce 1999; Storm 1987; Kamp 2001).

Whether this includes a change in hairstyle, dress or a more permanent marking, these practices successfully communicated to others in a community that the individual has graduated to a new social role (Storm 1987). In the examination of burials from Arroyo

Hondo, a Pueblo IV site in New Mexico, Palkovich (1980) noted three subdivisions of initiates based on Ortiz’s (1969) ethnographic model of the Tewa age system. Based on mortuary treatment, individuals under the age of six had not undergone an official initiation into the Tewa culture. In the mortuary contexts of individuals older than six, grave goods indicated a change in status (inclusion of rare and unusual items in the burial). This change is interpreted by Palkovich as the initiation into the Tewa society.

Other mortuary distinctions including body paint and ceremonial items with adults were interpreted as markers of initiation into a ritual society.

87 At Grasshopper Pueblo (discussed above) the age of the deceased was one factor

that determined the mortuary treatments afforded to the Grasshopper residents. Children

were interred with far fewer items than adults and the offerings provided were primarily

limited to ceramic vessels and personal ornaments. In contrast, adults were buried with

greater quantities and varieties of items including utilitarian and ceremonial items. As

will be discussed in Chapter 6, the results of this thesis also conform to this finding.

As this thesis demonstrates, in the Ancestral Puebloan Southwest, a large

proportion of children and infants were buried with a variety of ornaments, however not

all children were afforded these valued goods upon death (see Chapter 6). This may be

significant in determining how children were valued in a society (Baxter 2005; Kamp

2002; Sobolik 2002) as well as the social structure of the group (Aizpurua and McAnany

1999). Children and infants buried with grave goods similar to adults may be indicative

of a society in which status is ascribed at birth rather than achieved. An alternate

interpretation presented by Whittlesey (2002) is that certain children and infants were highly valued by their parents and thus offerings were placed with the infant if the

parents could afford them.

As stated above, the age when a person reaches adulthood varies in each culture.

Adults often participate in a variety of social groups, thus they may have more than one

identity expressed in their ornamentation. For example a person may have an ornament that is worn by adults, is red to symbolize male and a specific headdress that is worn by his sodality. The communication of adulthood may also be more subtle in that every

adult wears a specific ornament that communicates membership, however depending on

age, that ornament may be worn on a different part of the body (Storm 1987). Ornaments

88 that are age specific can be identified in the archaeological record by examining aged

human remains in mortuary contexts. At Grasshopper Pueblo, children were buried with

miniature vessels and personal ornaments. The ornaments buried with children were

distinct and included shell and stone beads. The number of artifacts interred with children

also appeared to increase with age (Whittlesey and Reid 2001). The limited number of

artifacts with children was attributed to the idea that children were not involved in the

social and ceremonial realms and therefore the objects associated were not “available” to

children as funerary accoutrements (Whittlesey and Reid 2001).

Sex and Gender

Sex and gender are two terms that are often conflated and confused. Often, the

starting point for a discussion of gender begins with determining the biological sex of an

individual. However, the interpretive leap between sex and gender is often ambiguous as

well as the methods of how one assigns a “gender” to individuals. As Kelly Hays-Gilpin

(2004) states, gender is often expressed through gestures, speech, dress and other aspects

that are not (with the exception of dress in some cases) accessible in the archaeological

record. Although gender is one of the identities that is explored here through an analysis

of adornment, it is difficult to make firm interpretations regarding gender by only

evaluating one type of material culture. Therefore, the interpretations for this thesis are

largely based on biological sex. The following section presents information on both sex

and gender to highlight the differences between the two aspects of social identity and how they are conceptualized.

89 Moving beyond just women in the past, engendered archaeology considers all genders. Gender (woman, man or other gender types) is defined as a social construct involving the sex related roles of individuals in society (Conkey and Spector 1998). Sex

(male or female) is biologically determined. Gender, of course, intersects with other identities such as ethnicity, class and age. Archaeologists often treat these categories of identity separately, and this often results in a skewed view of the past. When ideas solely about women are closely examined and questioned, men remain “normalized” in archaeological contexts (Meskell 1999:84). As Butler (1990:3) argues, it is impossible to separate out ‘gender’ from the political and cultural intersections in which it is invariably produced and maintained”. It is equally impossible to separate all other forms of identity from these political and cultural influences. So gender must be considered as it intersects with multiple other identity constructions. Kamp (2006) states that based on ethnographic evidence, the “gendering” process begins at a very young age. Although the sex of children cannot be accurately determined from skeletal data (Rothschild 2002), gender differences may be present and expressed in mortuary contexts. Male and female children may have had distinct clothing styles, toys, bodily modification, hairstyles, and tasks that could be identified in archaeological contexts (Kamp 2006:119). Gender expressions and functions vary in different societies and universals regarding gender do not exist.

Butler (1990:33) describes gender as the “repeated stylization of the body, a set of repeated acts within a highly rigid regulatory frame that congeal over time to produce the appearance of substance, of a natural sort of being”. Gender categories are continually produced and reproduced through the repeated acts of the various activities of daily life

90 including the active control of resources, production and reproduction by men and women (Butler 1990; Hays-Gilpin 2004). Such continual reorganization provides a challenge for archaeologists trying to reconstruct gender categories. Overall, gender is part of a larger social framework and is viewed as “a way in which social categories, roles, ideologies and practices are defined and played out” (Conkey 1991:25). Butler describes gender as: “an identity tenuously constituted in time, instituted in an exterior space through a stylized repetition of acts. The effect of gender is produced through the stylization of the body and hence, must be understood as the mundane act in which bodily gestures, movements, and styles of various kinds constitute the illusion of an abiding gendered self (Butler 1990:140).

Artifacts of personal adornment are the physical remains of this repeated stylization of the body. Getting dressed and choosing (even within a very narrow range of choices) what to wear are repeated acts that produce an appearance, and over the long term produce an appearance of a natural being. These daily rituals associated with dressing the body are recoverable archaeologically as artifacts of personal adornment.

Through these “mundane and ritualized” acts the ideas conveyed by the form of the acts are legitimized. The actions are public and though the actions are exercised by individuals, it is the acts themselves that reify the socially construed ideas about the individual and create the appearance of the gendered self (Butler 1990).

Questions relating to gender encompass a variety of topics ranging from who made, used and decorated certain objects; who performed certain tasks; the structure of social organization; the structure of architectural space, both ritual and domestic; and gendered differences of prestige, power and ritual. It is possible to use any type of

91 archaeological data to explore these issues, however several types of data are more

conducive for this purpose (Nelson 2004). These include: include: representational art, mortuary analysis, skeletal data, distributions of gender associated artifacts and

ethnographic accounts and ethnoarchaeological data (Nelson 2004; Brumfiel 2007).

Methods of studying gender should include a cautious use of analogy, ethnography and historical records and constant attention to assumptions, prior expectations and

theoretical frameworks (Hays-Gilpin 2004).

At Grasshopper Pueblo, certain types of artifacts were found exclusively with

male and female burials (Whittlesey 1978; 1984). Male burials included more funerary

offerings than females and artifact types afforded to the deceased also differed between

the two genders. Artifacts interred with men included items related to flintknapping, and

ritual related objects and women were buried with primarily domestic items. Ornaments

were found with both women and men, however the types of ornaments differed (see

group membership above).

In the Hohokam region, similar gender divisions in mortuary goods were found

(Crown and Fish 1996; Mitchell and Brunson-Hadley 2001). Male burials were interred with projectile points, bone hairpins, shell ornaments and rare ritual items. In contrast,

females were buried with domestic related items including ceramic vessels, spindle

whorls, manos and pestles. Ornaments were found in both male and female burials,

however men were afforded these items in higher frequencies (Mitchell 1991:116).

While the traditional roles of men and women were well defined, the Zunis

viewed gender as an acquired rather than an inborn trait. Biological sex did not dictate the

roles individuals assumed. Nor did Zuni thought limit gender to only two versions. Zuni

92 berdaches occupied an "alternative" gender, a status anthropologists have termed

berdache and the Zunis called lhamana (Roscoe 1991:48). Parsons (1916a) defined

berdaches as men who "do woman's work and wear woman's dress”. Stevenson had

known five lhamanas at Zuni and two were known to be among the "finest potters and

weavers in the tribe."

The decision to become a lhamana was made by the boy in childhood and was

based on a preference for "hanging about the house." This decision became final at puberty when the youth adopted female dress.

“The women of the family are inclined to look upon him with favor, since it

means that he will remain a member of the household and do almost double the

work of a woman, who necessarily ceases at times from her labors at the mill and

other duties to bear children and to look after the little ones; but the ko'thlama

[lhamana] is ever ready for service, and is expected to perform the hardest labors

of the female department" (Roscoe 1991:49)

Parsons (1916a) noted that a small boy chosen for the role or “qualifying for status” on a

lhamana, wore a bead necklace, that was “a mixture of commercial and stone beads, an

ornament not all together commonplace for either little boys or girls”. Parsons also noted

that although the boy had a typical “boy” haircut he played and spoke like a girl.

The burial rites for a lhamana described by Parsons (1916a: 45) involve dressing

the lhamana in a woman’s dress, as well as a pair of men’s pants. The lahmana is then

buried in the men’s side of the cemetery. In terms of ornamentation this example

illustrates the fact that the sex of the individual may override gender preference at death.

Therefore, third genders could be identified in the archaeological record through

93 identifying gender associated artifacts and the sex of the individual and then examining those burials that appear to have a combination of the traits or contexts where “male” and

“female” traits appear to overlap (as illustrated above). However, this requires a standardized mortuary ritual and a large enough burial population to allow for variability in practices to become apparent. Although the burial sample for this thesis was large enough to attempt to identify third genders, standardization of adornment practices was largely absent. Therefore, without a working knowledge of what ornaments communicated a “male” and “female” identity, the variability cannot be detected within the sample.

Discussion

Adornment can communicate a variety of social messages and meanings. All of the social elements presented above (group membership, social role, status, age and gender) are aspects of one’s social identity. Each of these aspects of identity may be expressed or communicated through different symbols or the same symbol, thus from an archaeological perspective it is difficult to ascertain which element of a person’s identity is being expressed and by which symbols. Social identities expressed through ornamentation are also more fluid than more permanent means of alteration; the means of identifying certain categories is constantly changing. Each era or generation may implement a new type of ornament that may replace or enhance a symbolic ornament (i.e. same design manufactured from a new material). Social pressures including change, migration or acculturation may also require the discontinuation of a certain type of adornment. Hayes-Gilpin (1998:2) states that “one of the most powerful ways to change

94 one’s identity is to change clothes”. Although adornments are one aspect of a person’s

“dress”, in most cases they are a less visible attribute than one’s clothing. Thus, it is unclear whether the fluctuation in changing identities affects the entire costume or whether certain elements are retained and the meanings associated with the item changes.

This is especially pertinent to research regarding migration and acculturation. For example, if people in the Southwest changed clothes and moved south and east to join other groups, did they retain a portion of their former identity in the form of a smaller ornament significant of their “culture” that could be easily tucked under a shirt or dress?

The following chapter provides the methodology and limitations of the data set used in this thesis to explore the materialization of social identity through ornamentation.

95 Chapter 4 Analytical Methods

The purpose of this chapter is to present the data collection techniques and

analytical methods that were used in this thesis. It is divided into three sections. First, I

discuss the nature of the sample used for this analysis. Second, I present the analytical

parameters used to compile this data set including the attributes collected for burials, sites

visual media and ethnography. Lastly, the problems and limitations of the sample and the

assumptions made to mediate these issues are addressed.

As discussed in Chapter 1, the sample for this study was selected from both

published sources and existing museum collections (Table 4.1). Burials from a total of 68

sites were used in this thesis. These sites are listed in Table 4.1 along with the total

number of burials found at the site, the number of burials with ornaments, the total

number of ornaments and the average number of ornaments with each burial. Overall, the

majority of the sites had less than 10 burials with ornaments. The data from this table will

be discussed further in Chapter 6. The analysis of ornaments for this thesis research was

restricted to items associated with burials; the human remains themselves were not

analyzed. Osteological records and published data were used to determine the age and sex

of the individuals associated with ornaments as part of their mortuary offerings. These items were then compared with ornaments observed in rock art, kiva murals, and ethnographic accounts in order to determine how ornaments may have materialized social identity through time in the Northern Southwest. The following section provides an overview of the ornament collection in terms of time period and region. These two

96 categories are important for evaluating social boundaries that may be present between groups as well as continuities of adornment practices through time.

Ornaments were present in burials dating to all six time periods used for this analysis (BMII-PIV) (Table 4.2). As outlined in Table 4.2, the Pueblo I period exhibits the lowest number of ornaments (n = 12 or 0% of the sample) and this could be attributed to the limited amount of burial data available for this time period. An alternate interpretation of the dearth of ornaments dating to Pueblo I may be that this is indicative of a mortuary ritual that did not include these items as accoutrements or as part of the burial costume. This interpretation is based on the large number of known burials dating to this period that were excavated for the Dolores Archaeological Project and were not interred with ornaments. The greatest quantities of ornaments in this analysis date to the

Pueblo II (24%) and Pueblo III (69%) periods. The majority of the ornaments dating to these time periods were recovered from three sites: Pueblo Bonito (Pueblo II), Aztec

Ruin (Pueblo III) and Dominguez Ruin (Pueblo III). When examined within a regional framework, the quantities of ornaments follow a pattern similar to occupation across the landscape. For example, during Basketmaker II/III the greatest numbers of ornaments are from the Northeastern Arizona region. This is expected since these regions are known to have the most sites dating to this period. Examining this data within this framework demonstrates that there are apparent differences between region and time period in terms of quantities of ornaments. However, in order to explore this pattern further, it would be necessary to examine the number of sites within these regions and time periods without ornaments and this was beyond the scope of this thesis.

97 Table 4.1. Sites and Burials Time Number of Number of Burials Total Number of Average Number of Site Reference and/or Museum Period Burials with Ornaments Ornaments Ornaments per Burial 29SJ1396 PII 1 1 1 1 Akins 1986:Table B.1 5LP110 BMIII 3 2 47 23.5 Gooding 1980 5MT3 PII/PIII 21 2 3 1.5 Swedlund 1969; Yunker 2001 Arroyo Hondo PIV 120 6 19 3.16 Palkovich 1980 Awatovi PIV Unknown 3 9 3 PMAE AZ:K:14:26 PII 12 4 78 19.5 Sant and Marek 1994 Aztec Ruins PII/PIII 168 10 62,890 6,289 Morris 1924 and AMNH Bc50 PII/PIII 15 2 18 9 Akins 1986:Table B.1 Bc51 PII 53 9 19 2.1 Akins 1986:Table B.1 Bc53 PII 18 5 5 1 Akins 1986:Table B.1 98 Bc57 PII 14 1 1 1 Akins 1986:Table B.1 Bc59 PII 68 3 161 53.66 Akins 1986:Table B.1 Big Juniper House PII/PIII 23 2 4 2 Swannack 1969 Broken Flute Cave BMIII 8 1 13 13 Morris 1980 Broken Roof Cave BMII 5 2 114 57 Guernsey 1931; PMAE Camp Cemetery BMII 6 1 38 38 PMAE D:11:477 PII/PIII 4 1 38 38 Spurr 1993 D:11:517 PII 3 1 1 1 Spurr 1993 D:11:518 PII 1 1 1 1 Spurr 1993 D:11:655 PI/PII 2 1 86 86 Spurr 1993 1 1 Smiley and Nichols 1983; D:11:2030 BMIII/PI 8 1 Christensen and Parry 1985 D:11:3 PII/PIII 6 2 2 1 Gumerman 1970 D:7:2103 PI 1 1 2 2 Olszewski et al. 1984 D:7:3141 BMII 7 3 8 2.66 MacMinn et al. 1984 Darkmold BMII/PI 11 5 90 18 Charles et al. 2000

Dominguez Ruin PIII 3 2 6,908 3,454 Reed et al. 1976 Duna Leyenda BMIII 18 7 1,497 213.85 Neily 1982 Forked Lightning 6,321 903 PIII/PIV 152 7 Kidder 1958 Ruin Hawikku PIV 996 (1151) 78 365 4.67 Howell 1994; Smith et al. 1966 Ignacio Field Camp BMII 4 1 100 100 Fenega and Wendorf 1956 90 45 Kidder and Guernsey 1919; Kinboko‐Cave 1 BMII 11 2 PMAE LA2501 BMIII 9 4 13 3.25 Kearns 1996 LA37599 PII 10 1 3 3 Martin et al. 2001 LA6448 BMII 12 7 1,187 169.57 Kearns 1996 LA65030 PII/PIII 17 2 2 1 Martin et al. 2001 LA80425 BMIII 3 1 2 2 Kearns 1996 LA80934 BMIII/PI/PII 15 4 39 9.75 Kearns 1996 99 LA83500 PII 25 2 2 1 Herrmann et al. 1993 Long House PIII 40 2 7 3.5 Cattanach 1980 Marshview Hamlet PII/PIII 6 2 2 1 Wierner (Stodder) 1984 McPhee Village PI/PII 8 1 4 4 Wierner (Stodder) 1984 Mitten Rock PII/PIII Unknown 3 67 22.33 AMNH Mummy Cave BMIII Unknown 1 1 1 Morris 1925 Near Una Vida PII 1 1 2 2 Akins 1986:Table B.1 North Shelter BMII 45 3 2,291 763.66 Morris and Burgh Pecos Pueblo PIV 573 (1823) 37 1,037 28.02 Kidder 1938, 1979, 2003 Pocket Cave BMIII 3 2 3 1.5 Morris 1980 Porter Pueblo PIII 22 2 2 1 Swedlund 1969; Yunker 2001 Pottery Mound PIV 33 3 5 1.66 Ballagh and Phillips 2006 Prayer Rock‐Cave 4 BMIII 2 1 3 3 Morris 1980 54,188 685.92 Akins 1986:Table B.1; Pepper Pueblo Bonito PII 131 79 1909, 1920; Judd 1954

Ramp Site (Hopi 4 4 PIII 1 1 Gumerman 1988 Buttes) RB 568 PIII 48 5 89,416 17883.2 Crotty 1983 Salmon Ruins PII/PIII 100 5 5 1 Reed 2006 Sand Dune Cave BMII 2 2 10 5 Lindsay et al. 1969 Sayodneechee 253 9.37 Kidder and Guernsey 1919 and BMII 30 27 Burial Cave PMAE Site 41 PIII Unknown 1 1 1 Morris 1939 Site 98 PII/PIII 10 1 2 2 Morris 1939 Stevenson Site BMIII 6 1 2 2 Swedlund 1969; Yunker 2001 Sunflower Cave BMII Unknown 2 97 48.5 Kidder and Guernsey 1921 Tres Bobos Hamlet BMIII/PI 1 1 155 155 Wierner (Stodder) 1984 Tsegi‐Cave 3 BMII 3 1 97 97 Guernsey 1931; PMAE Tsehatso BMIII Unknown 1 200 200 Morris 1925 100 Twin Butte Site BMIII 8 7 1,441 205.85 Wendorf 1953 Twin Lakes Site BMIII 1 1 6 6 Kearns 1996 Wallace Ruin PIII 11 1 2 2 Bradley 1974, 1984, 1988 421 42.1 Kidder and Guernsey 1921; White Dog Cave BMII 18 10 PMAE Woodchuck Cave BMII 20 16 719 44.93 Lockett and Hargrave 1953 Total 3,103 448 230,616 N/A

Table 4.2. Total Number of Ornaments by Time Period and Region Time NE Rio San Juan Period N. San Juan Arizona Grande Basin W. Pueblo Total 2,685 5,006 0 1,241 0 8,931 BMII/ 30.06% 56.05% 0.00% 13.89% 0.00% 100% BMIII 3.70% 5.28% 0.00% 2.23% 0.00% 3.87% 4 2 0 6 0 12 PI 33.33% 16.66% 0.00% 50.00% 0.00% 100% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 5 80 0 54,379 0 54,464 PII 0.00% 0.14% 0.00% 99.84% 0.00% 100% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 97.72% 0.00% 23.61% 12 69 0 20 0 101 PII/PIII 11.88% 68.31% 0.00% 19.80% 0.00% 100% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 69,810 89,420 0 0 0 159,230 PIII 43.84% 56.15% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 100% 96.26% 94.42% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 69.04% 0 0 6,321 0 0 6,321 PIII/PIV 0.00% 0.00% 100% 0.00% 0.00% 100% 0.00% 0.00% 85.62% 0.00% 0.00% 2.74% 0 0 1,061 0 374 1,435 PIV 0.00% 0.00% 73.93% 0.00% 26.06% 100% 0.00% 0.00% 14.37% 0.00% 100% 0.62% 0 124 0 0 0 124 Unknown 0.00% 100% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 100% 0.00% 0.13% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 72,516 94,701 7,382 55,646 374 230,619 Total 31.44% 41.06% 3.20% 24.12% 0.16% 100%

101 Attributes Recorded

The following section outlines the attributes recorded for this thesis. Each of these

attributes were recorded on data sheet (Appendix A) and then entered into an electronic

database. The attributes recorded were divided into four broad categories: site data, burial

data, ornament analysis data and iconographic data. Within each of these categories,

several attributes were selected based on the goals of this thesis. Each attribute is

described in the following sections.

Site Data

Site Name and Number – Site information was gathered from the published reports or

museum records.

Region – As described in Chapter 1, the sites used in this analysis were divided into five

geographic regions: Northern San Juan, San Juan Basin, NE Arizona, Western Pueblo

and Rio Grande.

Time Period – The time period assigned to each burial in the published report or museum

record was used for this analysis. If a burial could not be assigned to a particular period

(i.e. multiple components and stratigraphic/diagnostic indicators were not present) the burial was assigned to the time period range of the site (i.e. PI/PII).

Burial Data

Burial Number – The burial number assigned by the excavator and published in the report was used for this analysis. If a burial number was not assigned, the burial name was used.

Multiple Burials - A number of individuals were interred with others. If possible, ornaments were assigned to specific individuals (i.e. if an item was worn). In cases where

102 the ornaments were described as being scattered throughout the burial, burial fill or no

association was made, the objects were assigned to a multiple burial category.

Age and Sex of Human Remains - Osteological records for the human remains associated

with the ornaments were consulted if available, to determine the age and sex of the

individual. However, during analysis it was discovered that many collections of human

remains have not been reevaluated by a professional osteologist since the items were

accessioned into the collections. I relied on published reports for age and sex

determination and therefore errors may exist within the data depending on the experience

and knowledge of the excavating archaeologist or osteologist. Age determinations were

not standardized therefore there may be overlap between categories, especially infants and children. The sex categories used in this thesis are as follows: male, female, and indeterminate sex. Age categories include adult, old adult, adolescent, child and infant.

Although each of these age categories was recorded, the analysis in this thesis focuses

primarily on adult and subadult (adolescent, child and infant) due to the inconsistencies

among researchers in recording these categories (see limitations below).

Total Number of Ornaments: The quantities of each ornament type were summed to

arrive at the total number interred with the burial.

Ornament location in burial (association with body): If noted in the published report or

museum records the location of the ornament on the body was recorded. This information

is important as it provides information as to how the object was worn.

Ornament Analysis Data

For the purposes of this study, these ornaments were analyzed quantitatively

(weight and measurements) and qualitatively (manufacture, material, color, style,

103 composition) as well as photographed (see form in Appendix A). The typology used to assess the type and styles of ornaments was based on the work of E. Wesley Jernigan

(1978) and is outlined below.

Ornament styles and types

Jernigan’s (1978) definitions of types and how material type determinations were

made are outlined below. Jernigans’s observations regarding ornament styles through

time were discussed in Chapter 2 and are further elaborated as they pertain to this thesis

in Chapter 6. A total of 16 ornament types were used for this thesis including beads,

pendants, bracelets, necklaces, earrings, hair ornaments, combs, etc. The bead and

pendant type categories are further divided by style. Each of the types and styles of

ornaments are defined below. Since Jernigan’s study focused on all ornaments through

time and space, this list of attributes was sufficient and all ornaments analyzed (in the

museum collections) could be classified. In cases where the ornament was not described

(in the published report) in detail to determine the type, the generic “ornament” type

category was used.

Bead: A “bead” is a small object that is perforated through its central section for

suspension purposes. Beads are commonly used in necklaces, bracelets or earrings.

Bead Styles

Disk beads: measure thinner than their circumference. Disk beads can be further

qualified by the presence of rounded or flat edges.

Barrel beads: measure ticker than their circumference.

104 Biconvex beads: also called lenticular or saucer beads, are disk beads with curved rather

than flat surfaces. These beads are often manufactured from objects with existing curved

surfaces (i.e. Olivella shells or long bones)

Plano convex beads: one flat and one convex surface.

Tubular beads: also called cylindrical, measure thicker than their circumference but they

can be distinguished from barrel beads by their straight perimeter; barrel beads have a

slight convex perimeter. Tubular beads are often manufactured from seeds and long

bones.

Tear-drop and bilobed beads: also called figure-8 beads are a little different in that their

hole is slightly off center, but they can be distinguished from pendants by the fact that the perimeter is most visible when strung. These beads are often wedge shaped (thinner at the top (location of perforation) and thicker at the bottom.

Spherical beads and subspherical beads: spherical beads are globular in shape.

Subspherical beads are also round, however often the two ends are flattened. This appears to be due to the size or type of drill used in the manufacture and drilling the hole from both sides (biconical perforation).

Seed beads: also known as minute beads, are very small versions of disk beads. They are very thin and measure only a few millimeters in size. The central perforation is also very small often only measuring 1 millimeter. As discussed in Chapter 2, the manufacture of these beads was a time consuming and difficult process (Haury 1931).

Pendants: are perforated with a suspension hole located nearer one end than the other and are strung front to back so that a broad surface is most visible.

105 Pendant Types

Tabular pendants: are smaller, flat pendants with a perforation near the top. These

pendants often have rounded edges and may have been primarily worn as earrings or

incorporated into a composite necklace based on their weight and size.

Whole shell pendants: are pendants that are manufactured from a complete shell by simply drilling a hole or removing a portion of the spire so that the shell can be strung.

The most common types of whole shell pendants in the study area are the Olivella and

Conus shells (Tinklers).

Shaped shell pendants: are pendants that have been altered from their original shape.

Both geometric and zoomorphic pendants are considered “shaped shell pendants”.

Zoomorphic Pendants: are pendants shaped to the likeness or representative form of an

animal. Common animal types in the study area include birds and frogs.

Other types of ornamentation

Bracelets, Armlets and Anklets: are often composed of several beads strung on a cord.

These ornaments can also be manufactured from a whole shell. For example, Glycymeris

shell bracelets are manufactured by hallowing out the central convex portion of the shell,

leaving only the umbo and the outer edge of the shell. Armlets and anklets are similar to bracelets, the only difference is the location where the ornament is worn.

Necklaces: can be composed of a variety of different combinations of pendants and beads. They can include a strand of beads worn from the neck with a central pendant.

Buttons: are circular disk pieces drilled with one or more central holes for attachment as a fastener. Buttons tend to have a larger diameters than beads and are often fairly flat.

106 Effigy or Figurine bead or pendant: are two or three-dimensional representations according to what they represent which may include anthropomorphs, zoomorphs or geometric shapes.

Rings: are small, complete rings that encircle a finger or toe. Ring bracelets are larger complete rings that encircle and arm. These are distinguished from C rings or C bracelets which have an opening to facilitate hooking them over a nose, ear or arm.

Mosaic tesserae: are small thin pieces of material cut into a variety of shapes and used to create a pattern of stone attached with a resin or tar to a thin backing of shell, wood, bone or other material. The most common combinations in the study area include turquoise inlay in jet, wood and shell.

Tinkler: is a bell shaped adornment commonly made from Oliva or Conus shell species which is often cut at the base to create a flat bottom.

Hair combs/ornaments: ornaments worn in the hair including combs (objects with

“teeth”, bone pins, and objects such as feathers that would have been tied in the hair. It is important to note that outside of the association with a burial, some objects that may have been used as hair ornaments may be misidentified. Bone hairpins were identified at

Grasshopper (exclusively with male burials), however without direct association with the head, these items are often interpreted as other objects, therefore bone hair ornaments were not included in the present study. Bone hairpins in the Hohokam area have been found to be an indicator of status with individuals with these items having a greater grave lot value than others without them (McGuire 2001:38).

107 Material types

Each of the categories of ornaments outlined above, were manufactured from a

variety of materials. These materials can be grouped into four main categories: shell,

stone, bone and organic. These material types and the methods used to identify them are

addressed below. Whole shells, turquoise and jet material types were the easiest to

identify. I had the most difficulty with modified shells, modified seeds and various local

stone materials as I explain below.

Shell

For the purposes of this research, the following references were used for shell

identification: Abbott’s (1974) American Seashells: The Marine Mollusca of the Atlantic and Pacific Coasts of North America, A. Myra Keen (1971) Sea Shells of Tropical West

America: Marine Mollusks from Baja California to Peru, Percy A. Morris’s (1966) A

Field Guide to Pacific Coast Shells, and Harald A. Rehder’s (1981) The Audubon Society

Field Guide to North American Seashells. J.A. Bennyhoff and R. A Hughes’s (1987)

Shell Ornament Exchange Network between California and the Great Basin was also

consulted for identification of modified Olivella shell beads. Shell identification was

completed by comparing the museum specimens to illustrations and photographs in these

resources.

Common small shells that were manufactured into ornaments include Vermetus,

Olivella, Turitella, Cerithidea, Pecten, Oliva, Nassarius, Columbella and Trivia (Jernigan

1978). Larger shells include Haliotis, Laevicardium, Conus, Spondylus, and Glycymeris.

Shell identification beyond general species is difficult due to the weathering and decay

that occurs when shell objects are exposed to the elements or buried at archaeological

108 sites. These processes remove the primary identification features of the shell, which are

the polished, colored exterior layers (Tower 1945:4). Tower (1945:4-5) states that the distinction between Pacific Coast and Gulf of California Olivella shells is nearly impossible without knowing the original color. In general, all of the ornaments analyzed

for this research could be identified to the general species level (listed above) with the

exception of shell flat disc beads. These beads could not be identified without additional

analysis that was beyond the scope of this thesis.

Stone

For the purposes of this research the following references were used for stone

identification and manufacturing techniques: Jenny Adam’s Groundstone Analysis (1997,

2002) and Richard Woodbury’s Prehistoric Stone Implements of Northeastern Arizona

(1975). Stone types were determined by examining photos and descriptions from a rock

and mineral field guide. Due to limited time constraints in the museums, if a stone

material type could not be readily identified, the information from the catalog card was

used or if unavailable, the stone was categorized as unidentified.

A variety of stones were used to manufacture ornaments in the Southwest, these

included: jet/lignite, turquoise, shale, limonite, azurite, limestone, argillite and schist. The

following descriptions were utilized for stone identification:

Jet/Lignite: is a variety of coal that is highly polished and was used to manufacture beads,

pendants and buttons.

Argillite: is a schist or slate derived from clay. Mathien (1994) found that Argillite was

readily available in the vicinity of several sites in Chaco Canyon and evidence of

109 ornament manufacture was present at Bc51 and Kin Kletso. Ornament types included

pendants, beads (cylinder and disk) and buttons.

Schist: a crystalline rock that is readily split into slabs or sheets.

Shale: a soft sedimentary rock that is formed through the consolidation of beds of mud,

clay or silt.

Turquoise: is an opaque, blue-green stone. Turquoise was the most sought after stone

material type in the Southwest. Turquoise first appears in the archaeological record in the

study area during Basketmaker III in sites in Canyon de Chelly, as well as Duna Leyenda

and LA2501. Turquoise can also be misidentified if is burned or exposed to high heat,

which causes it to lose its blue color and luster and turns a grayish-black color (Haury

1931:81). Several items in the collections at AMNH from Aztec ruins exhibit this

discoloration and it is the opinion of the author that these items are turquoise however they were not originally categorized as such by Morris and tests to confirm the identification of the material were beyond the scope of this thesis. Turquoise ornament imitations have also been found at sites in Chaco Canyon. In these cases, local stones were manufactured into pendants and then painted to give the look of turquoise (Jernigan

1978:160).

Bone

The most common bones used in ornament manufacture were rodent, bird or small mammal. Due to time constraints at the museums, bone beads were not identified to the species level. For the purposes of this research, the size and weight of the bone was sufficient for ornament type analysis (i.e. smaller bones used for beads, larger bones used for other types of ornaments like breast plates or bow guards).

110 Organic

Types of organic material used to manufacture ornaments include: feathers, seeds,

wood and other plant material. Due to varying degrees of preservation, the majority of

ornaments manufactured of these materials are found in Basketmaker II and Pueblo III

contexts. Seed identification was completed by consulting the Seed Identification Manual

(Martin and Barkley 2000), however many of the seed beads could not be identified due

to the modification of the bead. Seed bead types present in this thesis include Juniper, acorn and unidentified species.

Manufacture

Additional attribute data was collected from the museum collections examined.

These attributes included: basic measurements (length, width, thickness), weight, use

wear, perforation location, type and diameter. Although this information was recorded, it

is not actively used for the purposes of this thesis. Since all of the items examined in the

museum collections were from burials, the objects will likely be repatriated. Therefore,

these measurements were recorded for future research.

Length – Length was measured in millimeters at the longest axis using digital calipers.

Width – Width was measured in millimeters at the widest axis using digital calipers.

Thickness – Thickness was measured at the center of the ornament. This measurement

served as an average since many of the ornaments had a gradient thickness (thinner on

one end and thicker on the other). In cases where the thickness varied significantly on the

same ornament, a range was measured (i.e. thickest and thinnest).

Weight – The weight of the objects was measured in grams using a small digital scale

with a 50 g capacity. Weight was recorded to the hundredth gram.

111 Shape – The general geometric shape of the ornament was noted including circular, rectangular, triangular, trapezoidal, subspherical, denticular, cylindrical, half-circle or irregular.

Color – Basic color observations were recorded (i.e. black, blue, green, white, red, tan, pink etc.). Since this category was not a primary attribute of the analysis, a color chart/scale was not used.

Perforation Type:

Conical: drill hole/perforation that is tapered (i.e. larger perforation narrows to a smaller

perforation).

Bi-conical: drill hole/perforation that is tapered on both sides of the ornament.

Straight/cylindrical: drill hole/perforation that is uniform in diameter throughout the thickness of the ornament.

Adams (1997) states that there does not seem to be a functional correlation between the type of perforation and therefore argues that the preferred technique may have been the preference of the manufacturer. However, this assertion has not been fully evaluated in terms of material and ornament types. Additional analysis into manufacturing techniques could provide information as to whether ornaments were manufactured locally or traded into the area as finished items. This has important implications for social identity. If people were manufacturing the items they would have more control over the style and general aesthetics of the item. If the items were traded as finished ornaments, the choices in ornament types would be limited to the traders’ selection. One may expect more ornament standardization in these cases depending on how many manufacturers and traders are involved. However, post-manufacture alteration

112 of the ornament (i.e. personalization) should also be considered. Drilling techniques may

be specific to bead type and how the ornament was meant to be strung and “hang”. This

information could shed light on how ornaments were worn and if certain bead types were

preferred for necklaces versus bracelets. Certain material attributes may also have

contributed to the drilling technique including thickness and hardness and the object used

to drill.

Manufacturing Elements:

Evidence of the manufacturing process on the surfaces of the ornament was

recorded if they were visible with the naked eye. Since ornament manufacture is not the

focus of the thesis information beyond the presence or absence of these elements was not

collected

Polish: high sheen and smooth surface caused by both wear (body oils and constant

contact with the surface of the body) and purposeful manufacture.

Striations: scratches that are caused by abrasive wear.

Edge grinding: indicates the ornament was shaped and edges were ground smooth.

Visual Media and Ethnographic Data Analysis

The iconographic (representational media) sources used in this thesis were analyzed to provide information on how the ornaments were worn, who wore them and in what context (ceremonial, everyday etc.). These data were obtained by examining drawings and photographs of rock art and kiva murals from published sources. Kiva mural data was obtained from three primary published references (Crotty 1995, 2007;

Dutton 1963; Hibben 1975; Smith 1952).

113 Rock art data was also derived from published sources, however based on the available data it was not possible for this data to be analyzed systematically therefore the

majority of the data was obtained from observations from several panels (Cole 1990;

Munson 2003; Robins 1997, Schaafsma 1980) The data recorded for the iconographic

sources included: estimated time period, the sex of the human representation, the

ornaments depicted and their location on the body, the source (including figure number)

and other characteristics that may provide information regarding gender or age (clothing

style, hairstyle etc.). These attributes are described below.

The iconographic data was analyzed by examining each panel or figure and recording the following attributes:

Figure #: For reference purposes, the figure number and/or plaster layer number was

included from the published source.

Figure Name (kiva murals only): Figures depicted in the murals have been identified as

portraying individuals of certain social roles or religious figures (gods). This information

was included from the published sources.

Time period: The time period was recorded based on information from the published

source. For this research, the iconographic data was primarily dated to Basketmaker II or

Pueblo IV.

Sex/Gender: Sex determinations for the figures represented were based on the presence of

biological characteristics of sex. In the absence of biological characteristics, for example in kiva murals, hairstyles and styles of dress and interpretations offered in the publication were used.

Hairstyle

114 The hairstyle of each figure was recorded based on the observations of the author

and descriptions of other analysts in the published sources. As stated above, hairstyle is important for this thesis because of the association between hairstyle and gender and hairstyle is one of the most universally used attribute of “dress” used to communicate social identity (Storm 1987). A person’s hairstyle not only serves as a means of self expression but also social identification and changes regularly based on the person’s role within the group or society (Storm 1987). Parsons (1996:300) states that among the

Pueblos, hairstyle is correlated with certain life cycle events including death, adolescence and marriage. Thus, hairstyle must be understood within the context of the group and time period (Storm 1987).

Hair whorls: Also known as butterfly whorls, this hairstyle is most commonly associated with young unmarried Pueblo girls (maidens). Hays-Gilpin (2004:137) argues that the

“correlation between hair whorls and feminine gender identity is strong, even in the earliest depictions”. This hairstyle was worn until marriage when the girl adopted the married woman’s hairstyle.

Long hair: This hairstyle is often depicted as long straight hair expending over both shoulders and often either shoulder length or extends further down the chest. The ends of the hair are squarely cut. This hairstyle is commonly associated with men. According to

Parsons (1996), long hair was necessary in order to “impersonate the long-haired gods”.

Young boys may start to grow their hair long after their initiation into the kachina society

(Parsons 1996:300).

115 Asymmetrical: This hairstyle is similar to the long hairstyle described above, however one side is cut short at approximately chin length. This hairstyle is associated with adult

females based on kiva mural depictions.

Hair bobs: This hairstyle is commonly depicted in rock art and consists of two round

“bobs” on each side of the head. This may be representative of the hairstyle found in

Basketmaker burials that includes two bobs on the sides of the head and one in the back

(Amsden 1949; Cole 1990), however the two-dimensional forward facing nature of the

rock art images does not allow for this assertion to be evaluated.

Clothing

The costume of each figure depicted was recorded. The following summary of

the types of dress was largely derived from the work of Kate Peck Kent (1983). Since

ornaments are a small aspect of a persons dress, it is important to highlight what styles of

clothing were worn and by whom. These types of clothing will be referenced again in

Chapters 4 and 6.

Kilts: A long rectangular cloth folded about the hips with the two edges meeting or

overlapping on one side. Kilts are work around the waist and extend to the just above the

knee. Based on kiva mural imagery, kilts were worn by both men and women, however

they appear to be primarily worn by men (see Chapter 5). However, according to Kent,

kilts are a standard garment worn by men during Pueblo ceremonies. In addition, kilts appear to have been worn with a sash around the waist. Kilts do not appear as part of the

Ancestral Puebloan costume until Pueblo IV, and Kent asserts that kilts may be a

“southern style” that was becoming “fashionable” in the northern Southwest (Kent

1983:237). Kilts continued to be worn into the historic period. Manufactured from both

116 white cotton and wool, they were often embroidered along the fastened edge. According

to Parsons (1996:484), a young man is buried in this kachina dance kilt and an older man

is buried in a blue breechcloth kilt.

Breechcloths: A narrow strip of material that was folded along one edge and a belt was

threaded through the fold to keep the garment in place. In some cases the material was

extended through the legs and was fastened to the back of the belt. Some form of

breechcloth garment was worn through out the chronological sequence, however the

manufacturing techniques were different. During Basketmaker II, aprons were made of

string. During Basketmaker III, string aprons were often decorated on the front sections

by painting or a tapestry weave of geometric patterns. Aprons continued to be decorated along the waistbands through Pueblo III. By Pueblo III, Pueblo males were wearing woven cloth breechcloths with patterned or decorated front flaps (Basketmaker II –

Pueblo IV). According to Parsons (1996:484), young boys are buried in their black cotton

breechcloth that they receive prior to the kachina initiation.

Fringed Aprons and Skirts: Aprons are the female counterpart to the breechcloth. These

aprons have also been found in the burials of infants and children. This may support the

relationship and similarities between women and children burials discussed elsewhere in

this report. (Basketmaker II – Pueblo IV).

Footwear: Woven sandals were worn during the Basketmaker and Pueblo periods. By

PII, and possibly earlier, socks and sandal uppers were worn.

Ties, Belts and Sashes: Everyday dress required fasteners, including belts, hair ties,

garters, and sashes. Pueblo ties are almost all narrow white cotton braids. Sashes and belts are common elements in the Pueblo IV murals including the rain or wedding sash.

117 Wide white braided sashes with heavy fringing and plain weave white dance sashes with their ends decorated by Hopi brocade in colored wool were worn historically in the

Pueblos and are also depicted in the Pueblo IV murals (see Chapter 5). Woven belts were typically manufactured and worn by women at the Historic Pueblos, however during ceremonies, men wore the belts as part of their costume as well (Fox 1978). This attribute was recorded separately to determine whether there was a correlation between sex/gender and the side (right or left) that the sash was tied on.

Bandoleers: Bandoleers are a type of sash that is “worn over the right shoulder, and at the same time they encircle the body to the waist on the left side” (Rodieger 1961:36)

Manufactured from buckskin, often decorated with shells and fringe. Parsons (1996:401) states the fringe may be human hair from the scalps taken by warriors, and the bandoleer itself may have been manufactured from the enemies costume (breechcloth or shirt).

Famous warriors may have had a very thick bandoleer and some may have worn two, one across each shoulder (forming an X) (Rodieger 1961). In rock art, several figures have this type of X across the chest and it is possible that these figures are warriors (Munson

2003).

Blankets: Both feather yarn blankets and large white plain weave cotton blankets.

Blankets are often interred with the dead as a wrapping covering the body. This practice appears to have been part of the burial ritual since the Basketmaker period (feather robes) and continued into the historic period based on ethnographic accounts. Blankets were manufactured in different sizes with the smaller versions for children. Kent posits that everyone had at least one blanket that was used everyday as a shoulder robe and a sleeping cover (1983:226). This assertion is largely based on the “worn, patched and

118 mended condition” of the blankets when they are finally retired in the burial. The types of

blankets worn during the historic Pueblo period appear to be stylistically different based

on gender and age. According to Fox (1978), a unique robe or blanket is made for both

Hopi brides and infants. The blanket for both women and infants is similar in shape

(square) and color (black and white) and the pattern would have been unique for each

individual. A black and white blanket with a diagonal and diamond twill is the traditional

style for young men. Older men often wear the striped blankets and male child typically

wears a brown and white plain basket weave blanket.

Blankets may also have been worn as a “tube” or “wrap around dress” or a

“manta dress” as portrayed in the kiva murals (see Chapter 5). Everyday use blankets

were “woven as twills with red, brown, or black and white weft stripes” where as special

occasion blankets were of a plain weave and were highly decorated with either paint or

tie-dye (Kent 1983:228). Women are depicted in the kiva murals wearing black, black

and white tie-dyed dress or negative painted dresses or mantas.

Mantas: A blanket that is folded around the body and fastened at the right shoulder. A

belt or sash is typically worn around the waist (Fox 1978). Mantas worn in the Pueblos

(historic period) were often manufactured from wool and dyed black. Prior to the

introduction of wool, mantas were manufactured from cotton in a plain basket weave.

Tassels are common along the sewn edge (right) on the shoulder and lower edge (Fox

1978).

Shirts and Tunics: These items are manufactured by sewing two rectangular woven pieces together leaving a slit to place the shirt over the head. Sleeves are sewn onto the garment at the shoulders if present. Kent states that there is no evidence for sewing the

119 shirt closed at the sides. Evidence of shirt decoration is also present including painted

linear designs and tie-dye. Belts may have been worn along with the shirt to keep it in place around the waist. Other decorations such as fringe, tassels and pompons are also present on shirts. Shirts have been found in association in burials with both children/infants and adults.

Ponchos: These garments are similar to shirts, however they differ in terms of manufacture. Ponchos consist of a single piece of textile with an opening/slit cut in the center for the head. According to Kent, these items have only been found in association with children and infants.

Ornaments

Ornament types recorded in the kiva murals and rock art were the same as those

described above in the ornament analysis section. Although material type and other

specific attributes could not be determined, many styles of ornaments could be identified.

These styles and how they were worn were recorded. Popular styles are described below.

Arm Bands: These ornaments are depicted as thick bands and are worn on the upper arm.

Heart Symbols: These symbols are rectangular and consist of three to four stripes of

color. These symbols may be body paint or pendants (however no cordage for suspension

is visible) and are located on the chest.

Multi-strand choker necklace: This type of necklace was depicted as several strands

around the neck with a longer strand extending to the chest. The longer terminating

strand can also have a figure 8/loop or pendant.

Figure 8 or loop necklace: This type of necklace is depicted as a necklace with a loop or

figure 8 and extends to the breast bone.

120 Notched bracelets: This type of bracelet is depicted as a thick band with one or more V-

notches on the top.

Multi-strand beaded bracelets: This type of bracelet is depicted as several rows/strands

of beads worn around the wrist.

Ethnographic Data

Ethnographic data was gathered from several published sources (Ellis 1968;

Parsons 1996; Stevenson 1987; Voth 1905; White 1942; Wright 1979). These sources

were reviewed for information regarding dress, ornaments and the role of ornaments in

mortuary treatments. In addition to ethnographies, published references on costume and

jewelry were also consulted. These data are used in this thesis to supplement observations in the archaeological record.

Limitations of the Data Set

The nature of the data set used for this thesis posed several limitations and interpretive difficulties that require acknowledgment. For example, using data from

published sources as well as data from various researchers using different methodologies

can be difficult due to the numerous inconsistencies across data sets. The following

section explores these and other limitations inherent in the data. Each line of evidence is

discussed in the beginning of this chapter, mortuary data, ornament data, iconographic

data and ethnographic data are all discussed in detail below.

121 Mortuary Data: Interpretive Difficulties and Interpretive Potential

Mortuary data is the most important line of evidence used in this thesis because it

provides the most direct link between individuals and adornment practices in the past.

However, numerous factors must be considered by researchers prior to making

interpretations regarding past adornment practices and identity. The first consideration is

whether the objects found in the burial context were worn by the individual at the time of

death, and were therefore included in the burial or whether these objects were offered to

the deceased by the mourners participating in the burial ritual. The second consideration

is in reference to the lack of ornaments in burial contexts when ornaments are found in great quantities at the site in general. This absence may speak to the practice of curating or passing the objects down through inheritance. Sex and age determinations can also be

effected by researcher bias and fragmentary remains. These aspects of the burial ritual are discussed in detail below.

Personal ornaments or Offerings

When dealing with social identity and mortuary contexts, one must confront the dilemma of whether the objects placed with or worn by the deceased were items that belonged to, and used by, the deceased in life or were placed in the grave as an offering at death (Pearson 1999). Items placed with children are largely viewed as offerings due to the assumption that they have not reached an age that would allow them to acquire

“personal possessions” (Hayden 1996). However, the concept of personal possession in itself could be considered of Western origin and many items of adornment may have belonged to the family or larger social group. Lucy (2005:67) states that “we never experience the world of children, only the experiences of adults coming to terms with and

122 attempting to ascribe meaning to their foreshortened lives and premature deaths”.

However, as stated earlier in the discussion of age distinctions, this assumption needs to be evaluated within the specific cultural context. Offerings may also be placed with the deceased to help with their journey into the afterlife or to prevent them from returning.

Certain items of a person’s dress may have been worn so that the ancestors would recognize them once they arrived in the otherworld (Storm 1987). Although the clothing and ornaments worn by the deceased may have been personal possessions, the decision of which items are worn as part of the mortuary costume is made by the living. This is important when considering social identity due to possibility of the materialization of social ideals and false representations rather than actual self-representation (Pearson

1999:9).

Curation or Inheritance

Ornaments were prevalent enough in mortuary contexts in the Southwest that their absence is often noted. Many interpretations for the absence have been postulated including the “low status” of the site in general, limited access to trade networks

(Mathien 1997) and looting of these valued items either prehistorically or historically

(Kidder and Guernsey 1919). Often when these interpretations are proposed, ornaments are lacking at the site as well as in mortuary contexts (i.e. Mesa Verde region). However, a few exceptions are worth noting. At Alkali Ridge Site 13 (PI), Yellow Jacket Pueblo and Salmon Ruins (PII/III), ornaments were quite numerous and even possibly manufactured at the site (Yellow Jacket), however very few, if any, were located in mortuary contexts. This may be attributed to a shift in mortuary ritual due to other social factors. People may have decided to curate or inherit objects of personal adornment

123 whose replacement value may have been too great at the time to allow for the objects to

be disposed. In addition, if the trade value of an item was also very high, these items may have been curated for future trade opportunities or only discarded in very important burials.

Ethnographic research on historic mortuary ritual in the Southwest has indicated that in most cases the personal possessions of individuals were not buried with the

deceased (Ellis 1968:64; Parsons 1916:252). At Zuni, Stevenson (1987:289) states that

necklaces are passed on through inheritance from the father to the eldest son and are

therefore the property of the men. The men could wear these necklaces at any time, but

the women could only wear them during ceremonials. Depending on the number of

necklaces possessed by the family, multiple necklaces were often worn by one individual

during the ceremonies. In other cases, possessions were buried separately in a location far

from the body and the Pueblo (Ellis 1968). At Isleta Pueblo the items buried in the burial

pit include bits of food and objects associated with their clan affiliation and/or dance

regalia (Ellis 1968:64). For example, the burial possessions for a ceremonialist included a

shell bracelet and leather armbands. The possessions of medicine men included a bear or

eagle claw necklace, a bracelet of Olivella shells with arrow points attached and a

headband. Ellis (1968:64) states that historically the practice of interring complete

necklaces with the burial possessions was discontinued in favor of attaching a few beads

to a safety pin as a representative of the necklace. According to Parsons (1916:252), at

Zuni the person approaching death could ask to not have their jewelry buried with them.

Parsons notes that this is a modification from the traditional practices of burying the

124 deceased in their best clothes, blanket and/or jewelry. The remainder of the individual’s possessions and valuables were buried away from the body or burned.

Gender and Age

Sexed skeletons and their accompanying tools, adornments, and other personal items provide important information about prehistoric gender (Hays-Gilpin 2004). If certain material items are identified as gender specific, this information can then be applied to other contexts where direct gendered associations are not available (Hays-

Gilpin 2004). Preserved mummies can provide a wealth of information regarding how men and women dressed and wore their hair. Perishable burial items are also usually preserved in these contexts, which provide additional insights into other gendered items of material culture that are missing from other contexts. Mortuary contexts are interpreted based upon the assumption that the way in which an individual is treated in life is reflected in their mortuary treatment (Brown 1982; Peebles 1971:68). Thus, mortuary data can address the role and status of biologically males and females, however gender identification is more difficult (Whittlesey 1999). However, the inscription of identity in mortuary remains is not as straightforward as simple associations with sex and gender. Mortuary ritual must also be considered since the deceased do not make decisions regarding their mortuary accoutrements and costume.

Ethnography has illuminated the various dimensions of an individual’s identity that may be signified in her or his mortuary treatment including age, identity, gender, and horizontal and vertical social positions (Neitzel 2003). These dimensions are easier to identify in complex societies due to the larger number of social roles. Neitzel (2003) states that gender is signified less frequently in mortuary contexts due to the fact that it

125 does not require a special indicator and is usually obvious from biological characteristic

and dress. However, ethnographic work has indicated that in societies where sexual

characteristics are exposed, men and women still maintain distinct styles of dress (Storm

1987), thus if these practices are discontinued for mortuary purposes, one may expect all burials to be the same in terms of funerary dress.

Whittlesey (1999) states that at Grasshopper Pueblo, the differences between men and women in the number of offerings is related to different social roles. She argues that

men participated more frequently in the social realm of the society, thus their funeral

ceremonies would have been public events that would have attracted more mourners and

offerings. In contrast, women would have been buried by family members in a more

private ceremony and therefore are afforded far fewer accompaniments. In each burial

population, equifinality should be considered to account for great wealth of either gender.

Equifinality occurs when either the wealth was the women’s and reflects her high status

or the possibility that the wealth was offered by wealthy male relatives (Neitzel 2003). In

situations where rich female burials outnumber rich male burials, researchers may

confuse evidence of a matrilineal society or powerful women with the wives of wealthy

high status men in a patrilineal, polygynous society.

One of the primary uses of mortuary data is determining sex roles (Nelson 2004,

Eisner 1991). The primary approach to identifying sex roles or division of labor is by

evaluating the type of material goods included in the grave context. Utilitarian items

from burials are interpreted as representing items that people used as part of their daily

lives. Women’s roles are usually generalized as the gatherers and preparers of food

regardless of what types of goods are found in mortuary contexts. At Grasshopper

126 Pueblo, researchers found very few utilitarian items in all burials (Whittlesey and Reid

2001). This relative absence of utilitarian goods was interpreted as representing a mortuary custom focused on sodality membership rather than “daily roles” (Whittlesey

1999). At Chaco Canyon, several projectile points were found associated with a female burial (Akins 2001). This finding contradicts the assumption that hunting implements were an aspect only of the male social role (Conkey and Spector 1984). However, these

(hunting implements) are usually interpreted as ornaments or symbolic items rather than a representation of the women’s role in society (Conkey and Spector 1984).

Although the examination of mortuary data allows insights into the past that cannot be gathered from any other source in the archaeological record, there are also many logistical problems and limitations. Due to varying excavation strategies and laboratory analysis, finding well documented and sexed populations can be very difficult

(Afton 1971; Cannon 2005; Neitzel 2003). Archaeology has had a long history of unsystematic field techniques resulting in many gaps within the data sets. Low sample sizes, disturbance, poor preservation, excavation biases and inadequate or inconsistent data recording all become an issue when attempting to find an adequate collection for research purposes (Crass 2001). Currently the Native American Graves and Repatriation

Act has limited the ability for researchers to access the associated burial items. Although the items are being returned to their rightful owners, the many questions regarding burial customs that have not been addressed to date, will remain unanswered.

Sex determination

As stated above, often sex determinations were largely made based on the size of the bones (i.e. more gracile skeletons were identified as female and the more robust were

127 identified as male), and the “gender specific” associated artifacts. Although the sex of

human remains can often be determined, the practice is not an exact science and different researchers can reach different conclusions as to the exact sex of the individual (Gowland

2006). To rectify this, osteologists often use multiple sexing categories to account for the variability in sexual dimorphism (Gowland 2006:147). It is impossible to determine the sex of individuals based on human remains until they reach “skeletal maturity” and the epiphyses’ are fully fused (Gowland 2006).

Age determination

Bioarchaeologists and physical anthropologists determine age by evaluating key skeletal attributes. It is important to keep in mind that after an individual biologically becomes an “adult” at age 20, and osteologists must relay on skeletal degeneration to age a skeleton. The skeletal degeneration peaks at age 50 and current methods do not allow for age analysis beyond this point. This is an important point because most scholars evaluating raw data may assume that people just did not live past age 50, and people in the past simply did not live as long as they do today. Part of this statement may be correct, but presently there are no methods to determine the exact age of these elderly individuals. Ideally data regarding an individuals health would be incorporated into any analysis of age determination, thus one could make an assessment of general health and if it is determined that the individual was a healthy old adult, they may have lived well past age 50.

Mortuary Sample Assumptions

Thousands of burials have been excavated throughout the history of archaeology in the Southwest. Some excavators during the early years focused primarily on finding

128 burials due to the excellent probability of locating sought after items in good condition in these contexts. This focus on burials has provided bioarchaeologists with a wealth of information to study, however this information has become largely disconnected from the mortuary context from which the burial originated. For the Southwest region, many theses, dissertations and books have been written about the health and diet of prehistoric populations, however this data has yet to be reunited with the mortuary data to provide multivariate information on the social identity of individuals and the group. Therefore, although it may appear that a wealth of data exists on mortuary practices in the study area, this is not the case and adequate data sets that include all facets required to assess social aspects of a group are actually difficult to find. Many collections of human remains have not been systematically reevaluated since they were accessioned into the collections (i.e. Aztec Ruins collection), and will not likely receive this analysis unless a full evaluation was part of the museums implementation of NAGPRA legislation.

Without this valuable information, many future research questions regarding sex, gender and health of these prehistoric populations will go unanswered. In cases where the collections were not systematically analyzed, age (adult or subadult) was the only category that could be used.

The sampling bias of the excavators of the site must also be considered. As stated above, during the early days of archaeology burials tended to be a primary focus of excavations. However, if these remains were found, often times with a shovel, to be in poor condition, the remains were not curated (Perry 2006). This was often the case with the remains of children since their bones are smaller and more susceptible to decay (Perry

129 2006). Also, the tools used to excavate (shovels etc.) may have caused excavators to

miss infant burials all together, thus the sample from many sites may be skewed.

Secondly, the locations where excavation occurred also may affect the sample size. Many excavations focused on rooms or features, and intramural or outside areas were either not excavated or only sampled. Therefore if a certain section of the population was segregated for burial in another portion of the site or away from the site, this group may not have been excavated. Another factor that must be considered is the methods used to determine the sex and age of the individuals. Prior to the modern era of

archaeology, the archaeologist was a “jack of all trades”, thus in the absence of an

osteologist, the archaeologist made these determinations in the field. Age, in broad terms of adult, child and infant are most likely correct due to the differences in the size of the bones and teeth. The various skeletal attributes used by bioarchaeologists to assign age ranges and sex determination demonstrates that these determinations are not always obvious and straightforward, especially if the skeletal material is incomplete (Sofaer

2006). It is also possible that these determinations were made by evaluating the types of mortuary offerings rather than the skeleton itself (Eisner 1991:353). If the offerings included domestic items, it may be assumed that the deceased individual was female or if

the offerings included hunting implements it may be determined that the individual was

male. In addition, if a large number of goods were placed with an individual, it may be

classified as male based on the assumption that a woman could not have achieved the

high status to warrant this amount of offerings (Eisner 1991). This type of gender bias has

been discussed at length by many archaeologists and feminists (Conkey and Gero 1984,

Neitzel 2003). Unfortunately, many of the Southwest burial collections excavated many

130 decades ago were never reevaluated by an osteologist. In order to use the data in this

thesis I have assumed that these sex and age determinations are correct.

Ornament Analysis: Interpretive Difficulties

Unfortunately many published references are limited in their description of

ornaments. These ambiguous descriptions of ornaments usually include “several beads”

with little information regarding actual quantities, material type, color and style. Minimal data regarding the provenience of the items and their association with the body is also a

common void in published reports. It is valuable to know whether the necklace or item of

ornamentation was worn by the individual (adornment part of burial costume) or found in

a bowl adjacent to the body (offering to the gods or individual) therefore the lack of

information in this category limits interpretations.

Many of the ornaments housed in museum collections have been restrung,

therefore it is often unclear, unless the field notes or publication describe the ornaments

in detail, whether these items were found together as the same ornament (i.e. bead

bracelet) or whether the loose beads found in the burial were just restrung for the

convenience of storage. Many of these items were also restrung on wire, glued to index

cards and “repaired” or “reconstructed” with resin. In these cases, the weight of the

artifact could not be adequately measured.

Imagery: Interpretive Difficulties

Gender is difficult to determine from imagery. Although biological

characteristics of sex are often present (phallic males and possible females with nipples

131 and breasts), many figures lack any indication of sex, thus an accurate determination

cannot be made. The absence of obvious sex markers or features may be the result of

another aspect of a person’s social identity is being portrayed or that male and female

genders were signified based on hairstyle or clothing rather than biological characteristics

(Hays-Gilpin 2004). However, Kelley Hays- Gilpin (2004) argues that sex/gender

determinations should be attempted. She states that one should begin with human figures that depict some aspect of their sex (biological differences between two categories male and female), and then look for patterns and consistent associations with certain types of hair and clothing styles, body decorations, tools, activities as well as potential correlations with other types of elements. There is also the question of whether the

mixture of male and female traits represent additional genders or whether it was possible

in some societies to assume another gender by simply changing one’s outward

appearance (VanPool and VanPool 2006). Depictions of children are almost impossible

to identify in rock art, although some rock art depictions have been interpreted as the

work of doodling children (Hays-Gilpin 2004). Human figures are depicted in all shapes

and sizes thus, one cannot state that small or figures without prominent sex markers are

children without any data to support this supposition.

Rock Art Analysis

A comprehensive set of pictures and drawings of rock art panels is not readily

available in published form, thus most of the pictures and drawings of rock art are found

in volumes that are largely aimed at temporal and regional assignment of styles (Cole

1990; Munson 2003; Robins 1997; Schaafsma 1971, 1972, 1980. Therefore, an extensive

evaluation for rock art and adornment was not possible without obtaining other non-

132 published sources (i.e site forms etc.). Although this is possible, it was beyond the scope

of this thesis, therefore the rock art data for this thesis is derived from several published

rock panels with adequate drawings or photos to examine ornament use.

Kiva Mural Analysis

Since all of the data regarding the kiva murals was derived from published

sources (Crotty 1995, 2007; Dutton 1963; Hibben 1975; Schaafsma 2007; Smith 1952)

the primary limitations stem from the publication itself. Several of the plates in the

publications were not printed in color, therefore the color of the ornament could not be

determined unless described in the text. The poor preservation of a few of the murals also

resulted in incomplete figures (i.e. missing their heads or other body parts), therefore without the complete body, interpretations regarding gender are limited in these cases.

Ethnographic Analysis: Interpretive Difficulties

Data regarding dress and adornment from the ethnographic record is sparse and is

usually not discussed in depth. Information is often scattered throughout the text,

requiring perusal of the index to obtain this information. General statements regarding

dress are usually provided, however details of ornament types and how dress and

adornment correlate with sex, gender and age are not consistent. Therefore, not all

ethnographic accounts of the historic Pueblos could be used for this analysis and as a

result, the ethnographic accounts are biased towards information regarding the Hopi and

Zuni Pueblos (Parsons 1996; Stevenson 1987; White 1941; Voth 1905; Wright 1979).

This chapter has presented the methods that were employed in the analysis of the

multiple lines of supporting evidence in this thesis, as well as the inherent limitations of

133 these data sets. The following chapter presents two of the multiple lines of evidence, iconographic and ethnographic, used in this thesis to support interpretations regarding how ornaments were worn in the past.

134 Chapter 5 Sources for Interpretation of Personal Adornment and Identity: Iconography and Ethnography

In the previous chapter, I presented the methodology used in this thesis and the limitations inherent in the data set. This chapter provides an overview of two of the lines of evidence that are used in this thesis to interpret the artifacts of adornment: imagery/iconography and ethnographic data. Iconographic data also provides information as to how ornaments were worn, however imagery with ornaments is primarily found in only two time periods, Basketmaker II and Pueblo IV. Therefore, interpretations regarding ornament use based on iconographic data apply best to these two periods.

Ethnographic data is most relevant for interpretations of Pueblo IV adornment practices because of the shorter time span. Each of these sources is presented below highlighting the limitations that are inherent in these data sources and important information that can be gathered about personal adornment from these sources. The iconographic and ethnographic data presented in this chapter will be used for interpretative purposes in

Chapter 6.

Imagery and Adornment

This section provides a background of imagery/iconography to illustrate the potential insights that can be gained by evaluating the representation of the human forms adorned with ornaments in these mediums. In addition, the results of the iconography study are presented by highlighting several case studies (rock art panels and kiva murals) that have visual representations of the association between gender and adornment.

Rock Art

135 As stated previously in Chapter 2, the Basketmaker II-III rock art style with depictions of ornamentation, the San Juan Anthropomorphic style, (Cole 1990;

Schaafsma 1980) occurs primarily in the western area of the Southwest (specifically southeastern Utah and northeastern Arizona). The rock art elements of this style include large broad shouldered anthropomorphic figures that are often depicted in horizontal rows and are executed in outline with interior and body decorations as well as solid forms

(Cole 1990; Schaffsma 1980). Body decorations depicted include necklaces, arm bands, belts and sashes, aprons, “diaper-like clothing”, bandoleer designs (x across chest) and geometrics that may represent textile designs or body paint (Cole 1990). Specific ornaments depicted include necklaces, bracelets, pendants and earrings. The heads of the human figures are often rounded and rectangular, and facial rendering is often “masklike” and may be decorated (Cole 1990).

The Butler wash panel (42Sa5238- Panel A and B) depicts several large

Basketmaker II San Juan Anthropomorphic Style human figures with headdresses. Seven of the human figures are male based on the presence of genitalia, the other eleven human figures have no obvious indication of sex. Two of these male figures have a multi-strand necklace ranging from three to four strands, and round dots placed where the ears would be that may indicate earrings or very small hair bobs. All of the males have torso decorations that may indicate a tunic of some kind, thus one of the strands I have interpreted as a necklace may indeed be the neck opening of the shirt. Each of these three figures is also wearing a similar headdress that consists of arcs or lines above the head.

One male figure with this same headdress lacks any type of adornment or torso decoration. Three of the other male figures are depicted with left-ear device headdresses.

136 Two of them also have multi-strand necklaces as previously described. The third has four zigzag lines in two pairs decorating his torso. All three also have two pairs of lines on either side of their head that may indicate longer dangling earrings or a type of hairstyle other than hair bobs. The other male figure depicted in panel is quite unique. He is much smaller than the other male figures and is wearing a large oval object suspended by a strand from his neck. It is unclear based on the photograph and drawing what particular type of headdress he is wearing, or if he is indeed wearing one (the element depicted above this figure is very close to his head). Four of the other human figures depicted are also wearing multi-strand necklaces. Several lobed circles also appear on this panel, which have been interpreted as female fertility symbols (see Chapter 2)

(Manning 1992). Lobed circle ornaments have also been located in burial contexts and are often mosaic pieces that are encrusted with turquoise.

Since all of these figures are petroglyphs and the items of adornment have been pecked as solid lines, it is impossible to identify the specific type of adornment that is being depicted, however many multi-strand necklaces of shell, seeds, bone, and stone have been recovered from Basketmaker contexts (see Chapter 7).

The ornaments depicted in this panel conform to the archaeological record in terms of gendered association as well. As I will discuss in Chapter 6, ornamentation during the Basketmaker II period was not restricted by sex or age. Ornamentation appears to have been an important part of Basketmaker identity in general. The diversity of types of ornaments during the Basketmaker II period also supports the assertion that group identity/membership may have been the role of ornamentation over individual status.

137 After AD 400, there is a gradual reduction in the size of human figures in rock art, and along with this reduction, the detail in costuming and ornaments are also diminished

(Hays-Gilpin 1998). Human figures are no longer the largest and possibly the most important part of the rock art panel and therefore depictions of ornamentation are not present. Figures with headdresses continue in the Kayenta region, however the body decoration ceases. At the end of Pueblo III a general “degeneration” in the quality of

Ancestral Puebloan rock art has been observed (Schaafsma 1980).

The resurgence in art begins with the Pueblo IV period. Schaafsma (1980) states that the Pueblo IV period is marked by growth in artistic symbolism, painting methods, and religion. The Rio Grande Style is similar to the Jornada Mogollon style, and includes ceremonial figures and masks. Human figures are depicted in styles ranging from naturalistic to geometric/boxy body types. Headgear, sashes and apparel begin to reemerge into the style. X’s across the chest that have been interpreted as bandoleers are present. Items of adornment are rare but a few elaborate human images are present that resemble the figures depicted in the kiva murals. This includes multi-strand necklaces worn as chokers around the neck, pendants, armbands and bracelets. The limited frequency of rock art images similar to those found in kiva murals, may be the result of the restricted access to these images. Although the human figures are depicted in Pueblo

IV rock art, gender is rarely depicted in terms of sex characteristics.

The Las Estrellas rock art panel is one example of ceremonial images similar to the kiva murals being placed in restricted location (difficult to access) (Munson 2003).

This panel features a depiction of a female (biological characteristics) with an arc at the base of her neck indicating a possible necklace. Another female figure (hairstyle) from

138 this panel is depicted with “Corn Maiden hair” (whorls) and a three -strand choker necklace that is exactly like those found in the kiva murals (discussed below). Munson

(2003) states that human images from Puye have also been noted as having “striped necks”, which may also be depictions of choker necklaces. A third figure of unknown gender is depicted with an X across the chest, which has previously been identified as a bandolier. However, in this case the manner in which the X meets the belt/waist it could also be interpreted as a large triangular figure-8 or looped necklace similar to those

depicted in the kiva murals.

Kiva Murals

During Pueblo IV, the best evidence for gendered human images is from kiva

murals. Three sites dating from the Pueblo IV period are known that contain multiple

kiva murals with human images. These include the sites of Kuaua (West bank of the Rio

Grande near Bernalillo, New Mexico), Awatovi (Jeddito – northeastern Arizona) and

Pottery Mound (south of Albuquerque along the Puerco River). These murals, especially

the depictions of dress and ornament are discussed in detail below (Tables 5.1 through

5.5). Although human images are sought by researchers to shed light on past dress and

adornment practices, it is important to note that these depictions may often be the

portrayal of supernaturals or deities and not the realistic/representative images of people

in the society itself.

The kiva murals at the three Pueblo IV sites are highly varied both within the sites

and between them (Crotty 1995, 2007; Schaafsma 2007). The murals share some

common themes, however the stylistic differences preclude generalizations in terms of

139 gender and adornment during the Pueblo IV period. Understanding types of pueblo costume/dress and hairstyles is an important aspect of determining the sex and gender of the human figures depicted in the kiva murals due to the absence of biological features

(see Chapter 5 for a discussion of these attributes). Hays-Gilpin (2004:36) states that

“most cultures inscribe gender on sexual difference with different ways of speaking, singing, dancing; and with visual cues, such as clothing and hairstyles, jewelry, tattoos and characteristic gestures and postures”. She argues that it is these characteristics that

“create gender” (Hays-Gilpin 2004: 36-37). Therefore, understanding the history of dress is an important stepping stone to bridging the gap between sex and gender. Although,

Pueblo costume and dress has been researched by both early ethnographers and archaeologists evaluating textiles (see Chapter 4), to my knowledge, a comprehensive gender based study regarding dress in the prehistoric past has yet to accomplished.

Sex/gender determinations provided by the authors (interpreting the kiva murals) were sometimes conflicting or not offered, thus both interpretations will be presented.

The concept of dual-gender (men dressing as women for certain ceremonies or vice- versa) is a possible category for many of the figures, since all of the depictions are ceremonial in nature and the figures lack of identifiable features that would suggest otherwise (sex characteristics). Ethnographic descriptions of ceremonial events indicate that men often masqueraded in “female” costumes since women were often not allowed to participate (Parsons 1996). Young (1987:438) also states that “a number of the most important personages in the pantheon of deities are female”. This could explain why several figures have conflicting sex and gender characteristics (i.e. figure wearing a kilt with no shirt with the maiden whorl hairstyle). Since the kiva murals are a ceremonial art

140 form, depictions of children are absent and only adults, anthropomorphs and zoomorphs are portrayed.

Kiva murals provide an important data set for understanding who wore certain types of ornaments (male or female) and how ornaments were worn on the body. The three primary sites where elaborate kiva murals portraying human figures are discussed below in terms of the types of ornaments portrayed and the gendered traits that can be identified. A comparison of the murals in terms of adornment practices follows

Kuaua Kuaua was a Pueblo village located along the west bank of the Rio Grande in central New Mexico. The site was established in the A.D. 1300’s, however ceramic evidence indicates that the murals may have been painted as late as A.D. 1500-1600

(Crotty 1992:53). Of the 22 kivas located at the site, only one (Kiva III) was found to have multiple layers of painted plaster murals. Cultural material excavated from Kuaua included items of ornamentation including beads and pendants, Olivella and shell discoidal beads, no turquoise of great amount. Kidder (1938) notes that although

Glycymeris shell bracelets are common at sites along the Salt and Gila Rivers, none have been found in the Rio Grande region.

Bertha Dutton (1963) evaluated the murals with the aide of a Zuni informant

(Zna’ote). Informants from other groups were not consulted due to time constraints with the project. Many of the figures depicted were identified by Zna’ ote as gods from the

Zuni religion and several of the figures (n = 6) in the mural scene from layer H-31 (56th layer of plaster) are thought to be part of the Great Corn Drama (Table 5.1). All but one of the figures depicted in this layer have had their faces deliberately removed. The only figure with a complete head has been identified as the Universal Diety or the Corn

141 Mother (Dutton 1963: Figure 54). All of the figures (n = 6) in this scene are depicted

wearing some type of adornment. Ornaments for each figure are described in detail in

Table 5.1 and include, leather wristlets, feather hair ornaments, heart symbols on the

chest, shell bracelets, shell tinklers, necklaces and chokers. Although the heads are

missing, the hairstyles (long shoulder length hair) appear to be the same for figures

identified as male (n = 3), female (n = 2) or male/female (n = 1). The human figures depicted in layer G-26 are similar to those just described, however the faces are intact.

This layer depicts four figures wearing ornaments including two males (long shoulder length hair) and two females (hair whorls) (Table 5.2). The ornaments depicted include leather wristlets, multi-strand choker necklaces, multi-strand beaded bracelets, and heart symbols. Both female figures are depicted wearing kilts, which is not the traditional dress for female figures, therefore these "females" may actually be male impersonators (see below). The other layers of plaster with depictions of human figures wearing ornaments is presented in Table 5.3. The hairstyles of these figures could not be determined, however Dutton assigned gender to the individuals based on information from her informant and the ritual scene that was depicted. Four figures were depicted with ornaments including three males and one female. Ornaments depicted on these individuals are consistent with the other layers and included multi-strand choker loop necklaces, heart symbols, red bead/pendant earrings, shell pendants, black anklets, and multi-strand beaded bracelets.

Overall the majority of the figures in the Kuaua murals are wearing kilts. This type of dress is largely associated with males since it leaves the chest exposed. Based on the absence of sex characteristics on the figures identified as female (breasts), and the

142 similar hairstyles, I would argue that it is likely that most of these figures are male,

however they may be impersonating females in the ritual or ceremony that is being

depicted in the mural. The sashes for each individual appear to be tied on a certain side

depending on gender. For the most part, all of the male figures have their sashes tied on

the left and females (or female impersonators) all have their sashes tied to the right.

Several figures at this site are depicted with striped rectangles (heart symbols) on

their chests. According to Parsons (1996:423), “in Pueblo ideology the heart is the life,

and considerable attention is directed ritually and in tales to the heart: “heart” is given to

ritual objects or persons or “heart” is renewed, cleansed or replaced”. These rectangles

could represent a type of body paint adornment or pendants.

Several observations regarding the figures in these murals and gendered traits

associated with adornment can be made. First, the sash on the figure (Dutton 1963:

Figure 64) identified as Lightning Man (Kupishtaya) is adorned with shell tinklers. This figure is the only one depicted with this type of adornment and the correlation between males and Conus shells in my burial data supports the results of this analysis in which this ornament type appears to be restricted to males and subadults (see Chapter 6).

Feather hair ornaments are depicted primarily with male figures as well as the yellow/red/yellow heart symbol. Whole shell pendants and white and red beaded bracelets were both depicted on figures identified as female. Notched wrist ornaments are depicted on both male and female as well as white and red and white bead multi-strand loop choker necklaces. It is likely that the red beads are coral, however coral beads have not been recovered from Pueblo IV burial contexts.

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Table 5.1. Kuaua Layer H-31 Figure # Name Gender Hairstyle Clothing Sash Ornaments 68 The Singer, Male Long mid‐torso Black kilt with fringe in White with 4 tassels White feather hair ornament on the God of Music length black hair the lower left edge, tied to the left right side, ear ornament on right side, extends over decoration of small red rectangle over heart. both shoulders white circles in the kilt representing the planets. 67 Nighttime Female Unknown Full‐length black dress White with 4 tassels Yellow notched bracelet/wristlet on left Woman with fringe on the lower tied to the right wrist, triangular loop necklace or a right edge white necklace with a triangular pendant. 66 Fire Man, Male Long shoulder Black kilt with fringe on White with 4 tassels Black anklets, red feather hair Sunshine length black hair the lower left edge, and decorated ornament worn on the right side, red extends over white leggings, white knots tied to the notched bracelet/wristlet on left wrist, both shoulders moccasins left (Rain sash) yellow/red/yellow striped rectangle over heart, feather ornament on right 144 wrist. 65 Yellow Corn Male/ Long black waist Black kilt with fringe on White with 4 tassels Black choker necklace with a Maiden Female length hair the lower right edge, tied to the right rectangular white ornament, red (Man‐ extends over white leggings and feather hair ornament worn on the Woman) both shoulders white moccasins right side, black anklets. 64 Lightning Male Long shoulder Black kilt (no fringe), White with 4 tassels Yellow/red/yellow striped rectangle Man length black hair white leggings and tied to the left with over heart, red feather hair ornament extends over white moccasins shell tinklers (n = worn on right side, shell bracelet on left both shoulders 10) attached to the wrist, yellow bracelet/wristlet with belt. three notches at each end on right wrist 54 Universal Female Short Mask or face paint – None (sash worn as Red feather hair ornament on left side, Diety, Corn yellow band across eyes headdress) multi‐strand looped choker necklace Mother, Sky and forehead, black with red and white beads with a Father band covering mouth, trianglar loop necklace or a white white sash headdress, necklace with a triangular pendant, adobe colored red/yellow/red striped rectangle over scalloped edge dress heart, white wristlet with V notches with rectangular white (feathers) on right wrist, red wristlet and red details with V notches (feathers).

Table 5.2. Kuaua Layer G-26 Figure # Name Gender Hairstyle Clothing Sash Ornaments 49 Fire God Male Long shoulder Black kilt, white and White sash with 4 Red forearm bands, eagle feather length black hair black face mask, sash tassels tied at the notched wristlet on right wrist, yellow extends over both headdress, or right side with shell notched wristlet on left wrist shoulders headband tinklers (only (bowguard), 8 strand choker necklace partially visible) attached at the belt 113 Yellow Corn Female Hair whorls Black and yellow face White sash with 4 Rectangular white (shell) earrings, 5 Maiden, (?) mask, black kilt, white tassels decorated strand white bead loop/figure 8 First Sister leggings with red and black necklace. tied at the right side 110 Blue Corn Female Unknown Black kilt with fringe on White sash with 3 Eight strand white beaded bracelet on Maiden, (?) the lower left edge, tassels decorated left wrist, white bead looped necklaces Second white leggings with red tied at the with shell pendant, Sister left with shell red/yellow/black/white striped tinklers (n = 7) rectangle over heart attached at the belt 145 (Rain sash) 52 Lightning Male Long shoulder War bonnet headdress, White sash with 3 Yellow wristlet with a V notch on the Man length black hair white and yellow tassels tied on the left wrist. extends over both decorated face mask, left side with shell shoulders black kilt with fringe on tinklers (n = 7) the lower left side. attached at the belt

Table 5.3. Kuaua - Other Layers Figure # Name Gender Hairstyle Clothing Sash Ornaments 44 Bishininako Female Unknown Black kilt with fringe on White sash with 4 Eight strand choker/loop necklace of Layer F‐23 the lower right edge, tassels with red white beads interspersed with red white moccasins decorated ends beads with a bi‐valve shell pendant (Corn Dance sash), with red decoration, red/white/black tied at the right striped rectangle over heart, bracelets of 5 strands of red and white beads on both wrists, red earring on right ear. 31 Tluptsinona, Male Unknown Black kilt with fringe in White sash with 4 Multi‐strand choker necklace with Layer E‐19 Yellow the lower right edge, tassels tied at the white and red beads with the last Salimopiya, white moccasins right strand extending to the collar bone, Elder Brother black anklets 26 The Boss Male Unknown Black kilt (shorter than the White sash with 4 White and red bead pendant earrings in Layer D‐14 others – Dance kilt?) tassels and red both ears, 8 strand necklace of white borders at the ends beads, necklace of red beads with a tied at the right large whole shell pendant that is painted yellow, black and red. 23 Ololowishka Male Unknown Girdle tied in back with None Multi‐strand choker necklace of white 146 Layer D‐14 two black ends with 6 beads with the lowest strange hanging large white scallop ends lower on the chest, black anklets. with black tassels with red, white, and black fringe, red moccasins (or feet)

Pottery Mound

Pottery Mound is located just south of Los Lunas, New Mexico on the west bank of the Puerco River. The site was excavated by Hibben in the 1950’s and 60’s. The murals were painted between A.D. 1390 and 1475-1490, when the site was abandoned

(Crotty 1992:53). The murals at Pottery Mound are stylistically different than those at

Kuaua. Many of the figures are depicted in profile and Hibben (1975:54) argues that the murals may have been the result of several different artists.

Gender as with the Kuaua murals was largely determined by hairstyle. Crotty

(1995:158) observed that the hair of the Jeddito male figures is usually depicted as hanging loose, reaching well below the shoulders and ending in a square cut bob.

However, Hibben (1975) does not assign a gender to many of the figures depicted.

Female hairstyles included the asymmetrical haircut with a red lock on the long side.

Men also have this haircut, however the hair on the side of the red lock tends to be longer. In addition, young females, or maidens were identified based on the presence of hair whorls (female maidens) (Hibben 1975: Figures 29, 99, 100). Married matrons were identified by a large bun at back of head (Hibben 1975: Figures 17 and 49), and young warriors wore their hair long with colored strings and beads tied in their hair. Male figures are also depicted with face paint in the form of a yellow/tan square over the eye same side as the red lock in the hair (Crotty 1995).

Ornaments were depicted on 21 human figures (10 females and 11 males) and several other zoomorphs or unknown figures (n = 14) (Table 5.4). Arm bands are commonly depicted in the murals. Arm bands and leg adornments are integral parts of costumes worn in various ceremonies of the modern Pueblos (Hibben 1975:88).

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Necklaces appear often in the paintings and are of various designs. The necklaces adorn both human figures as well as the necks of zoomorphs, animals and insects. The most common type is several strands worn around the neck with a figure 8 loop attached to it hanging down onto the chest (similar to those worn at Kuaua). Another common necklace type covers the entire neck with strands of beads (choker necklace) terminating in the throat area in a whole shell (probably Glycymeris) engraved or painted or both (Hibben

1975:88). According to Hibben (1975) shells were rarely found in the excavation- Conus,

Glycymeris, Olivella, and cut beads from large bivalve shellfish appear in the collection but only in sparse quantities. Necklaces in the paintings often contain white beads – shell interspersed with red, probably coral, however coral was not found during excavations at the site. Since the data in Table 5.4 only represents the murals published by Hibben

(1975), it is important to note that subsequent analysis on the murals by Crotty (1992:55,

Table 3) found a total of 46 of 123 (37%) the anthropomorphs depicted were wearing necklaces.

In general, the majority of the ornaments are depicted with both male and female figures. However, a few distinctions were observed. Shell arm bands and white tear drop earrings are more commonly depicted on figures identified as male. Although multi- strand choker loop necklaces and multi-strand beaded bracelets were depicted on both males and females, choker necklaces with both white and black beads, red cross pendants and whole shell pendants are worn primarily by female figures. Similar to Kuaua, male figures are also depicted with shell tinklers attached to the sash.

The clothing depicted in Pottery Mound murals is also distinct (Table 5.4). The manta, a traditional dress worn over one shoulder by women is depicted in the Pottery

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Mound murals and is absent from both the Kuaua and Awatovi murals. Kilts are worn by both men and women and are decorated with a wide variety of designs. The murals at

Awaotivi and Kuaua also have figures dressed in kilts, however the kilts are far more colorful and abstract in design at Pottery Mound.

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Table 5.4. Pottery Mound Murals Figure #/ Name Gender Hairstyle Clothing Sash Ornaments Layer # 2 Maiden Female Whorls Black kilt with White sash with 4 Orange loop necklace Kiva 2 Layer geometric design, tassels with black 4 mask painted yellow decoration tied to and orange (no facial the left features). 8 Human headed Unknown Whorls None None Multi‐strand (4‐5) Kiva 1 insect figures choker/loop necklace with Layer 1 white and red beads (loop extends onto chest). 14 Council of Male Long black hair extended almost to Brown kilt with White sash (tassels White tear‐drop earring in Kiva 2 Chiefs waist geometric pattern, obliterated) left ear, white multi‐strand Layer 1 rainbow headdress choker/loop necklace. 14 Council of Male Long black hair extended almost to Rainbow headdress Unknown White tear drop earring in left Kiva 2 Chiefs waist (lower half ear, white multi‐strand

150 Layer 1 obliterated) choker/loop necklace. 14 Council of Male Long black hair extended almost to Black kilt, rainbow White sash (tassels White tear drop earring in left Kiva 2 Chiefs waist headdress, body obliterated) ear. Layer 1 painted white 14 Rainbow Man Male Long black hair with brown stripe Black kilt with white White sash with 4 White tear drop earring in left Kiva 2 extended almost to waist geometric pattern tassels with black ear. Layer 1 decoration tied to the left 17 Female Whorls Black manta dress White sash with no Two white earrings in left ear, Kiva 2 tied over right tassels visible multi‐strand necklace with Layer 1 shoulder with red and white beads. possible white design on lower half 17 Male Long black hair extended almost to Yellow kilt with red White sash (no Multi‐strand choker/loop Kiva 2 waist design tassels visible) necklace of white beads Layer 1 18 Masked Parrot Unknown Unknown Parrot mask, wing‐ None Multi‐strand (n = 6) choker Kiva 2 Dancer like cape, white body necklace of red and white Layer 11 paint beads with a shell (red and white) pendant extended to chest.

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Figure #/ Name Gender Hairstyle Clothing Sash Ornaments Layer # 29 Unmarried Girl Female Whorls Red and white Unknown Multi‐strand necklace of Kiva 7 striped mask alternating white and black Layer 18 strands with interspersed red beads, black necklace with red cross pendant on chest. 31 Squash Head Unknown N/A N/A N/A Multi‐stand (n = 12) choker Kiva 2 necklace of red and white Layer 4 beads 38 Female Asymmetrical hair bob with red stripe Tan and white dotted None Multi‐strand choker necklace Kiva 7 on left side (longer side) skin, black “tube” of white and black beads with Layer 30 dress large shell pendant, black and white checkered wristlets on both wrists. 39 Dancer Unknown Long shoulder length black hair extends Black kilt with red White sash (no Multi‐strand red and white Kiva 2 over both shoulders fringe on both lower tassels visible) bead bracelet on left wrist. Layer 2 edges 151 45 Maiden Female Whorls Black manta dress White sash with 4 Multi‐strand choker necklace Kiva 9 tied over right tassels with black of black beads Layer 2 shoulder with all over and red decoration white geometric pattern and yellow and red tassels on lower right edge and right shoulder, white moccasins, yellow, red and white mask 46 Figure with Unknown Long brown/black hair over one Unknown Unknown Multi‐strand choker necklace Kiva 7 Club shoulder with round black beads, Layer 10 armbands on both upper arms. 46 Figure with Unknown Long shoulder length black hair extends Unknown Unknown Multi‐strand (n = 6) choker Kiva 7 Parrot over both shoulders necklace of white and red Layer 10 beads with red/white shell pendant, multi‐strand bracelet of red and white beads on left wrist.

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Figure #/ Name Gender Hairstyle Clothing Sash Ornaments Layer # 46 Figure with Unknown Unknown Unknown Unknown Multi‐strand choker necklace Kiva 7 hook of red and white beads Layer 10 nose/beak 47 Council of the Male Long mid‐torso length black hair with Black kilt with white White sash with 4 Dots on neck may represent a Kiva 6 Mountain Lions red stripe and white stripes that geometric pattern red/black decorated multi‐strand beaded choker Layer 1 extends over one shoulder (profile) and red fringe at left tassels tied to the necklace, large armband on edge right right upper arm 47 Council of the Male Long shoulder length black hair with red Feather embellished None Multi‐strand (n = 4) choker Kiva 6 Mountain Lions stripe and white dotted stripe extends red 4 strand belt necklace with red and white Layer 1 over one shoulder (profile) beads, multi‐strand (n=5) bracelet with red and white beads, red feather ornament Title Page Council of the Male Long shoulder length black hair with red Black kilt with white White sash with two Loop necklace Kiva 6 Mountain Lions stripe and white dotted stripe extends geometric design and decorative tassels Layer 1 (Figure possibly over one shoulder (profile) fringe on lower left and red/yellow blowing on edge, diamond fringe tied at right 152 conch shell pattern tunic (?), white moccasins Title Page Council of the Male Long shoulder length black hair with red Black kilt with white White sash with two White shell arm band on left Kiva 6 Mountain Lions stripe and white dotted stripe extends geometric design, decorative tassels, arm, multi‐strand beaded Layer 1 over one shoulder (profile) white moccasins shell tinklers (n= 9) bracelet of white and red on belt tied at the beads on right wrist, multi‐ right strand bracelet on right wrist, feather ornament tied to lower leg. Title Page Council of the Male Long shoulder length black hair with red Brown kilt, cross‐ White four banded Multi‐strand beaded bracelet Kiva 6 Mountain Lions stripe and white dotted stripe extends hatched tunic (?), belt with red fringe of white and red beads on Layer 1 over one shoulder (profile) white moccasins and cowrie or left wrist Olivella shells (n = 10) dangling from belt 60 Dancer Unknown Unknown Black kilt with white None Multi‐strand choker necklace Kiva 1 geometric pattern, with red and white beads Layer 1 white body paint with black dots 61 Medallion Unknown Asymmetrical black hair with longer half Red plume headdress None Multi‐strand choker loop Kiva 3 Figure on left side with red stripe black round bead necklace Layer 13

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Figure #/ Name Gender Hairstyle Clothing Sash Ornaments Layer # 61 Bird figure Unknown Whorls Yellow and white None Possible large, red/white shell Kiva 3 mask, black bird pendant flanked by two Layer 13 wings red/white/red rectangular over “heart” symbols. 62 “Spotted Unknown Asymmetrical black hair bob with red Black tube dress, None Multi‐strand necklace of Kiva 7 Ladies” stripe on the left side white and yellow white and black beads with Layer 30 body paint with dots large shell pendant, multi‐ strand white and black bead bracelets on both wrists, feather hair ornament 63 Unknown Long black hair Unknown Unknown Multi‐strand white Kiva 7 choker/loop necklace, 4 Layer 1 white ear pendants in left ear, white headband 63 Unknown Long black hair Unknown Unknown Multi‐strand white Kiva 7 choker/loop necklace Layer 1 153 72 Dancer Unknown Unknown Red, yellow, black White sash with red White triangular loop Kiva 1 and white geometric and black decorative necklace, black armbands on Layer 1 pattern kilt red and tassels tied to the both upper arms, red, white white striped right and yellow ankle bands, faint bandoleer stripes and dots near the wrists also indicate the possibility for bracelets 74 Maiden Female Whorls Black manta with an White sash with 4 Multi‐strand black and white Kiva 8 all over geometric black and red beaded bracelet on both Layer 1 design, white, yellow decorative tassels wrists and red fringe on the tied to the left lower right edge and right shoulder, yellow and white face mask 75 Male Asymmetrical black hair with one side Black kilt with White sash with 4 Multi‐strand black bracelets Kiva 8 extending just below the shoulder geometric pattern in decorative tassels on both wrists Layer 1 white with fringe on tied at the left the lower right edge, feather headdress

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Figure #/ Name Gender Hairstyle Clothing Sash Ornaments Layer # 91 Pregnant Female Long black hair extending down back Black kilt with White sash with 4 Multi‐strand (n = 6) red Kiva 2 Woman with red stripe (figure in profile) geometric pattern black and red choker necklace. Layer 4 decorative tassels tied in back 99 Maiden Female Whorls Black manta with None Multi‐strand white choker Kiva 16 geometric design tied necklace that extends onto Layer 1 over left shoulder collar bone 100 Maiden Female Whorls Black manta tied on None Multi‐strand white necklace, Kiva 16 right shoulder white bracelets on both Layer 1 wrists

100 Maiden Female Whorls Black manta with None Multi‐strand white necklace, Kiva 16 geometric design tied white bracelets on both Layer 1 over right shoulder wrists

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Awatovi and Kawaika-a (Jeddito Pueblos)

Awatovi and Kawaika-a were located on Antelope Mesa, to the east of the

modern Hopi Mesas in northeastern Arizona. These sites are often referred to as the

Jeddito Pueblos. The site of Awatovi dates to approximately A.D. 1150 (murals are dated

to A.D. 1350-1630), and was still occupied when the Spanish arrived at the site in A.D

1630. Kawaika-a was established by the mid 13th century (murals are dated to A.D. 1364-

1400), however it was only occupied for a short time and was abandoned by A.D. 1550.

Although Kawaika-a was occupied for a shorter duration, it is believed to have had a larger population, than Awatovi (Crotty 1995:50) and consisted of over 5,000 rooms.

Nine kivas at Kawaika-a had evidence of painted plaster (a total of 49 layers) and eleven of the kivas at Awatovi had 131 layers of painted plaster. The data for the murals at these two sites is limited in comparison to those presented above due to the fact that many of the illustrations were not published in color. However, several color plates were published and color was described in some cases allowing for interpretations regarding adornment practices to be made.

A total of eight figures (4 males, 2 females and 2 unknown) in the Awatovi murals and five figures (2 males and 3 females) at Kawaika-a were depicted wearing ornaments (Table 5.5). Almost all of the figures were depicted with white multi-strand choker loop necklaces (similar to Pottery Mound and Kuaua). In addition, white shell arm bands depicted on the upper arm also appear to be worn by both males and females. The only ornament that seems to be restricted to one sex is the whole shell pendants that are depicted on figures identified as female. This association was also present at both Kuaua and Pottery Mound.

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In terms of clothing and hairstyles, the Jeddito murals are similar to both Kuaua

and Pottery Mound however a few unique differences were observed. All of the males depicted in the Jeddito murals had long hair, however several females had hair bobs. In

addition, the female figures were dressed in "tube" dresses that appear to be composed of

a blanket worn around the torso. These dresses are only depicted in the Kawaika-a murals.

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Table 5.5. Awatovi and Kawaika-a Figure # Name Gender Hairstyle Clothing Sash Ornaments 61b Warrior Male Shoulder length black hair with red Gray kilt with white Black sash with black White multi‐strand Room 529 and white stripes “bangles” along the (n = 4) and red (n = choker/loop necklace, three Awatovi lower edge (shells?), 2) tassels tied in the yellow, red and white wrist white bandoleer, back bands/bracelets, white arm lavender shirt, white band with red rectangle headband with feather headdress, white tall moccasins 65 a Unknown Unknown None Yellow and red striped None White multi‐strand choker Awatovi bandoleer, white shirt, necklace with figure 8 loop black kilt (?). and two vertical rows of red beads. 67 d Female (?) Asymmetrical with hair bob on right White patterned None White headband, white multi‐ Test 5 Room 2 side , long on the left with red stripe. (diagonal and dot) tube strand choker/loop necklace Kawaika‐a dress. with red beads interspersed. Four white arm bands on left upper arm. 157 67 d Female (?) Short bob on left side (other side Black tube dress. White sash with five White multi‐strand Test 5 Room 2 missing). tassels tied to the choker/loop necklace with Kawaika‐a left. red beads interspersed. 67 d Female (?) Asymmetrical with hair bob on right White tube dress. None White headband, white multi‐ Test 5 Room 2 side, long on the left with red stripe strand choker/loop necklace Kawaika‐a with red beads interspersed. 78 b Female Hair‐bobs Vertical rainbow stripe None White multi‐strand Room 788 kilt with black and white choker/loop necklace with a Awatovi midriff design. red and white pendant (possibly a shell). 78 b Male (?) Unknown Black shirt/torso, None White multi‐strand Room 788 vertical rainbow stripe choker/loop necklace, long Awatovi kilt. black ear pendants. 79 a Hopi Ahul Male (?) Unknown Mask None White multi‐strand Room 788 choker/loop necklace with Awatovi interspersed red beads. 80 b Unknown Unknown Mask, black shirt with None White multi‐strand choker Room 788 yellow design. necklace. Awatovi

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Figure # Name Gender Hairstyle Clothing Sash Ornaments 81 b Female Hair‐bobs Black kilt (tube dress?) White sash with White multi‐strand choker Room 788 with embroidered lower three tassels necklace with whole shell Awatovi edge. pendant, white (?) arm bands on each upper arm. 81 b Male Long hair White kilt with White sash with four Arm band with four strands of Room 788 decorative border along embroidered tassels. beads (?) dangling, white Awatovi lower edge, feathered anklets. headdress., white moccasins. 84 b Male Long hair Kilt of red and white None White multi‐strand Test 5 Room 4 vertical stripes. choker/loop necklace. Kawaika‐a 84 b Male Long hair Kilt of red, unpainted None White multi‐strand Test 5 Room 4 and white vertical choker/loop necklace with Kawaika‐a stripes, feather interspersed red beads. headdress.

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Comparison of the Murals: Implications for Ornaments and Identity

A comparison of the murals conducted by Crotty (1992) concluded that Pottery

Mound had the highest number of anthropomorphs depicted with necklaces, followed by

Kuaua (n = 12, 26%) and Awatovi (n = 12, 15%). The necklaces worn by the anthropomorphic figures are simple in comparison to those worn by the ceremonial figures or supernaturals. Elaborate personal adornment appears to have been reserved for these individuals. Crotty (1992) argues that the murals at each site are distinct and are the result of varying social contexts at each of the sites. She states that the costume details at

Pottery Mound appear to serve the function of distinguishing one figure from another,

whereas the figures at Kuaua and Awatovi appear to be more “anonymous” (Crotty

1992:57). According to Crotty, the murals at Kuaua reflect “egalitarian values and concern for subsistence needs” as well as community oriented goals and integrative

ceremonialism. In contrast, the murals at Pottery Mound and Awatovi appear to be

focused on “economic prosperity” and military capability.

As described above each mural is different stylistically, however several

similarities between them in regards to ornamentation can be observed. All of the murals

have figures with looped/figure 8 necklaces with white and red and white beads. These

ornaments are depicted on both male and female figures. In addition, the unique style of

these necklaces provides insight as to how the long strands of beads found in burials may

have been worn. However, there is no evidence of this type (red/white) of necklace from

burials in the study area. Red shell beads (coral) became popular during the historic

period and were likely present in Pueblo IV however, this material type was not found in

any of burials used for this thesis. There is a possibility that these red beads were stone,

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however this color combination is rare as well. Red beads of stone are often included in necklaces with a variety of other colors of stone and black and white necklaces are the most common color combination. Only two types of ornaments appear to be restricted to one sex or the other when all the murals are compared. This includes female figures depicted with whole shell pendants and male figures with shell tinklers attached to the sash. As discussed above, the association between males and shell tinklers is supported by the results of this thesis, however whole shell pendants were largely absent from female burials and were largely associated with males and subadults. These patterns will be discussed further in the following chapter.

Other Media

Other studies of human images in the southwest include effigy vessels, figurines and painted images on pottery. Human effigies can provide important information about gender, especially if primary and secondary sexual characteristics are present (VanPool and VanPool 2006). VanPool and VanPool (2006) state that gender constructs in the southwest dictate physical appearance (hairstyle, clothes and adornments) and the activities in which one can participate (grinding corn, smoking). These items may be reflected in the sexed effigy vessels. According to VanPool and Vanpool (2006) a mixture of gendered characteristics on effigies may indicate the representation of a third or fourth gender. Mimbres pottery also offers researchers an avenue to explore gender imagery. Mimbres pottery is unique in the Ancestral Puebloan Southwest due to the combination of geometric black on white designs, a hallmark of the Ancestral Puebloan

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Southwest, and realistic images (humans, animals etc.) that bear a resemblance to the

pottery of Hohokam region (Shaffer et al. 2000).

Female figurines from the Prayer Rock district, a concentration of Basketmaker

III period sites in northeastern Arizona, also exhibit elements of ornamentation (Morris

1951). One of the figurines from Broken Roof Cave is depicted with a “triple-line

punctate” pattern that may represent a multi-strand necklace (Morris 1951: Figure 24f).

Another female figurine (Morris 1951: Figure 25f) is also depicted with a multi-strand

“punctate” necklace with two pendants that hang in the vicinity of the breast. A third

female figurine from Cave 2 (Room 2) (Morris 1951: Figure 25c) is also depicted with a

“punctate” necklace as well as remnants of a fiber apron around the waist. Morris states

that 5 of the 20 figurines located in this area exhibit punctate necklaces. Similar

Basketmaker III female figurines from Canyon del Muerto (Morris 1927) and Segi

Canyon (Guernsey 1931) also exhibit “punctate” multi-strand necklaces.

Adornment and Ethnography

This section provides the ethnographic evidence of adornment practices necessary to examine the continuity in the use of ornaments over time. Although ethnographic data is better suited for comparison to Pueblo IV contexts, this data could be applied to other

time periods as well if the archaeological record supports the interpretation. Since the

data for this thesis is largely derived from mortuary contexts, this section begins with an

examination of ethnographic data regarding death and burial. This information provides

important interpretive insight into the reasons people were buried in a certain fashion.

Following this section, a general overview of adornment practices is presented to

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evaluate who wore ornaments and how they were worn. In conjunction with this discussion, certain ornaments that may have materialized group membership including ceremonial affiliation or clan membership are emphasized. Finally, this section concludes with brief discussions of the importance of ornament color and the ritual uses of ornaments.

Ethnographic Data Regarding Death

Cultural views concerning death can have an impact on what aspects of an identity are materialized in mortuary contexts. For example, mortuary ritual among the

Pueblos appears to be focused on the individual and the afterlife however the specific rites performed and the overall mortuary treatment vary from Pueblo to Pueblo across the

Southwest (Ellis 1968). Stevenson’s description of the mortuary ritual relating to the death of an important individual (Rain Priest) at Zuni highlights the purposeful care and ritual associated with death:

“The body was striped of its clothes, bathed and rubbed with meal. A pair of new cotton trousers and a red calico shirt were put on it. It is usual for burial clothes to be new and the red calico for the present occasion was selected because of Nai’uchi’s fondness for that color……Me’she, younger brother Bow Priest, came in after Nai’uchi was prepared for the grave and tied his warrior’s wristlet on his right wrist and arranged his beads around his neck” (Stevenson 1915:316).

The body was then wrapped in a blanket and the face was washed and painted with black paint and corn pollen. The final stage of the funerary preparations was to wrap

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the head of the rain priest in cotton roll to form a cotton hood that was similar to the type

worn by Shalako bearers (Stevenson 1915:316).

Accounts of Hopi mortuary practices differ slightly. Ellis (1968) states that

although the Hopi and Western Pueblos in general fear the dead, they are still focused on

the individual rites and the events that are necessary to ensure the deceased will not

return. These events are detailed by Ellis in the description of the burial of a ceremonialist:

“In the grave goods put together for one ceremonialist were three small bowls

used to carry medicine water, two shells for dipping it out, a medicine bag

containing ground cornmeal in which was a stone animal fetish, a small package

of white powder, a bracelet of shells and a cornhusk packet of prayer feathers.”

Ellis (1968:64) states that other ceremonialists and medicine men have similar grave goods, however these items are “all personally owned bits of ceremonial equipment” therefore differences among the items would be expected depending on the ceremonialists specialty.

Although very different than that of the Zuni, important conclusions regarding ornaments can be gleaned. Although no ornaments are noted in the description, it can be assumed that if the person was wearing an ornament at the time of death, this item would also be buried with the person since the clothing is not changed. Thus if an object was worn in life, it was worn in death and therefore arguments relating to ornaments as offerings rather than personal possessions would be incorrect in this case. However, Ellis

(1968:65) reports that at the San Juan Pueblo the deceased is:

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“dressed in his best: loin cloth, shirt, belt and leggings, and food is tucked under

his left armpit. Holes are torn in his clothing and his shoes are put on “in reverse”

so that he cannot leave a correct set of tracks and thus be able to follow them back

to his old home. He is sewed into a blanket after the distinctive markings of the

religious society to which he belongs are placed upon his body”.

Stevenson also notes that at Zuni, infants are buried with their ears pierced and they are slated to “help water the earth” by dropping tadpoles and toads down to earth

from baskets they carry on their heads. Therefore, instead of wearing turquoise earrings,

infants should wear toads attached to their ears. This is an important observation that

pertains with this thesis. Although infants were not buried with ornaments that were

recognized as “toads” the water symbolism is significant and will be discussed further in

Chapter 7.

Adornment Practices

Barton Wright (1979:26) states “the Hopi, like all other people, applied ornaments

wherever they could be attached from ankle to crown”. According to Wright (1979:26),

“Some ornaments were assigned to a particular age, sex or social status, while

others were the sole property of a clan or ceremonial group. The most varied of

all such ornaments, both in form and use were beads. Beads were used by the

Hopi in a multitude of ways – to adorn pahos, tiponi, kachinas, altars, and

fetishes. Beads were used for necklaces, earrings, bandoleers and belts. Made of

a variety of materials such as shelled corn, homi tukwavi, formally used by the Sio

Hemis kachina for a bandoleer, or whole scallop shells, kuku’ca tukwavi, and

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worn or used on the wrappings of various tiponi, particularly that of the War

chief.”

This quote illustrates the great number of uses for beads in the past and the importance of context for interpretation. Necklaces were of great importance and value to the Hopi due to their religious significance and economic value. Necklaces were valued at approximately two dollars per string depending on the amount of turquoise and the quality of the beads (Hough 1914:246). Reports of looting and “curating” jewelry from

“ancient sites” by people from the Pueblos and Navajo, also demonstrates their value and importance.

At Zuni, necklaces are inherited from the previous generations to the males

(Stevenson 1987). The men can wear these necklaces at any time, but the women can only wear them during ceremonials. Depending on the number of necklaces possessed by the family, multiple necklaces are often worn by one individual during the ceremonies.

Stevenson (1987:290) observed that “the Zuni have a few strings of archaic white and black stone beads that are highly valued”.

Warriors and warrior kachinas adorned themselves with necklaces made of wildcat claw beads, tokoch soki tukwavi. Necklaces of worked shell and stone were

primarily worn by Hopi men. These necklaces consisted of disk beads with oval pieces

of turquoise placed at regular intervals (Hough 1914:245). Hough (1914:246) states that the “season, avocation, wealth or age, or whim” determines what or how much of the traditional costume a man will wear. Parsons (1996:401) states that at Zuni dances “there is always a great display of necklaces consisting of white shell, turquoise, coral, abalone shells, silver or blue yarn”. Bunzel (1932:871) also observed that “all kachinas wear

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numerous necklaces of white shell, turquoise, and coral from which hang ear loops of

finely worked turquoise of the best grade”. Multi-strand necklaces are depicted in white

paint the kiva murals, it is probable that these necklaces were composed of flat disk shell

beads since they are the primary type of shell bead other than Olivella shells that were used as beads. Stevenson (1987:289) states that elaborate necklaces of white shell beads in disk form, many of them as thin as paper, strung with blue and green turquoises, corals and red stones are worn. This necklace is known as the kohakwa (white shell) mother of the sun father and is especially sacred to the Pueblos.

According to Fewkes (1986:365), Conus tinkers were the favored shell for the manufacture of rattles used in rituals. When found in burials, Fewkes states that Conus

shells may have been attached to garments of the deceased in much the same fashion that

the tin cones are appended to the kilts of Snake priests in the Snake dance. Fewkes cites

that in Hopi mythology several gods wear garments with “jingling shells from the ocean”,

including the Sun god (Tawa) and the monster, Tcavaiya, an offspring of the Sun, carried

on his back a basket hung with jingling shells, and down his legs he wore the same

mosilili. Fewkes (1986:365) states that in certain ceremonials men still dress with a

“profusion of jingling shells” attached to their garments. Parsons (1996) states that

during ceremonies the warriors bandoleer may be worn by the warrior kachina at Zuni.

This bandoleer is decorated with four shells for each scalp taken and the fringe was

manufactured from the enemy’s hair. Although Parsons does not explicitly state the type

of shell attached to these bandoleers, it can be inferred based on the stylistic use of

attaching these items to garments in kiva murals and other ethnographic accounts. Kiva

murals depict these ornaments attached to the bottom edge of kilts.

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How earrings were worn and by whom can be difficult to ascertain from historic

photos depending on the hairstyle. Women at Zuni tend to wear their hair in a style that

consists of blunt bangs, with the hair framing the face cut short and the rest tied back.

Thus, the hair framing the face obliterates the ears and earrings from view. The custom

of wearing a blanket or shawl over the head also prevents these ornaments from being

observed. Earrings are also difficult to identify in rock art. Ears are rarely depicted1 and therefore, earrings are often identified by ear bobs, or large circles depicted close to the face on the sites of the head. The types of earrings that have been identified in the archaeological record do not resemble this shape. Most earrings appear to have been smaller tabular pendants or individual beads strung through the ear on a piece of cordage.

According to Stevenson (1987:290) “Zuni earrings are composed of a double string loop of turquoise beads, which are disk shaped, bored through the center and tipped with several bits of red or pink stones. They are worn in the ears only for ceremonials; at other times they are attached as pendants to necklaces. The Hopi men wore similar earrings but those of the women are turquoises set in wood tablets with pinyon gum. A bit of abalone shell is sometimes seen as the centerpiece of the mosaic. These too are worn only on ceremonial occasions”. Stevenson states that it is usual for other Pueblo women to wear the Zuni style of earrings.

Wright (1979:26) observed that the girls wore earrings made of flat chips of cottonwood root with bits of turquoise and abalone mosaic, tuoinaka attached.

According to Wright (1979), abalone shells were highly valued among the Hopi. He states that “its value lies in the iridescence of the shell which resembles the rainbow that

1 Possible ears are present in Pueblo IV rock art, however these could be depicting a person wearing a mask.

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is cast from dew or moisture. It is worn on the forehead and about the throat of many kachinas” (Wright 1979:28). Several smaller abalone pendants were present in collections examined for this thesis, however a direct correlation with the ears, was not recorded for any of these items.

Buttons are not mentioned in ethnographic accounts or depicted in visual media, therefore little is known as to how these ornaments were worn. Evidence of “button holes” in textiles are also largely absent due to the fragmentary textile record.

Ceremonial/Clan Membership

Ornamentation is prominent in Puebloan ethnography and both turquoise and shell are embedded in the cosmology/ideology. Specific symbols of clan membership include bow guards worn by bow priests and shells worn by warriors. Parsons (1996:665)

states that shells are warrior tokens and shells are rooted in the identity of warriors: “I am

the shell. I am a warrior”. Shells are omnipresent in the ethnographic record relating to

fertility and war. Rain priests would also be expected to have fertility and rain symbols to

materialize their identity as important figures within the group.

At Zuni Ruth Bunzel (1932:871) noted “The way of wearing the necklaces is

indicative of rank and position. Necklaces front and back indicate a katcina of

importance; necklaces doubled over and worn close to the throat are a badge of society

membership”. The necklaces worn close to the throat resonates with the necklaces that

are depicted in the kiva murals and are identified for the purposes of this research as

“multi-strand choker necklaces”. These necklaces were most often depicted on images

that appear to be male or female impersonators. The majority of the necklaces were

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white, possibly shell beads and several were white with interspersed red beads. As

mentioned earlier, coral beads (red beads) were not recovered in any burial contexts. It is

likely the ceremonial nature of these necklaces precluded their retirement in burials and they were probably curated or heirlooms for future generations.

At Hopi, badges of office included canes and large circular Haliotis pendants. In

addition, ritual authorities may have been materialized with the inclusion of “medicine

outfits”. These “outfits” would have involved wearing a skin pouch with certain

important items that were required for the ritual specialist, therefore the contents of each

pouch would be unique. Items included in the pouches included minerals, pigments,

beads, fossils, crystals and other items used to manufacture pahos (prayer sticks).

Color

Based on the evidence from the kiva murals, black and white beaded necklaces

with red beads interspersed were prominent. However, as stated above, very few red

beads are found in the archaeological context and none were found in burial sample for

this thesis. Red beads are very rare in the archaeological record after the Basketmaker II

period and these items are primarily made from stone. During the Pueblo IV period and

the ethnographic period, red is a common color used for adornment. Red beads were

considered the “woman’s bead” and were attached to the Isletan prayer feather for the

moon (Parsons 1996:300).

Blue beads manufactured from turquoise were very common in burials during

Pueblo II, but were present in other periods. According to Parsons (1996:275), turquoise

had the power to make things attractive and desirable. Turquoise was also associated with

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maleness. Ruth Bunzel (1932:871) at Zuni noted that “the amount of turquoise worn by

[a katcina] impersonator is limited only by his borrowing capacity”.

Ritual use of ornaments

Although the ritual use of ornaments is not the focus of this thesis, the use ornaments and the raw materials used to create them are omnipresent in the ethnographic record of ritual activities. Not only were ornaments a required element of ceremonial costuming, they were also used for adorning the supernaturals. Prayer sticks were manufactured primarily by men, however women could make the offerings. Prayer sticks are relevant to this study because of their association with “clothing the supernaturals”.

The feathers attached were thought of as the clothing and ornaments were often attached as well as part of the pahos’ costume (Bunzell 1932:499).

Raw materials were also used in conjunction with many rituals. As stated in

Chapter 2, raw pieces of turquoise were often used in ritual caches for architectural dedications or other ritual deposits. Both turquoise and shell were also ground and included in prayer meal (course corn meal). This meal was used in many ceremonies and rituals including birth and death rites (Bunzell 1932:498). Although based on the ethnographic record, many of the ceremonies and rites were performed by males, the women were responsible for the food and the meal. Thus, in the ceremonial organization, the women were responsible for feeding the supernaturals and the men were responsible for clothing them (Bunzell 1932:501). At Hopi, the War Chief’s ceremony includes

Olivella shells. During the ceremony “four young men in couples are arrayed as War

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gods, each couple carrying a medicine bowl, and an aspergill of Olivella shells and the claws of lion, wolf, and wildcat (Parsons 1996:504).

Numerous other examples of the importance of shell and turquoise are scattered within the vast ethnographic literature for the southwestern Pueblos. Although a full review of these accounts is beyond the scope of this thesis, the examples provided throughout have illustrated the ubiquitous nature of these items both in secular and ritual contexts. It is likely that the symbolism associated with these items in all of their forms

(raw material and ornaments) conveyed a similar meaning.

All of the sources of data discussed above are incorporated into the following

Chapter 6 (results) to elucidate and interpret the construction, negotiation and communication of social identity in the past through adorning the body. These results demonstrate that using multiple lines of evidence can provide the additional support necessary to put forth solid interpretations even within the parameters of the limitations of each data set.

171 Chapter 6 Results and Interpretations

In this chapter, I present the results of the ornament analysis and literature search

conducted for this thesis. This chapter begins with an overview of the burial population with

which ornaments were associated. Then the distribution of the entire assemblage of

ornaments is examined by type, material, age, sex, and location on the body. With a general

understanding of types ornaments present in the ancient northern Southwest and how they

were used, the second part of this chapter examines the materialization of social identity

within the frameworks of time period, region, and ornament type. In other words, the types of

ornaments people in different regions wore, how they wore them and how these social

expressions changed through time. In conjunction with the analytical results, interpretations are offered regarding social identity in the study area within each of these categories. These interpretations are bolstered using the information gathered from both ethnographic accounts and visual media (presented in Chapter 5).

The Burial Population

The 68sites that I examined for this study included a total of 3,103 burials. Of this

total, 448 burials (14.43 %) had accompanying ornaments. This low percentage of burials

with ornaments suggests that in the burial ritual across the northern Southwest ornaments were not required. The 448 burials examined for this study included 295 single burials with

their associated ornaments and 153 multiple burials – those individuals buried in groups. If

an ornament could not be associated with a specific individual, it was coded as part of a

multiple burials and are discussed separately in this analysis. The distribution of age and sex

172 for burials with and without ornaments (and separating single and multiple burials with

ornaments) is presented in Table 6.1. As expected, children and infants were more than 50%

of the sample, not surprising for a pre-modern society with high infant and child mortality

rate. The majority of the infants (89.45%) and children (78.56%) were buried without ornaments. The numbers of male and female burials with ornaments were similar although slightly more men (35%) were buried with ornaments than women (30%).

In all cases across age and gender, burials without ornaments outnumber those with ornaments. This supports one of the conclusions of this thesis that ornaments were not part of a standardized burial ritual (when the whole sample is compared). Standardized burial rituals that include ornaments may be present on a site by site or regional basis (see temporal trends below), but overall the majority of individuals in the study area were interred without ornamental accoutrements.

Table 6.1: Distribution of Age and Sex for Single and Multiple Burials with Ornaments Multiple Age/Sex All Burials Total Single Burials with Burials Total Single/Multiple without Number of Ornaments with Burials Burial Ornaments Ornaments Ornaments Adult Male 253 75 28 63,566 384 65.88% 26.82% 7.29% 100% 9.52 34.91% 18.30% 12.73% Adult Female 340 45 44 63,984 473 71.88% 18.81% 9.30% 100% 12.80% 30.16% 28.75% 15.24% Adolescent (sex 156 16 2 2,839 176 unknown) 88.63% 10.22% 1.13% 100% 5.87% 5.42% 1.30% 5.67% Child (sex unknown) 546 71 39 4,464 695 78.56% 15.82% 5.61% 100% 20.56% 24.06% 25.49% 22.39% Infant (sex unknown) 831 46 26 733 929 89.45% 4.95% 2.79% 100% 31.29% 15.59% 16.99 29.93% Indeterminate Adult 529 42 14 11,393 599 (sex unknown) 88.31% 7.01% 2.33% 100% 19.84% 14.23% 9.15% 19.30%

173 Multiple Age/Sex All Burials Total Single Burials with Burials Total Single/Multiple without Number of Ornaments with Burials Burial Ornaments Ornaments Ornaments Total Burials 2,655 295 153 146,979* 3,103 85.56% 14.43% 4.93% 100% 100% 100% 100% * Total number of ornaments with single burials only.

The study population of single burials with ornaments consisted of a comparable

percentage of males, 35% (n =103) and 30% females (n = 89) (Table 6.1). Adults of indeterminate sex composed 19% (n= 56) of the population. This indeterminate classification can be attributed to several factors, the excavating archaeologist could not determine the sex, the remains were too fragmentary preventing osteological analysis, or the remains were in a state of poor preservation. Adolescent burials were rare in the sample

(approximately 5%), however this could be attributed to different age categories used by researchers (i.e. adolescents lumped with the child category). More men were found in single burials and more women in multiple burials, perhaps the result of status accorded to men in death or the burial of women with their infants or children who succumbed at the same time.

Of the almost one-quarter of a million ornaments included in the database, more than two-thirds were associated with single (n = 146,979) burials and the remaining third were interred with multiple burials (n = 83,640) (Table 6.1). A large majority of the multiple burials are infants (17%), children (26%) and women (29%) and this must be considered when evaluating the number of ornaments with individuals of this age group. In addition, at a number of sites, subadults were the only individuals with ornaments (Salmon Ruin) or they were buried with primarily ornaments (Pecos Pueblo). The ornament assemblage is discussed in the following section.

174 Ornaments in the Northern Southwest

This section provides an overview of the entire assemblage of ornaments. I begin by

examining the types of ornaments present in the assemblage and the materials of which they

are made. It is clear that stone beads and pendants are the most common ornament in the northern Southwest. This result is expected due to the wide availability of stone. The association of ornament types with individuals of different ages and sexes is then examined.

As might be expected, adult males have the most ornaments, however when ornament type is examined, similar types of ornaments are also found with subadults. I use those burials with sufficient information to examine where ornaments were placed on the body during death ritual. I assume that how the ornaments were placed in death generally represents how they were worn in life. Finally, I explore what we can learn about the status of prehistoric individuals in their society through ornaments. Very few individuals were buried with large quantities of ornaments in the Southwest. Adults were buried with the most ornaments, however, male and female high status burials are comparable in number.

Ornament Type and Material Type

Ornaments were classified into 15 types and were manufactured of four primary material types (stone, shell, bone, and organic (i.e. seeds, wood etc.). As Table 6.2 shows stone ornaments were the most common in the study area (91%). Of these ornaments 22% were manufactured from turquoise, 2% of lignite and 68% of other stone types. The majority of shell ornaments were manufactured from unidentified shell (67%). This is expected since

it is very difficult to determine the shell species if the shell is modified. Olivella shells

comprised 21% of the shell sample followed by Glycymeris (11%) and Haliotis (2%).

175 Ornaments manufactured from bone, seeds or other types of organic material were present in minimal quantities. Seeds and bone were primarily used for only two ornament types: beads

and necklaces.

Stone (68%) and turquoise (21%) were the most common material type for beads.

This result is expected since stone is readily available and could be obtained locally.

Turquoise pendants were the most common in the study area (62%) followed by Haliotis

(14%). Woodbury (1975:149) states that stone pendants seem to be more prominent in areas where shell is more difficult to procure. However, very few pendants of local stones were found in the sample (2.68%). As stated in Chapter 2, the Yellow Jacket site located in

southern Colorado exhibited evidence of stone pendants manufactured from local stones,

however none of the pendants were found in burial contexts. This may indicate that pendants

manufactured from exotic or non-local stones were preferred for burial offerings. Other types

of pendants include Glycymeris shell as well as other unidentified shell varieties (16%).

Shell was the primary material used to manufacture bracelets. Glycymeris shell bracelets, although not common in the area, comprised 33% percent of the bracelets in the sample. Three material types were used to manufacture buttons, lignite (n = 16), shell (n = 4) and bone (n = 1). The earrings in the sample were primarily manufactured from turquoise (n

= 11). However, I would argue that this sample is skewed based on the difficulty of identifying earrings without context (i.e. location on the body) and pendants or beads could be misidentified as other objects. It is also probable that many of these items were found close to the head, however they were identified only as a bead or pendant. The majority of

the necklaces in the sample were manufactured from seeds (41 %). Since seed beads are

usually only found in contexts with good preservation (mainly sites dating to Basketmaker

176 II/III and Pueblo IV), the cordage for the necklace would likely been preserved as well. With

the entire necklace intact (presumably), these ornaments could be more easily identified as a

necklace rather than just categorized as beads and pendants. In addition, to seed bead

necklaces, bone (16%), Olivella shells (20%) and turquoise beads (6%) were also used in

necklaces. Intact necklaces found in burials indicate that composite necklaces (several material types) were common as well as necklaces that combined beads and pendants into the design pattern. The cordage itself was also part of the necklace design. Unfortunately, cordage is not preserved in many contexts so overall necklace design is difficult to assess.

Rings appear to have been manufactured from only two material types, lignite (n = 9) and bone (n = 1). All but one of the ornaments identified as tinklers were manufactured from

Conus shells. It is possible that other “tinklers” were misidentified as pendants due to the perforation placement (top of the shell). The following section expands upon this discussion and evaluates these ornament types in terms of their association with age and sex.

177 Table 6.2. Ornament Material Types Stone ‐ Organic ‐ Unknown Shell ‐ Shell ‐ Shell ‐ Shell ‐ Other Stone ‐ Stone ‐ Organic ‐ Type Other or Bone Other or Material Total Olivella Glycymeris Haliotis or Unknown Jet/Lignite Turquoise Seed Unknown Unknown Type 3,052 1,450 8 12,415 3,398 47,434 151,503 483 2,914 10 0 222,667 Bead 14.54% 0.70% 0.0% 4.54% 1.62% 22.08% 68.11% 2.30% 1.24% 0.0% 0.00% 100% 1 49 0 94 1 0 1 0 0 1 0 147 Bracelet 0.68% 33.33% 0.0% 63.94% 0.68% 0.0% 0.68% 0.0% 0.0% 0.68% 0.00% 100% 0 0 0 4 16 0 0 1 0 0 0 21 Button 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 19.04% 76.19% 0.0% 0.0% 4.76% 0.0% 0.0% 0.00% 100% 0 0 0 0 3 3 0 2 0 1 1 10 Comb 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 30.00% 30.00% 0.0% 20.00% 0.0% 10.0% 10.00% 100% 0 0 11 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 13 Disc 0.0% 0.0% 84.61% 15.38% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.00% 100% 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 Ear Plug 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 100% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.00% 100%

178 Earring 0 0 0 1 0 11 1 0 0 0 0 13 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 7.69% 0.0% 84.61% 7.69% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.00% 100% 0 0 0 1 2 0 4 0 0 0 0 7 Effigy 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 14.28% 28.57% 0.0% 57.14% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.00% 100% 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 3 0 5 Hair Ornament 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 20.00% 0.0% 0.0% 20.00% 0.0% 60.00% 0.00% 100% Mosaic/ 0 1 3 1 178 1,507 3 0 0 0 0 1,696 Tessera 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 10.53% 89.17% 0.23% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.00% 100% 123 1 0 89 0 38 2 97 253 0 15 618 Necklace 19.90% 0.16% 0.0% 14.40% 0.0% 6.14% 0.32% 15.69% 40.93% 0.0% 2.42% 100% 0 0 0 3 1 0 1 6 0 1 0 12 Ornament 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 25.00% 8.33% 0.0% 8.33% 50.00% 0.0% 8.33% 0.00% 100% 0 99 287 3,479 18 1,359 55 5 0 2 3 5,307 Pendant 0.00% 1.86% 5.40% 65.55% 0.33% 25.60% 1.03% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 100% 0 0 0 0 9 0 0 1 0 0 3 13 Ring 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 69.23% 0.00% 0.00% 7.69% 0.00% 0.00% 23.07% 100% 0 0 0 90 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 91 Tinkler 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 98.90% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 1.11% 0.0% 0.0% 0.00% 100% 3,141 1,599 301 10,151 3,625 49,155 142,955 596 2,857 11 7 230,619 Total 1.36% 0.69% 0.13% 4.40% 1.57% 21.31% 61.98% 0.25% 1.23% 0.00% 0.00% 100%

The Distribution of Ornament Types by Age and Sex

This section examines the burial population in terms of age and sex and the associated ornament types. When compared, males and females have similar numbers of ornaments, however females have a slightly greater number (Table 6.3). The greatest number of

ornaments was found with multiple burials. As stated above, ornaments in these contexts

could not be assigned to particular individuals and often multiple burials are composed of

individuals of different ages and sex. Infant burials had the lowest number of ornaments and

ornaments were often the only burial item interred with these individuals (Table 6.3).

Aside from multiple burials, males were buried with the most bracelets, discs, hair

ornaments, necklaces, rings and pendants. Females were buried with the most beads

earrings, and combs. Shell tinklers were found primarily in the burials of infants and

children, however a few were also interred with males.

Table 6.3. Distribution of Ornament Types by Age and Sex Ornament Adult Adult Indeterminate Type/ Adolescent Child Infant Multiple Total Male Female Age/Sex Age/Sex 62,406 66,111 2,822 4,261 605 11,088 81,199 222,667 Bead 27.31% 28.93% 1.23% 1.86% 0.26% 4.85% 35.53% 100% 48 2 1 2 2 3 89 147 Bracelet 32.65% 1.36% 0.68% 1.36% 1.36% 2.04% 60.54% 100% 3 4 0 0 0 1 13 21 Button 14.28% 19.04% 0.0% 0.% 0.0% 4.76% 61.90% 100% 2 8 0 0 0 0 0 10 Comb 20.0% 60.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 100% 2 0 0 1 0 0 10 13 Disc 15.38% 0.0% 0.0% 7.69% 0.0% 0.0% 79.92% 100% 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 Ear Plug 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 100% 0.0% 0.0% 100% 2 4 2 2 0 0 3 13 15.38% 30.76% 15.38% 15.38 0.0% 0.0% 23.07% 100% Earring %. 1 2 0 0 1 1 0 5 Effigy 20.0% 40.0% 0.0% 0.0% 20.0% 20.0% 0.0% 100% 4 1 0 0 0 0 0 5 Hair Ornament 80.0% 20.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 100% 8 3 0 1 0 0 1,684 1,696 Mosaic/Tessera 0.47% 0.17% 0.0% 0.06% 0.0% 0.0% 99.29% 100%

179 366 89 1 95 61 5 1 618 59.22% 14.40% 0.16% 15.37 9.87% 0.80% 0.16% 100% Necklace % 0 3 0 1 0 1 7 12 Ornament 0.0% 25.0% 0.0% 8.33% 0.0% 8.33% 58.33% 100% 4,154 47 13 48 39 357 649 5,307 Pendant 78.27% 0.88% 0.24% 0.90% 0.73% 6.72% 12.22% 100% 6 2 0 0 0 1 4 13 Ring 46.15% 15.38% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 7.69% 30.77% 100% 8 0 0 54 25 1 3 91 8.79% 0.0% 0.0% 59.34 27.47 1.09% 3.30% 100% Tinkler % % 63,691 66,280 2,836 4,463 733 11,393 83,636 233,033 Total 27.33% 28.44% 1.21% 1.91% 0.31% 4.88% 35.89% 100%

Beads and pendants were the most common types of ornaments in the study area.

These two ornament types are found in burials dating to all time periods in all regions. As

with other types of ornamentation, the style of the item can provide a wealth of information.

Several styles of distinctive bead and pendant types were recorded and are presented in

Tables 6.4 and 6.5 and are described below.

Table 6.4. Bead Styles Bead Style/ Adult Adult Indeterminate Adolescent Child Infant Multiple Total Age/Sex Male Female Age/Sex 2 1 0 36 1 800 8 848 Bilobed 0.23% 0.11% 0.0% 4.24% 0.11% 94.33% 0.94% 100% 167 34 0 6 4 0 540 751 Cylindrical 22.23% 4.52% 0.0% 0.79% 0.53% 0.0% 71.90% 100% 13,633 12,024 13 57 0 9,501 49,675 84,903 Disk 16.05% 14.16% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 11.19% 58.50% 100% 0 0 0 0 0 0 3,200 3,200 Minute/Seed 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 100% 100% 22 0 26 2 1 2 2 55 Saucer 40.0% 0.0% 47.27% 3.63% 1.81% 3.63% 3.63% 100% 1 6 0 0 0 0 3 10 Spherical 10.0% 60.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 30.0% 100% 42 20 0 0 2 0 6 70 Subshperical 60.0% 28.57% 0.0% 0.0% 2.85% 0.0% 8.57% 100% 45 282 124 8 28 408 428 1,323 Spire‐lopped 3.40% 21.31% 9.37% 0.60% 2.11% 30.83% 32.35% 100% 17 2 1,703 38 9 49 22 1,840 Tubular 0.92% 0.10% 92.55% 2.06% 0.48% 2.66% 1.19% 100% 65 591 820 26 225 73 135 1,935 Whole shell 3.35% 30.54% 42.37% 1.34% 11.62% 3.77% 6.97% 100%

180 Other/ 44,826 50,749 136 4,088 335 80 27,158 127,372 Unknown 35.19% 39.84% 0.10% 3.20% 0.26% 0.0% 21.32% 100% Total 58,820 63,709 2,822 4,261 585 10,913 80,773 222,667

When the two primary ornament categories are examined in terms of styles, several

patterns emerge. For example, cylindrical beads were found primarily with adults and

multiple burials. Disk beads were the most common bead style and were found with all ages

and sexes with the exception of infants. A large number of minute or seed beads is present in

the sample, however the majority of these beads (n = 3,100) were recovered from one

multiple burial. Adolescents were buried with the most tubular beads (93%) and whole shell

beads (42%). Saucer beads were found primarily with adolescent and male burials. Spire

lopped Olivella shells and spherical beads are most common in multiple and female burials.

Several pendant styles also appear to be more common with certain ages and sexes.

Excluding indeterminate and multiple burials, the following patterns emerge:

1) Female burials contained the most tabular and medallion pendants; 2) male burials

contained the most zoomorphic, and shaped shell pendants. Overall, infants, children and

adolescents were buried with very few pendants, however infants had the most whole shell

pendants.

Table 6.5. Pendant Styles Pendant Type/ Adult Adult Indeterminate Adolescent Child Infant Multiple Total Age/Sex Male Female Age/Sex Centrally Perforated 3 0 0 0 2 2 0 7 Whole Shell 42.85% 0.00% 0.0% 0.00% 28.57% 28.57% 0.00% 100% Medallion/Disk 0 3 0 0 0 0 1 4 0.00% 75.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 25.00% 100% Shaped Shell 5 0 4 2 0 201 10 222 2.25% 0.0% 1.80% 0.90% 0.00% 32.43% 4.50% 100% Tabular 3 11 3 5 5 69 16 112 2.67% 9.82% 2.67% 4.46% 4.46% 61.60% 14.28% 100% Whole shell 11 0 0 7 17 40 21 96 11.45% 0.0% 0.0% 7.29% 17.70% 41.66% 21.87% 100% Zoomorph 8 1 0 0 0 1 1 11 72.72% 9.09% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 9.09% 9.09% 100%

181 Other/Unknown 807 38 6 34 15 44 600 1,544 52.26% 2.46% 0.38% 2.20% 0.97% 2.84% 38.86% 100% Total 837 53 13 48 39 357 649 5,307

The patterns identified in Tables 6.3, 6.4 and 6.5 above are explored further in the

following section. First, I explore the ornament types and styles that appear to be associated

with adults and the interpretations that can be made to place these patterns in a larger context.

In addition, the ethnographic and visual data from Chapter 5 is incorporated as well as

mortuary data from other sites and regions for comparison purposes.

Adults

In comparison with the other age groups, adults were afforded a greater quantity of

ornaments. This may not be surprising if one adheres to the interpretation that status is

achieved and adults have had the opportunity to garner this status within the community, or

acquire more goods over the course of their lifetime and therefore greater quantities of goods

would be interred with the burial. As will be discussed below, status can apply to other roles

within society and is not inextricably linked to economic wealth. However in terms of

quantity and diversity of ornament types, only a few adults were interred with a majority of

the 233,033 ornaments and often subadults were interred with more ornaments than adults

when the data is examined at the site level. Several types of ornaments were found primarily

in adult burials including hair ornaments (including combs), rings, buttons, bilobed beads,

disk beads. Each of these ornament types is discussed below.

Hair Ornaments/Combs: Twelve hair ornaments were found with adult burials in the

study area. These ornaments were manufactured from wood and were represented by both

undecorated and decorated types. Hair combs dating to the Basketmaker period were found

encrusted with bone beads, whereas hair combs from the Pueblo IV period were encrusted

182 with turquoise mosaic. Hair combs are largely absent in the intermediate periods (with the

exception of two from Pueblo III contexts) possibly due to poor preservation, however the

presence of turquoise mosaic pieces recovered from burials indicates that these item may

have been worn. In burials dating to Basketmaker II, hair combs are found with both male

and female burials, however during the Pueblo IV period, hair combs appear to be restricted to female burials (Table 6.6).

Table 6.6. Distribution of hair ornaments and combs Burial Site Time Period Female Male Number Tsegi‐Cave 3 BMII Burial 2 1 Woodchuck Cave BMII Burial 7a 1 Burial 7b 1 White Dog Cave BMII Cist 24 1 Mummy 2 1 Aztec Ruins PIII Burial 12 1 Long House PIII Burial 4 1 Hawikku PIV Burial 102 1 Burial 198 1 Burial 213 1 Burial 23 1 Burial 234 1 Burial 915A 1 Burial 920 1 Burial 927A 1 Total 9 6

Rings: Thirteen rings were found in burials in the study area. These ornaments were

found with male, female, indeterminate and multiple burials. Although males were buried

with the most rings overall, the majority of these rings (n = 4) were recovered from one

burial. Although the sample is small, temporal trends are present in the data. During the

Pueblo II period, rings are only found in male burials, whereas during the Pueblo IV period

rings were located in female burials.

183 Table 6.7. Distribution of rings Time Site Period Burial Number Female Indeterminate Male Multiple LA37599 PII Burial 9 1 LA83500 PII 3‐124‐12 1 Pueblo Bonito PII 327080,327082, 327085,327086 3 327084% 4 3659‐3670 1 Hawikku PIV Burial 1507 1 Burial 193 1 Burial 23 1 Total 2 1 6 4

Buttons: A total of 21 buttons were located in burial contexts. These ornaments

appear in Basketmaker II burials and persist until Pueblo III. Buttons were manufactured

from jet/lignite (n = 16), shell (n = 4) and bone (n = 1). Buttons are identified based on the

presence of two or more holes in the center of an object (same as buttons today). They range

in style from large medallions to smaller “tufted” versions. It is unclear how buttons were

worn since information regarding placement in the burial was recorded for only one

specimen, but it is likely that these items were used as fasteners and attached to items of

clothing. A female burial (Burial 7b) from Woodchuck cave was interred with four lignite/jet buttons located on near the ribs.

Table 6.8. Distribution of buttons Time Site Burial Number Indeterminate Male Female Multiple Period LA6448 BMII Burial 9 2 Woodchuck Cave BMII Burial 7b 4 4 Pueblo Bonito PII 327078a‐b 1 327083% 1 Burial 16a 1 Burial 16a‐e 2 Aztec Ruins PIII Burial 16c‐d 1 Burial 25a‐b 9 Total 5 3 4 13

184 Bilobed beads: A total of 848 bilobed beads were present at five sites (Twin Buttes,

Duna Leyenda, Pueblo Bonito, Aztec Ruin, and LA80934). The majority of these beads were manufactured from shell (four stone beads). Although it appears that the majority of these beads were associated with individuals of indeterminate age and sex, all of these beads were

recovered from one burial. These beads appear to be primarily restricted to adults, however

two burials, one infant (Dominguez Ruin), and one child (Aztec Ruin) were also interred

with these ornaments. The association of beads and location on the body is limited for

bilobed beads. For the burials with this information, bilobed beads were found near the neck

and midsection. None of the shell bilobed beads were found with male burials. The majority

of these beads were found with one burial at the Twin Buttes site (Burial 2). This may be

attributed to the site’s location in an intermediate area between the Ancestral Puebloan region

and the Mogollon region, where bilobed beads are more common (Jernigan 1974). The

presence of these beads in larger quantities than other Ancestral Puebloan sites may be due to communication with their neighbors to the west and south (Hohokam). However, bilobed

beads are found in other contexts (non-burial) at sites in the study area and may have been

more common in burials, since in many reports the style of the bead is not mentioned.

Table 6.9. Distribution of shell bilobed beads Time Site Period Burial Number Female Indeterminate Multiple Subadult Twin Butte Site BMIII Burial 2 800 LA80934 PI/PII Burial 6 1 Pueblo Bonito PII 327048,327058,327065 4 327080,327082,327085,327086 1 327106,327111,327129 1 Aztec Ruins PIII Burial 14a‐o 2 Burial 16c‐d 36 Dominguez Ruin PIII Burial 1 1 Total 1 800 8 37

185 Table 6.10. Distribution of stone bilobed beads Time Burial Site Male Multiple Period Number Duna Leyenda BMIII Burial 1 2 Aztec Ruins PIII Burial14 a‐o 2 2 Total 2 2

Jernigan (1978) states that bilobed beads of stone are common only in the Chaco

Canyon region during Pueblo II, however stone bilobed beads were not found in burial

contexts at this site. All of the specimens found with burials at Pueblo Bonito were shell.

Shell bilobed beads are similarly distributed in time and space as stone bilobed beads, but

also occur in limited numbers in the Rio Grande region (Pueblo IV period). Although the

present study cannot determine whether these types of beads were a common type of

adornment through time and space since only burial contexts are examined, it can be stated

that this bead type occurs first in Basketmaker III contexts not in Pueblo II as Jernigan’s

study found. According to Bradley’s (1999:223) survey of shell bilobed beads in the greater

Southwest, the largest assemblage is from Ancestral Puebloan sites (88.6 percent), therefore if this assertion is correct, the majority of these beads were not interred in burial contexts regularly.

Flat disc beads: This bead type was prevalent in the study area (n = 84,903). These beads were manufactured primarily of turquoise and shell and strung to form necklaces,

bracelets and anklets. As discussed in Chapter 3, the majority of the turquoise flat disc beads

were recovered from three burials: an adult female at Dominguez Ruin (n = 6900) and two

adult males at Pueblo Bonito (n = 8,675).

Flat disc beads are also found in Basketmaker contexts, they were manufactured

primarily from shell, which is expected since turquoise does not occur in great quantities

until the Pueblo II period. Accordingly, turquoise flat disk beads appear to be most prevalent

186 during the Pueblo II period in Chaco Canyon. Turquoise disk beads were conspicuous in adult male burials (Room 41) at Pueblo Bonito and an adult female burial at Dominguez

Ruin (Burial 2) (see high status below). Turquoise disk beads appear to be restricted to adults with the exception of beads found in multiple burials at Aztec Ruins and Pueblo Bonito. Disk beads of other stone material types (especially lignite/jet) were also located in burial contexts. Small quantities of these beads were found in Basketmaker II contexts, however they occur in larger quantities during the Pueblo III period. Several strands of small stone disk beads were recovered from Burial 25 at Aztec Ruins. These included a strand of 8,500 small disk beads in colors ranging from red, brown, black and pink, and 31,000 small disk beads including black, grey, olive green and brown. These beads are very small and would have required a substantial amount of labor to produce (see Chapter 2).

Table 6.11. – Flat Stone Disc Beads Number Time Site of Female Indeterminate Male Multiple Subadults Total Period Burials LA6448 BMII 3 5 1 6 North Shelter BMII 1 3 3 Sayodneechee Burial Cave BMII 3 2 6 14 22 Sunflower Cave BMII 1 4 4 White Dog Cave BMII 2 5 1 5 Woodchuck Cave BMII 1 1 1 Pueblo Bonito PII 4 8,675 127 8,802 Aztec Ruins PIII 8 2 8,500 49,415 11 57,928 Dominguez Ruin PIII 1 6,900 6,900 Pecos Pueblo PIV 1 47 47 Hawikku PIV 1 1 1 Total 26 6,912 8,501 8,738 49,557 12 73,720

The majority of the shell disk beads were located in burials at the Forked Lightning

Ruin (Pueblo III/IV- Rio Grande region). The burial of an adult female (B.B. 112) contained

5,000 flat disk shell beads near the pelvis suggesting they may have been attached to an apron or other garment of clothing (see discussion below). Two other burials also had these

187 shell beads placed at the pelvis, a young adult of indeterminate sex (B.B. 91) with 1,000 shell disk beads and an old adult female (B.B. 139) with 12. One adult male (B.B. 44) at this site was also buried with shell disk beads (n = 300), however these were found near the skull.

The remaining burials in the sample interred with shell disk beads contained quantities of less than 20 beads.

The quantities of shell disk beads could be skewed based on the tendency of reports to simply describe shell ornaments as “shell bead”. This general label devoid of stylistic information could also be attributed to the near impossibility of identifying the shell species once the material has been modified into the disk shape.

Table 6.12. Shell Disc Beads Time Number Site Female Indeterminate Male Multiple Subadult Total Period of Burials LA6448 BMII 1 6 6 North Shelter BMII 1 4 4 Sayodneechee Burial Cave BMII 2 2 1 3 Sunflower Cave BMII 1 84 84 White Dog Cave BMII 1 1 1 Twin Butte Site BMIII 3 100 300 400 AZ:K:14:26 PII 1 2 2 Pueblo Bonito PII 1 3 3 Aztec Ruins PIII 1 16 16 Forked Lightning Ruin PIII/PIV 4 5,012 1,000 300 6,312 Pecos Pueblo PIV 2 1 20 21 Total 18 5,116 1,000 690 18 28 6,852

Glycymeris shell bracelets: A total of 49 Glycymeris shell bracelets were found in burials in the study area (Table 6.13). The majority of the bracelets (n = 40) were discovered in one high status burial of an adult male at Pueblo Bonito. Only three of these bracelets were noted in locations that would indicate their use as actual bracelets (worn around the wrist).

Two with subadults were located on the left wrist and left arm and one with an adult male was located on the right wrist. Upon examination of several of the “bracelets”, it is apparent

188 that what are often causally accepted as bracelets, may have been used for a variety of

different ornamental purposes. Due to the perforation of the umbo on these “bracelets”, I

classified them as bracelet/pendants. Direct evidence of how they were placed in relation to

the burial would be necessary to determine how these items were actually worn.

Table 6.13. Distribution of Glycymeris shell bracelets Time Burial Site Period Number Female Indeterminate Male Subadult Total Twin Butte Site BMIII Burial 3 1 1 Burial 4 1 1 BMIII/ D:11:2030 PI Burial 136 1 1 D:7:2103 PI Burial 147 1 1 McPhee Village PI/PII Burial 1 3 3 AZ:K:14:26 PII Burial 2 1 1 Pueblo Bonito PII 3672 40 40 Ramp Site (Hopi Buttes) PIII Burial 1 1 1 Total 1 1 45 2 49

Glycymeris shell bracelets are widespread in the Hohokam and Mimbres regions

(Gregory and Vokes 2007). Glycymeris bracelets from the site of Grasshopper were found

with burials of both sexes. These bracelets were found in exclusive association with the left wrist and found singly or in groups (Reid and Whittlesey 1990). Glycymeris shell bracelets were also found in the pithouse component at the Long H Ranch site. Although this site

could not be used in this analysis due to the absence of individual burial data descriptions,

observations as to how these bracelets were worn is pertinent to this study. At the Long H

Ranch site, Roberts (1931:162) noted that these bracelets were found on the arm bones of many of the skeletons. Multiples of the bracelets were worn in numbers ranging from 2 to 20 with the average for most individuals being 4 bracelets. Roberts observed that the bracelets with the smaller opening/diameter appeared to have been worn on the lower arm – or wrist and the larger diameter bracelets were worn above the elbow as armlets. Based on his work

189 in the Rio Grande area, Kidder (1958:26) noted that Glycymeris shell bracelets were absent

from this region. This observation was striking due to the prevalence of this type of ornament

in the surrounding regions (i.e. Hohokam, Mimbres). The ubiquitous nature of these

bracelets in the Hohokam region led Bayman (2002:80) to conclude that these bracelets were

symbols of Hohokam society membership. In contrast, the relative dearth of these items in the study area indicates that they may have been used as a symbol of affiliation with the

Hohokam or Mimbres groups rather than membership in these groups.

Glycymeris shell bracelets were only found in burials in three regions of the study area (San Juan Basin, NE Arizona and N. San Juan), however the majority (83%) of the bracelets were found in the San Juan Basin at Pueblo Bonito. An important anomaly is the site of McPhee Village. The presence of a rare item of adornment in an area and time period

(Pueblo I) with very few ornaments interred with burials may be significant.

The presence of depictions of shell armbands in Pueblo IV murals provides evidence that these items continued to be worn, however bracelets of this type were not located in any burials dating to the Pueblo IV period. As was discussed in Chapter 5, this may be indicative of the practice of burying ritual items in other locations away from the body, therefore any item of adornment depicted in a ritual context would not be interred with individuals.

Glycymeris shell pendants (unmodified whole shells): A total of 90 unmodified

Glycymeris shell pendants of various sizes were found in burials in the study area (Table

6.14). The shells were largely unmodified with the exception of a perforation at the umbo for

suspension. Several small specimens were recovered from a burial at Aztec Ruins. This represents the largest concentration in the study area, and the remainder of the pendants were

found as single ornaments. Whole Glycymeris pendants were common in the Hohokam and

190 Mogollon regions, and were similar to the Pecten variety that are largely absent from burials

in the study area. As discussed in Chapter 5, Glycymeris shell pendants are depicted as

components of necklaces on several figures in the kiva murals at Kuaua.

Table 6.14. Glycymeris Shell Pendants Time Burial Site Indeterminate Male Child Infant Multiple Total Period Number Sayodneechee BMII Skel 1 1 1 Burial Cave Aztec Ruin PIII Burial 16c‐d 20 20 Ramp Site (Hopi PIII Burial 1 1 1 Buttes) Pecos Pueblo PIV Skel 1020 16 16 Skel 1037 10 10 Skel 1040 9 9 Skel 1058 6 6 Skel 539 5 5 Skel 948 22 22 Total 38 11 6 15 20 90

Shaped/Cut Shell Pendants: Pendants of shaped shell are common in the study area

and a total of 241 were found with 14 burials. The majority of these pendants were manufactured from Haliotis (Abalone) shells by cutting and removing the center, or the flattest portion of the shell (see Chapter 5). The majority of these pendants were located in the burial of indeterminate adult at the Twin Butte site.

Larger round medallion types of ornaments depicted in rock art panels (Chapter 4)

may represent cut shell pendants. Although these items could not be associated with a

specific gender or age based on the available data, it is important to note the correlation

between the presence of large circular medallion cut shell pendants in representative art (rock

art) and their presence in burials that exhibit evidence of high status (numerous ornaments

and high quality objects). This correlation may indicate that this style of ornament served as a

symbol of status, or badge of office.

191 Table 6.15. Distribution of shaped shell pendants Time Burial Site Indeterminate Male Multiple Subadult Total Period Number Broken Roof Cave BMII Burial Cist‐a 1 1 LA6448 BMII Burial 2 4 4 BMII Cist B a‐s 2 2 Skel 11a 1 1 Sayodneechee 1 Burial Cave Skel 2 1 White Dog Cave BMII Mummy 2 2 2 Twin Butte Site BMIII Burial 1 1 1 Burial 2 200 200 Burial 7 1 1 Aztec Ruins PIII Burial 16c‐d 5 5 Burial 16a 15 15 Burial 16 a‐e 4 4 Burial 25a‐b 3 3 Pecos Pueblo PIV Skel 1116 1 1 Total 216 5 14 6 241

Subadults

By far, the most interesting trend in the results of this thesis is the great quantity of

ornaments afforded to subadults (Table 6.3). Although the figure of 8,032 pales in

comparison to the 129,971 ornaments interred with adults, this figure may not be

representative of the sample, due to the fact that many of the subadults (n = 67, 44%) were

located in multiple burials (Table 6.1). Therefore a large majority of the 83,636 ornaments interred with multiple individuals may have been intended as offerings for subadults. As discussed in previous chapters of this thesis, the overall assumption regarding social organization when subadults are afforded a great quantity of grave goods is a reflection of ascribed status. I argue that the presence of ornaments among the burial accoutrements of infants is a direct reflection of their place within the group. Others have argued that the presence of ornaments in the burials of children is a reflection of the mothers care

(Whittlesey 2002). I would argue that although this may be the case, not all children were afforded items of ornamentation, and more than likely the presence of ornaments has more to

192 do with the ability for the family to part with these items or the symbolic importance of these offerings for both the deceased and the living.

On a site level, the contrast between adult and subadult burials is very apparent. At

Pecos, Kidder (1958:295) noted that shell and turquoise were “almost entirely reserved for infants and young children”. Thirteen children under the age of two were afforded shell objects and eleven of these burials were only afforded shell. Forked Lightning produced grave goods more often with adults rather than children, however, children were afforded a greater quantity of ornaments in comparison to adults. Ornaments were also restricted to subadults at Salmon Ruins.

With the exception of one ear plug, none of the ornament types were restricted to subadult burials. However, shell tinklers were more commonly found with subadults.

Olivella shell beads were found in burials of all ages and sexes, however these ornament types were most prominent with burials of women and subadults.

Tinklers: Conus and Oliva shell tinklers appear in burials at two sites, Aztec Ruins and Pecos Pueblo during the Pueblo III and Pueblo IV periods. Ninety shell tinklers were found with six infants (n = 25), five children (n = 53), one adult male (n = 8), one old adult (n

= 1) and one multiple burial of two adults and three children (n = 3). None of the tinklers were located with female burials. At both Pecos and Aztec, the tinkers with the infants and children were found in association with the neck and appear to have been worn as a necklace.

The adult burials with information regarding placement of ornaments indicate that these were worn either at the waist or on the right wrist (Table 6.16).

193 Table 6.16. Distribution of shell tinklers Time Site Period Burial Number Indeterminate Male Multiple Subadults Total White Dog Cave BMII Cist 13 1 1 Aztec Ruins PIII Burial 16a‐e 3 3 Burial 16c‐d 50 50 Burial 30 1 1 Burial 35 1 1 Pecos Pueblo PIV Skel 1009 1 1 Skel 1040 15 15 Skel 1058 4 4 Skel 1421 1 1 Skel 1835 1 1 Skel 590 1 1 Skel 625 8 8 Skel 880 2 2 Skel 988 2 2 Total 1 8 3 79 91

In comparison to other regions, tinklers from Grasshopper site were restricted to

males (Whittlesey and Reid 2003). Whittlesey and Reid (2003) surmise that based on

location in the burials, the tinklers may have been used to decorate quivers and other items of

clothing and wooden implements (staffs). In the Hohokam area, Bayman (2002:295) argues

that tinklers were likely restricted items reserved for use by a limited number of individuals

for ritual purposes.

Based on the depiction of these items in ritual costuming in kiva murals (Dutton

1963) and the ethnographic accounts of these ornaments as part of ceremonial regalia and

costuming (Fewkes 1932), it can be inferred that these items were of ritual importance. The presence of these ritually imbued items with burials of subadults who, if ethnographic

analogies are correct, would not have participated in the ceremonies requiring these costume

elements, can be interpreted as symbolic of social identity or an community wide ideology.

In other words, if shell tinklers were representative of a certain ceremonial affiliation or cult that was chosen for the child at birth, tinklers may have been included in the burial to

194 acknowledge the child’s affiliation or social identity that was never fully embodied or experienced.

Olivella shell beads are one of the most common ornament types in the study area as they appear in burials of all ages and sexes, in all regions and throughout time. Although

Olivella beads are present in burials throughout time, their “popularity” as a style seems to peak during the Basketmaker II and Pueblo IV periods with very few Olivella shells in

Pueblo II contexts. In a comparison of overall quantities, Olivella shells occur in greater numbers in the burials of subadults and female burials as well as multiple burial contexts

(Table 6.17).

Table 6.17. Distribution of Olivella shell beads Number Time Site of Female Indeterminate Male Multiple Subadult Total Period Burials Darkmold BMII 1 17 67 84 Ignacio Field Camp BMII 1 97 97 North Shelter BMII 2 580 580 Broken Roof Cave BMII 1 1 1 Camp Cemetery BMII 1 38 38 D:7:3141 BMII 1 5 5 Kinboko‐Cave 1 BMII 1 87 87 Sayodneechee Burial BMII 5 72 Cave 67 4 1 Sunflower Cave BMII 1 7 7 White Dog Cave BMII 7 5 32 9 46 Woodchuck Cave BMII 5 125 8 125 LA6448 BMII 5 130 3 16 149 5LP110 BMIII 2 27 20 47 Broken Flute Cave BMIII 1 12 12 Duna Leyenda BMIII 1 7 15 22 LA2501 BMIII 2 7 4 11 LA80425 BMIII 1 2 2 Pocket Cave BMIII 2 3 3 Prayer Rock‐Cave 4 BMIII 1 1 1 Stevenson Site BMIII 1 1 1 Tsehatso BMIII 1 200 200 Twin Butte Site BMIII 5 2 8 3 15 28 Twin Lakes Site BMIII 1 6 (LA2507) 6 LA80934 BMIII/PI 2 4 28 32

195 Number Time Site of Female Indeterminate Male Multiple Subadult Total Period Burials D:7:2103 PI 1 1 1 D:11:655 PI/PII 1 3 3 AZ:K:14:26 PII 1 8 8 Pueblo Bonito PII 1 2 2 5MT3 PII/PIII 1 1 1 D:11:477 PII/PIII 1 37 37 Aztec Ruins PIII 9 471 627 36 1,134 RB 568 PIII 1 1 1 Forked Lightning Ruin PIII/PIV 1 1 1 Pecos Pueblo PIV 9 13 6 304 323 Awatovi PIV 1 1 1 Total 1,191 499 308 669 509 3,176

This section has discussed the ornament types that were found with adults and subadults to illustrate the differences that are present within the assemblage and the possible ornaments that may have materialized the social identities of these individuals. The following section examines the placement of ornaments in burials to explore how these ornaments were worn by women, men and subadults.

Placement of Ornaments on the Body

Of the total 448 burials, 105 had information concerning where ornaments were placed on the body of the deceased. Unfortunately this information was available for only 12 of the 15 major ornament types recognized in this analysis (Table 6.18). Placement of burial goods in general is often left out of many published references and a list of accompaniments is all that is provided. This may be due to poor excavation methods that limits precise context recovery or the difficulty in determining the placement of the ornaments in relation to the body. Many burials in the Southwest were disturbed by looting activities, historic expeditions, and general site decay and disturbance. For example, many of the heads of

196 Basketmaker II burials were missing from the burials. Kidder and Guernsey (1919)

postulated that this was due to prehistoric looting for ornaments. Even if some ornaments

were left in the burial, this disturbance would have disrupted the context of the other items.

In addition, general decay and burial practices may also have an effect on determining body

placement. If a necklace or ornament was strung to a piece of cordage or sewn onto a textile

garment or accessory, when the general decay of these perishable items occurs, this process can displace the objects from their original location. Mortuary patterns are very diverse in the Southwest. Some of the deceased are wrapped in textiles and placed in the burial. Others appear to have been haphazardly interred. If the body is wrapped, the ornaments have a better chance of staying in place when the body is buried and rocks and other debris are added to cover the remains.

For certain ornament types, how the ornament was worn seems inherent in the type

(necklaces worn around the neck, bracelets around the wrist etc.) however, many ornaments were included with burials that were not associated with the body at all (i.e. included in a ceramic vessel near the remains), therefore when placement of the ornament in relation to the body is available, this information is very important for interpretive purposes. As the table below demonstrates, “necklaces” were not always found around the neck, so it is possible that these items were misidentified as necklaces due to their proximity to the neck, but in actuality these items may have been worn as a breast plate, collar or sewn onto a tunic. This section presents the data available regarding the placement of ornaments in relation to the body. Although some of the results are expected, examining diversity of other areas of the body where ornaments were found is important for recreating prehistoric adornment practices.

197 Table 6.18. Ornament locations on the body Ornament Arms/ Type/ Wrist Ankle Trunk Head Neck Waist Hands Legs Total Location Left/Right Left/Right (Midsection)

on Body 7,419 2,918 6,268 2,687/851 443/1022 1669 5,238 3,072 31,587 Bead 23.5% 9.2% 19.8% 8.5%/2.7% 1.4%/3.2% 5.3% 16.6% 9.7% 100% 0 0 0 2/3 0 1 1 40 47 Bracelet 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 4.3%/6.4% 0.0% 2.1% 2.1% 85.1% 100% 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 0 4 Button 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 100% 0.0% 100% 4 0 0 0 0 0 3 0 7 Comb 57.1% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 42.9% 0.0% 100% 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 Earring 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 100% 0.0% 0.0% 100% Hair 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 Ornament 100% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 100% Mosaic/ 0 0 1 0 0 3 5 0 9 Tessera 0.0% 0.0% 11.1% 0.0% 0.0% 33.3% 55.5% 0.0% 100% 0 471 0 0 0 0 52 0 523 Necklace 0.0% 90.1% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 9.9% 0.0% 100% 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 0 3 Ornament 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 100% 0.0% 100% 16 42 10 200/147 8/5 6 231 0 665 Pendant 2.4% 6.3% 1.5% 30.1/22.1% 1.2%/0.8% 0.9% 34.7% 0.0% 100% 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 Ring 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 100% 0.0% 0.0% 100% 0 19 5 0/8 0 1 1 0 34 Tinkler 0.0% 55.9% 14.7% 0.0%/23.5 0.0% 2.9% 2.9% 0.0% 100% % 7,501 3,450 6,284 2,889/1,00 451/1,027 1,682 5,538 3,112 32,883 Total 22.8% 10.5% 19.1% 9 1.4%/3.1% 5.1% 16.8% 9.5% 100% 8.9%/3.1%

Although unstrung beads are often assumed to have been part of necklaces or

bracelets, almost ¼ of the beads in this sample were found near the head of the burial. The

next most common locations were the waist or trunk. In fact, only about 10% of the unstrung

beads were found near the neck and another 10% near the wrist. This suggests that unstrung

beads may have been sewn into clothing or were simply scattered as offerings. It is also

possible that beads that had been part of necklaces or bracelets had become scattered and the

head, waist, and trunk were just used as general locations by the recording archaeologist and

could not locate them definitively with a specific body part, such as the neck. Interestingly,

198 although 90% of necklaces were associated with the neck, almost 10% were associated with the trunk. Again, the identification of the object as a necklace might have been as much a result of its location on the body as the nature of the ornament itself; differentiating between the neck and the trunk may sometimes have been difficult with disturbed burials. The association with the trunk may also indicate that the necklaces worn were long, multi-strand necklaces that although strung around the neck, extended down the midsection. These types of multi-strand necklaces are depicted in rock art panels, kiva murals and on Basketmaker III figurines (Chapter 5). Necklaces that were worn close to the throat are also depicted in kiva murals (multi-strand choker necklaces). As stated in Chapter 5, wearing necklaces close to the throat was a “badge of society membership” (Bunzel 1932:871). The estimated length of the necklace is rarely recorded unless cordage is present, but based on ethnographic evidence how a necklace was worn (long or short), or how many necklaces were worn at time, could provide important insights regarding social identity and should be evaluated.

Although the association of bracelets with the wrist might be expected, more than

85% of bracelets were associated with the legs. As discussed above, some ornaments identified as Glycymeris bracelets had a perforated umbo and therefore could have been strung or attached to an item of clothing (i.e. a belt). Therefore, the location near the legs may indicate that these items were worn interchangeably as both bracelets and other items of adornment. This assertion could be explored further by measuring the opening of the bracelet and comparing the opening to the general size of the individual in the burial. Many of the ornaments classified as “bracelets” had openings that would be impossible to fit an adult hand through in order to wear them around the wrist.

199 Pendants are common ornament types and might be assumed to have been hung

around the neck. However, over half of the pendants in the sample were associated with the

wrist and another 1/3rd with the trunk of the body. Other locations were much less common.

This suggests that pendants may have been part of bracelets, although as noted above, few of the objects identified as bracelets were actually worn on the wrist. If the data was available it

would be important to evaluate the general size of pendants located near the wrist. Many

pendants are small and were likely used in the same manner as beads, whereas other larger pendants were probably worn as earrings or pendants around the neck.

Other ornaments were likely identified primarily by their location on the body and

therefore location and ornament type generally fit expectations: buttons along the trunk,

combs and hair ornaments near the head, and rings near the arms or hands.

Olivella shell beads/necklaces/bracelets: Although data regarding how ornaments

were worn is not available for all sites, some observations are worth noting. An adult male

burial at the Twin Buttes site which dates to Basketmaker III period was buried with

numerous whole Olivella shell beads, shell disk beads and a Haliotis/abalone pendant. These

ornaments were concentrated around the upper thorasic area. Based on the location of these

items, Wendorf (1953) postulated that these items were once attached/sewn to a cloth

breastplate garment. An alternate interpretation is that these beads may be representative of

multiple strands of necklaces. Multiple strand necklaces are depicted in Basketmaker II rock

art (see Chapter 5) and are associated with both male and female depictions. Although it is

very probable that shell beads were sewn onto garments of clothing, the archaeological

record is devoid of an extant specimen that proves this usage. Long strands of Olivella beads

worn as necklaces (or interpreted as such based on the location around the neck or thorasic

200 area) are most prevalent during the Basketmaker II period. During later periods, large

quantities of Olivella beads are often found scattered throughout the burial without direct

association with the body or are found in other objects such as ceramics or baskets.

During Basketmaker II and III it appears that Olivella shell bracelets were primarily worn on the left wrists of both adults and subadults (Table 6.19). As Table 6.19 shows, four subadult individuals were buried with Olivella shell bracelets in the left wrist. In addition, four bracelets were also found associated with the left wrist of adults from several sites.

During later periods, these Olivella beads were primarily associated with adult males and were worn on the right wrist. Four adult males, one adult female and one subadult were buried with these bracelets on their right wrist (Table 6.20). These beads may have been sewn to leather straps and worn as bow guards (Morris 1925). This suggestion is further elaborated below in the discussion of duel symbolism of shell with both fertility and war.

Table 6.19. Distribution of Olivella shell bead bracelets worn on left wrist* Time Burial Site Period Number Female Indeterminate Male Subadult Total Broken Flute Cave BMIII Burial 5 12 (1)* 12 Duna Leyenda BMIII Burial 12 8 (1) 8 Burial 16 7 (1) 7 Burial 8 7 (1) 7 Pocket Cave BMIII Burial 3 1 (1) 1 Prayer Rock‐Cave 4 BMIII Burial 2 1 (1) 1 Tsehatso BMIII Unknown 200 (1) 200 Total 200 (1) 7 (1) 12 (1) 17 (4) 236 (7) * (#) indicates total number of complete ornaments.

Table 6.20. Distribution of Olivella shell bead bracelets worn on right wrist* Time Burial Site Period Number Female Male Subadult Total Camp Cemetery BMII Skel 3 24 (1) 24 Darkmold BM II/PI Burial 7 17 (1) 17 5LP110 BMIII Burial 3 27 (1) 27 AZ:K:14:26 PII Burial 2 8 (1) 8 D:11:477 PII/PIII Burial X 37 (1) 37 Pecos Pueblo PIV Skel 498 50 (1) 50 Skel 625 6 (1) 6 Total 41 (2) 78 (4) 50 (1) 169 (7)

201 * (#) indicates total number of complete ornaments.

Earrings/Ear Pendants: A total of 11 earrings were found with 12 burials. The

majority of the earrings identified date to the Pueblo IV period. These earrings were

manufactured from turquoise and although the data is limited, it appears that these earrings

were worn in the left ear of males and the right ear of females (Table 6.22). However females

also wore earrings in both ears, whereas males wore only one (Table 6.22). Two of the

earrings located in male and indeterminate burials were the looped variety. These earrings are composed of several beads on a string that would have been looped through the ear. The total

count of beads in each ornament is included in Table 6.21 below, however these were only

considered one ornament in the total (n = 11).

Table 6.21. Distribution of earrings* Time Site Burial Number Female Male Multiple Indeterminate. Subadult Period Duna Leyenda BMIII Burial 7 1 Bc53 PII B1 1941 1 B7 1941 1 Pueblo Bonito PII 327100 1 Aztec Ruins PIII Burial 16c‐d 3 Pecos Pueblo PIV Skel 56 1 Hawikku PIV Burial 102 2 Burial 920 2 Burial 952 1 Burial 1003 52 (1) Burial 188 39 (1) Burial 199 1 Burial 35 1 Total 5 44 (1) 3 52 (1) 1 * (#) indicates total number of complete ornaments.

Table 6.22. Earrings located near the ear Age/Sex Male Female Indeterminate Subadult Location Left Ear 2 52 Right Ear 2 1 Both Ears 2

202 Earrings are an important component of ornamentation because wearing them

required the body to be physically altered. Although the piercing of the cartilage of the ear

lobe for a simple thread of cordage did not cause permanent modification to the degree that

large ear spools and disks would have made, wearing this type of adornment did involve more commitment than placing a necklace over ones head. Earring styles can be difficult to determine. Unless the exact association of the earring is noted with human remains, it may be interpreted as a bead or pendant, since they are very similar. Earrings may also not have been worn in both ears. The loop bead earrings from Hawikku indicate that males wore single turquoise earrings in their left ear.

In conclusion, when recorded, the association of the ornament with the body is invaluable information for reconstructing adornment practices and social identity. Although this information was largely lacking for the sample burial population due to a variety of factors discussed in the previous chapters (i.e. large number of multiple burials, disturbance and looting, limited descriptions by excavators etc.), several interpretations were offered in the preceding sections and these are revisited in the following chapter.

Ornaments and Status

Burials that include an abundance of ornaments are generally assumed to have been

those of important people. Although the data in this study cannot be used to evaluate this

assumption, an examination of the quantity of objects found with burials shows interesting

patterns. The majority of individuals were buried with only one or two ornaments. However,

as described in Chapters 2 and 4, several burials from sites used in this thesis have been identified previously as high status based on the number and quality of burial offerings and

203 burial placement (Akins 2001; Crotty 1983; Frisbie 1978; McGregor year; Morris 1924;

Reed et al. 1979). The majority of these burials recognized as high status were also afforded

ornaments that were often in greater quantities in comparison with other burials at the sites

(Table 6.23).

Table 6.23. Number of Ornaments by Gender and Age Total Number Male Female Subadult Indeterminate Total of Ornaments >1000 4 4 1 3 12 500‐1,000 0 2 0 1 3 100‐500 11 5 3 0 19 80‐100 0 2 0 0 2 60‐80 1 0 1 0 2 40‐60 3 1 3 1 8 20‐40 5 1 3 2 11 10‐20 6 3 10 5 24 < 10 45 28 112 30 215 Total 75 45 133 42 295

Although there appears to be more high status (100 + ornaments) male burials (n =

15), female high status burials (n = 11) are comparable according to this table especially

when burials with more than 1,000 ornaments are compared. For example, 4 of the 15 male burials were interred with more than 1,000 ornaments. In addition to the two male burials at

Pueblo Bonito (buried with 14,761 and 5,900 ornaments - discussed in detail in Chapter 3)

one male at the Basketmaker III site of Duna Leyenda was buried with 1,462 ornaments, and

a male at RB 568 was buried with a necklace of 39,002 beads. Similarly, 4 of the 11 female

burials had more than 1,000 ornaments as well. A female burial at RB 568 was buried with a

necklace consisting of 50,404 beads. The high status female burial at Dominguez Ruin

(discussed in Chapter 3) was buried with 6,906 ornaments. The remaining two high status (in

terms of numbers of ornaments) burials were from the North Shelter (n = 1,787) and Forked

Lightning (n = 5,000). The four subadult burials included one adolescent, one child, and two

204 infants. An adolescent at LA6448 was buried with 355 seed beads, 16 spire lopped Olivella

shell beads, 10 stone beads and 4 Haliotis shaped shell pendants. The subadult with the most

ornaments was a child at Pueblo Bonito (Burial 5634). This individual was interred with

2,000 turquoise beads and 2,000 beads of an unidentified type.

In addition to the single internments, several multiple burials had high numbers of ornaments and are worth noting here. For example, 3 of the 7 high status multiple burials were buried with more than 15,000 ornaments. This suggests that these same internments

may have included ritual deposits or high status individuals as well (see Chapter 7).

Based on the results of this thesis and the examination of ornaments interred with

burials across space and time, one cannot disagree that the act of interring these individuals

with great numbers of ornaments was intentional. The numerous ornaments that were

restricted to only certain individuals, (i.e. frog effigy ornaments, shell tinklers, Glycymeris

shell bracelets, and turquoise beads/ornaments) were often found in great quantities in high

status contexts. The following section discusses ornament types by time period and how

adornment practices varied across space and time.

Temporal Distribution of Ornaments

Since one of the goals of this thesis is to evaluate the use of ornaments over time and

space, the following section combines the data regarding age and sex to examine trends in the

materialization of social identity within the frameworks of time period, and region. This

discussion starts with an examination of the temporal trends that demonstrate the changes in

ornament use over time as certain material types and ornament types come in and out of

205 fashion. Secondly, regional trends in adornment are examined to evaluate potential ornament types that may have signified group membership.

Table 6.24 presents an overview of ornament types through time. Beads were the most common ornament type in all regions through time. This result is expected since this ornament type is the most common and comprises many types of ornaments (necklaces, bracelets etc.). Although beads were found in all time periods, the Pueblo III period comprised 71% of the sample. Aside from this ornament category, the Pueblo II period appears to have the greatest quantities of other ornament types and the greatest variety (types represented). The popular styles that appear in the greatest quantities during the Pueblo II period include bracelets (90%), mosaic/tessare (99%) rings (77%), discs (100%), effigies

(60%) and pendants (88%). The Basketmaker II/III period, appears to have the greatest quantity of necklaces (71%). However, this may be attributed to the preservation of cordage during this period. As discussed earlier in this chapter, without the cordage and association with the neck, necklaces can easily be misidentified as other ornament types. Hair ornaments

(60%) are also found primarily during the Basketmaker II/III period, and this may also be attributed to good preservation. Shell tinklers are largely absent in burials until the Pueblo III

(60%) and Pueblo IV (38%) periods (see ornament type discussion below).

206 Table 6.24. Ornament Types by Time period Ornament Type/ Time BMII/ Period BMIII PI PII PII/PIII PIII PIII/PIV PIV Unknown Total 8,167 6 47,845 88 158,943 6,321 1,173 124 222,667 Bead 3.67% 0.00% 21.48% 0.00% 71.38% 2.83% 0.52% 0.00% 100% 5 4 132 0 3 0 4 0 147 Bracelet 3.40% 2.72% 89.79% 0.00% 2.04% 0.00% 2.72% 0.00% 100% 6 0 2 0 13 0 0 0 21 Button 28.57% 0.00% 9.52% 0.00% 61.90% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 100% 2 0 0 0 0 0 8 0 10 Comb 20.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 80.00% 0.00% 100% 0 0 13 0 0 0 0 0 13 Disc 0.00% 0.00% 100% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 100% 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 Ear Plug 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 100% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 100% 1 0 3 0 3 0 6 0 13 Earring 7.69% 0.00% 23.07% 0.00% 23.07% 0.00% 46.15% 0.00% 100% 0 0 3 0 0 0 2 0 5 Effigy 0.00% 0.00% 60.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 40.00% 0.00% 100% 3 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 5 Hair Ornament 60.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 40.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 100% 0 0 1,686 0 8 0 2 0 1,696 Mosaic/Tessera 0.00% 0.00% 99.41% 0.00% 0.47% 0.00% 0.11% 0.00% 100% 438 0 64 0 52 0 64 0 618 Necklace 70.87% 0.00% 10.35% 0.00% 8.41% 0.00% 10.35% 0.00% 100% 1 0 4 0 7 0 0 0 12 Ornament 8.33% 0.00% 33.33% 0.00% 58.33% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 100% 309 2 4,702 12 144 0 13 0 5,307 Pendant 5.82% 0.00% 88.59% 0.22% 2.71% 0.00% 0.24% 0.00% 100% 0 0 10 0 0 0 3 0 13 Ring 0.00% 0.00% 76.92% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 23.07% 0.00% 100% 1 0 0 0 55 0 35 0 91 Tinkler 1.09% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 60.43% 0.00% 38.46% 0.00% 100% 8,933 12 54,464 101 159,230 6,321 1,435 124 230,619 Total 3.87% 0.00% 23.61% 0.00% 69.04% 2.74% 0.62% 0.00% 100%

207 Basketmaker II

The majority of the burials dating to Basketmaker II/III in dry cave contexts are interred with numerous items and ornaments. As I will postulate below, this may be due to the mobile nature of the groups and the limited curation of items. In other words, the deceased’s

“possessions” were buried with them at death since they could not be easily carried.

The sample of burials dating to the Basketmaker II period included 55 individuals (13 females, 17 males, 16 subadults, 1 individual of indeterminate sex and 8 multiple burials).

Burials dating to the Basketmaker II period were largely recovered from two regions: northeastern Arizona and the Northern San Juan. During the Basketmaker II period, the majority of people buried were interred with some type of ornamentation and differences between ages and sex are not as variable as other time periods (Table 6.25). Female burials were interred with the greatest number of beads (67%), whereas bead quantities with males, subadults, and multiple burials were similar (ranging from 8% to 12%). Pendants (35%) and buttons (67%) were also found primarily in female burials. Only one ornament, a single shell tinkler, was restricted to subadult burials.

Necklaces were found in greater numbers in male burials. Hair ornaments and combs were most prevalent with male burials. This result is supported by the preservation of mummified remains from this period (Amsden 1949). Often, the hair of females was cut short since hair was used as cordage to manufacture a variety of different items. In contrast, males wore their hair long and therefore may have required an ornament to tie their hair back.

208 Table 6.25. Distribution of Ornaments – Basketmaker II Type Female Indeterminate Male Multiple Subadult Total 3,284 0 618 558 435 4,895 Bead 67.08% 0.00% 12.62% 11.39% 8.88% 100% 4 0 2 0 0 6 Button 66.66% 0.00% 33.33% 0.00% 0.00% 100% 0 0 2 0 0 2 Comb 0.00% 0.00% 100% 0.00% 0.00% 100% 1 0 2 0 0 3 Hair Ornament 33.33% 0.00% 66.66% 0.00% 0.00% 100% 87 0 296 0 51 434 Necklace 20.04% 0.00% 68.20% 0.00% 11.75% 100% 1 0 0 0 0 1 Ornament 100% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 100% 29 1 13 27 13 83 Pendant 34.93% 1.20% 15.66% 32.53% 15.66% 100% 0 0 0 0 1 1 Tinkler 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 100% 100% 3,406 1 933 585 500 5,425 Total 62.78% 0.00% 17.19% 10.78% 9.21% 100%

By examining the Basketmaker II ornament data in the framework of regional distribution, additional patterns emerge. For the most part, each of the three regions with

Basketmaker II sites have similar numbers of ornaments. The Northern San Juan region has the most (44%) and both the San Juan Basin (22%) and the Northeastern Arizona (34%) have similar numbers. Across the regions, females were interred with the greatest numbers of ornaments in all areas but the Northeastern Arizona region. In the Northeastern Arizona region, males were buried with the greatest number of ornaments (45%). Subadults were afforded 33 % of the ornaments in San Juan Basin, whereas males were only buried with 3 %.

This indicates that the mortuary pattern in the San Juan Basin during Basketmaker II afforded more ornaments to females and subadults. This is pattern is unique only to this region during this time.

209 Table 6.26. Distribution of Basketmaker II Ornaments by Region Region Female Indeterminate Male Multiple Subadult Total 777 0 3 15 392 1,187 65.45% 0.00% 0.25% 1.26% 33.02% 100% San Juan Basin 22.81% 0.00% 0.32% 2.56% 76.40% 21.88% 2307 1 103 0 70 2,391 96.48% 0.00% 4.30% 0.00% 2.92% 100% N. San Juan 67.73% 100% 11.02% 0.00% 14.00% 44.07% 339 0 831 570 108 1,847 18.35% 0.00% 44.99% 30.86% 5.84% 100% NE Arizona 9.95% 0.00% 88.97% 97.43% 21.60% 34.04% 3,406 1 934 585 500 5,425 Total 62.79% 0.00% 17.21% 10.78% 9.21% 100%

Basketmaker III

A total of 28 burials comprise the Basketmaker III sample. The individual burials included 4 females, 12 males, and 12 subadults. Overall the burials with the greatest number of grave goods dating to this period include those from Canyon de Chelly, the Prayer Rock

District, and the Twin Buttes site. In contrast to Basketmaker II, Basketmaker III females were interred with far fewer items and less variety (10%). Olivella shell ornaments (beads and bead/bracelet) were the only type included with females.

Male burials were afforded a far greater number and variety of ornaments compared to females (55.9% versus 9.5%). As stated in Chapter 2, turquoise ornaments become fashionable during Basketmaker III and these ornaments, although few in number, appear to have been restricted to male burials. Overall, shell ornaments appear to have been the favored ornament type for this period.

With the exception of the inclusion of turquoise, the burials of subadults contained similar types of ornaments as male burials. Pendants of local stone, and Olivella and

Glycymeris shell disk bead bracelets. One striking difference between the burials of subadults and males is the apparent preference of the left wrist for subadults and the right wrist for males. In addition, stone disk beads are only found with subadult burials in this sample.

210 Table 6.27. Distribution of Basketmaker III Ornaments Type Female Indeterminate Male Multiple Subadult Total 309 815 1,818 20 69 3,031 Bead 10.19% 26.88% 59.98% 0.65% 2.27% 100% 0 1 0 0 2 3 Bracelet 0.00% 33.33% 0.00% 0.00% 66.66% 100% 0 0 1 0 3 4 Necklace 0.00% 0.00% 25.00% 0.00% 75.00% 100% 0 209 2 1 8 220 Pendant 0.00% 95.00% 0.90% 0.45% 3.63% 100% 0 0 1 0 0 1 Earring 0.00% 0.00% 100% 0.00% 0.00% 100% 309 1,025 1,822 21 82 3,259 Total 9.48% 31.45% 55.90% 0.64% 2.51% 100%

In terms of regional patterning (Table 6.28), the majority of the Basketmaker III ornaments were found in the Northeastern Arizona region (96.87%). This can probably be attributed to the concentration of Basketmaker III sites in this region (Prayer Rock District).

Very few ornament types (n = 5) were present in burials dating to Basketmaker III and only beads, pendants and a necklace were located in regions outside of Northeastern Arizona.

Table 6.28. Distribution of Basketmaker III Ornaments by Region TYPE San Juan Basin N. San Juan NE Arizona Total 47 47 2,937 3,031 Bead 1.55% 1.55% 96.89% 100% 0 0 3 3 Bracelet 0.00% 0.00% 100% 100% 0 1 3 4 Necklace 0.00% 25.00% 75.00% 100% 6 1 213 218 Pendant 2.75% 0.45% 97.70% 100% 0 0 1 1 Earring 0.00% 0.00% 100% 100% 53 49 3,157 3,259 Total 1.62% 1.50% 96.87% 100%

Pueblo I

Relatively few Pueblo I burials (n = 4) were interred with ornaments, therefore conclusions regarding this time period are limited. Pueblo I sites are also only located in two

211 regions: the San Juan Basin and Northeastern Arizona. With the data available, it appears that the ornament trends for Basketmaker III continued during Pueblo I (males and subadults with the majority of ornaments and females interred with very few). One important item of ornamentation appears during this period in the burial of a child at D:7:2103. A Glycymeris shell bracelet and an Olivella shell bead were found in association with the left arm

(Olszewski et al. 1984). This is significant for two reasons. First, this is the first occurrence of this type of ornament in burials and second, the placement of the shell ornaments demonstrates the continuation of the preference of the left for subdults in the Pueblo I period discussed earlier in this chapter.

Table 6.29. Distribution of Ornament Types Type Female Male Subadult Total 1 4 1 6 Bead 16.66% 66.66% 16.66% 100% 0 3 1 4 Bracelet 0.00% 75/00% 25.00% 100% 1 1 0 2 Pendant 50.00% 50.00% 0.00% 100% 2 8 2 12 Total 16.66% 66.66% 16.66% 100%

Pueblo II

A total of 70 burials in the sample date to the Pueblo II period and includes 15 females, 21 males, 5 individuals of indeterminate sex, 19 subadults and 11 multiple burials.

Based on the nature of the regional division used in this thesis, the interpretations for the

Pueblo II period are largely the same as the San Juan Basin region due to the concentration of sites dating to the Pueblo II period in this region. Therefore this time period will not be discussed in terms of regional distribution of ornaments. Overall, in terms of ornaments in general (all contexts) Mathien (1997:1191) notes that sites within Chaco Canyon had more ornaments than contemporary outlying Chacoan community sites. However, the large number

212 of ornaments dating to this time period can largely be attributed to the two high status burials from Pueblo Bonito (discussed in Chapter 3). Outside of these burial contexts, ornaments are found in far fewer quantities.

Female burials were interred with a total of 176 ornaments (0.32%) (Table 6.30). The majority of these ornaments were beads. Bead types included stone (Jet/lignite, Azurite, Red

Dog Shale and turquoise), shell, and bone. Although turquoise ornaments (pendants, beads, earring, bead/bracelet) were located, only a few of these items were included in female burials

(n = 8) and this material was only found at sites in Chaco Canyon (Pueblo Bonito, Bc59,

Bc53).

The ornaments interred with male burials is during Pueblo II is drastically higher (n =

20,766 - 38%) (Table 6.30) due to the presence of two high status individuals at Pueblo

Bonito (discussed in detail in Chapter 3). The majority of the ornaments in these two burials were made of turquoise. Other male burials in this region were afforded far fewer ornaments and included turquoise pendants, jet/lignite rings, shell pendants, earrings, jet/lignite buttons and shell beads. Overall, turquoise appears to be restricted to the burials located at Pueblo

Bonito, with only a few ornaments occurring outside of this context at Chacoan small sites.

Discounting the two high status burials from the discussion, the right wrist continues to be favored by adult males for shell bracelets – manufactured from both Olivella beads and

Glycymeris shells. Unfortunately, similar data is not available for subadults for this period, so it is unclear whether this pattern continued.

Ornaments with subadults totaled 4,032 (7.4%) in the San Juan Basin during the

Pueblo II period. The majority of these ornaments were recovered from one burial at Pueblo

Bonito (Burial 5634). This child was interred with 2,000 turquoise beads and 2,000 shell

213 beads. Other than this burial, ornaments with children included Abalone/Haliotis shell pendants, and shell and bone beads and each burial contained only one or two ornaments.

Infants were afforded far fewer ornaments (n = 23). Ornament types with infants were limited to stone pendants and beads, and stone, shell and seed beads. Turquoise was not included in infant burials.

Table 6.30. Distribution of Ornaments – Pueblo II Type Female Indeterminate Male Multiple Subadult Total 159 12 19,853 27,126 4,012 51,162 Bead 0.31% 0.00% 38.80% 53.01% 7.84% 100% 0 1 41 89 1 132 Bracelet 0.00% 0.75% 31.06% 67.42% 0.75% 100% 0 0 1 1 0 2 Button 0.00% 0.00% 50.00% 50.00% 0.00% 100% 0 0 2 10 1 13 Disc 0.00% 0.00% 15.38% 76.92% 7.69% 100% 1 0 2 0 0 3 Earring 33.33% 0.00% 66.66% 0.00% 0.00% 100% 1 1 1 0 0 3 Effigy 33.33% 33.33% 33.33% 0.00% 0.00% 100% 0 0 5 1681 0 1,686 Mosaic/Tessera 0.00% 0.00% 0.29% 99.70% 0.00% 100% 1 0 62 1 0 64 Necklace 1.56% 0.00% 96.87% 1.56% 0.00% 100% 2 1 0 0 1 4 Ornament 50.00% 25.00% 0.00% 0.00% 25.00% 100% 12 1 793 576 3 1,385 Pendant 0.86% 0.00% 57.25% 41.58% 0.21% 100% 0 0 6 4 0 10 Ring 0.00% 0.00% 60.00% 40.00% 0.00% 100% 176 16 20,766 29,488 4,032 54,464 Total 0.32% 0.00% 38.12% 54.14% 7.40% 100%

Pueblo III

The Pueblo III sample is composed of 41 burials including 7 females, 10 males, 7 individuals of indeterminate sex, 13 subadults and 4 multiple burials. In the NE Arizona region during Pueblo III, jewelry is largely absent from burial contexts with the exception of the two high status burials from RB 568 discussed in Chapter 3 (female: n = 50,413; male: n =

39,002) . Jewelry is limited to single ornaments in burials of children and young adults and is

214 only rarely found with senior women (Ambler et al. 1964; Ward 1975). The majority of the ornament data for this period is derived from sites in the Northern San Juan region (Aztec

Ruins, and Dominguez Ruin). With the exception of one burial at Aztec Ruin (Burial 100, two ornaments), the remainder of the ornaments (n = 6,906) were found with the high status female at Dominguez Ruin. Male burials (not including multiple burials) were interred with very few ornaments as well (n = 7). The majority of the ornaments from the Pueblo III period were interred in two contexts: with subadults (213 ornaments in 19 burials) and in multiple burials (n = 53,541).

Table 6.31 Distribution of Ornament Types – Pueblo III Type Female Indeterminate Male Multiple Subadult Total 57,311 9,119 39,002 53,496 106 159,034 Bead 36.03% 5.73% 24.52% 33.63% 0.00% 100% 1 0 2 0 0 3 Bracelet 33.33% 0.00% 66.66% 0.00% 0.00% 100% 0 1 0 3 0 4 Button 0.00% 25.00% 0.00% 75.00% 0.00% 100% 0 0 0 9 0 9 Button/bead 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 100% 0.00% 100% 0 0 0 3 0 3 Earring 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 100% 0.00% 100% 0 0 2 0 0 2 Hair Ornament 0.00% 0.00% 100% 0.00% 0.00% 100% 3 0 2 3 0 8 Mosaic/Tessera 37.50% 0.00% 25.00% 37.50% 0.00% 100% 0 0 0 0 52 52 Necklace 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 100% 100% 0 0 0 7 0 7 Ornament 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 100% 0.00% 100% 6 22 5 17 3 53 Pendant 11.32% 41.50% 9.43% 32.07% 5.66% 100% 0 0 0 3 52 55 Tinkler 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 5.45% 94.54% 100% 57,321 9,142 39,013 53,541 213 159,230 Total 35.99% 5.74% 24.50% 33.62% 1.33% 100%

Pueblo IV

As discussed in previous chapters, the Pueblo IV period is restricted to two regions:

Western Pueblo and Rio Grande. A total of 138 burials composed the Pueblo IV burial sample

215 and included 14 females, 27 males, 26 individuals of indeterminate sex and 71 subadults. As presented in Table 6.32, the total number of ornaments with burials dating to the Pueblo IV period is 1,435. The greatest number of ornaments were found with males (36%) and infants

(37%). Beads (82%) were the most common type of ornament followed by pendants (10%).

In addition to having the most beads (42%) infants were also buried with the most shell tinklers (71%). These types of ornaments were discussed above and appear to be most common in subadult burials through time. The ornaments with children were minimal (8%), however the majority of the necklaces were found in child burial contexts (67%). Females

(3%) and adolescents (1%) were buried with the least numbers of ornaments.

Table 6.32. Distribution of Ornaments – Pueblo IV Type Female Indeterminate Male Adolescent Child Infant Total 17 134 472 14 42 496 1,175 Bead 1.44% 11.40% 40.17% 1.19% 3.57% 42.21% 100% 0 1 2 0 1 0 4 Bracelet 0.00% 25.00% 50.00% 0.00% 25.00% 0.00% 100% 7 0 0 1 0 0 8 Comb 87.50% 0.00% 0.00% 12.5% 0.00% 0.00% 100% 2 0 0 2 2 0 6 Earring 33.33% 0.00% 0.00% 33.33% 33.33% 0.00% 100% 1 0 0 0 0 1 2 Effigy 50.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 50.00% 100% 0 0 1 0 1 0 2 Mosaic/Tessera 0.00% 0.00% 50.00% 0.00% 50.00% 0.00% 100% 1 5 7 1 43 7 64 Necklace 1.56% 7.81% 10.93% 1.56% 67.18% 10.93% 100% 3 54 20 1 29 29 136 Pendant 2.20% 39.70% 14.70% 0.73% 21.32% 21.32% 100% 2 1 0 0 0 0 3 Ring 66.66% 33.33% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 100% 0 1 8 0 1 25 35 Tinkler 0.00% 2.85% 22.85% 0.00% 2.85% 71.42% 100% 37 196 510 20 117 533 1,435 Total 2.57% 13.65% 35.54% 1.39% 8.15% 37.14% 100%

216 Table 6.33. Distribution of Pueblo IV Ornaments by Region Type Rio Grande W Pueblo Total Bead 928 247 1,034 Bracelet 4 4 Comb 8 8 Earring 1 5 6 Effigy 2 1 Mosaic/Tessera 2 2 Necklace 4 60 64 Pendant 89 47 136 Ring 3 3 Tinkler 35 35 Total 1,061 374 1435

The Rio Grande region is comprised of four sites: Forked Lightning (PIII/PIV), Pecos

Pueblo (PIV) Arroyo Hondo (PIV), and Pottery Mound (PIV). The number of ornaments for this region totaled 1,061 from 54 burials. Ornament types included beads (n = 928), pendants

(n =89), earrings (n =1), tinklers (n = 35),

In the Rio Grande region several interpretations can be postulated regarding social identity. Female burials were afforded very few ornaments. The majority of the ornaments associated with females were contained in one burial from Forked Lightning (B.B 112). The female (age 25) was interred with 5,000 shell disk beads around her pelvis. This was the only grave good interred with this individual. As stated above in the shell disc bead section, another female at Forked Lightning (age 50) was also interred with 12 shell disk beads located at the pelvis (B.B. 139). The only additional item with this woman was a single black jar located on the chest. The remainder of the ornaments afforded to females in this region were single beads or pendants of shell and stone (n = 3). At Forked Lightning, although there is an association between female burials and shell disk beads at the pelvis, not all females were afforded these items. However, 150 burials (42 male, 39 female) were excavated at the site and only 30 (7 females, 14 males, 7 infants, and 2 of indeterminate sex) were interred with

217 any grave goods and of these, only 8 were afforded ornaments. Therefore, it could be interpreted that these individuals had acquired a special status.

Male burials were afforded far more ornaments during the Pueblo IV period in the northern Rio Grande in comparison, however the total number is still quite low (n = 699) and the majority of the ornaments were interred with two burials. An adult male burial from Pecos

Pueblo was interred with 250 bone beads on his chest (Skel 1830). Three-hundred shell disk beads were located near the chin of an adult male at Forked Lightning (B.B. 44). As discussed in the sections above, centrally perforated Glycymeris shell pendants were primarily located in male burials. Only one adult male burial contained shell tinklers (Pecos Skel 625). Turquoise disk beads were also associated with male burials.

Based on the distributions of ornaments by sex, one could make assumptions regarding the sex of several of the indeterminate burials found at sites in this region. At

Forked Lightning, the burial of an indeterminate young adult is likely female based on the presence of 1,000 shell disk beads located at the pelvis. In addition, four burials at Pecos were interred with centrally perforated Glycymeris pendants located both at the waist and at the neck. It is likely based on the distribution of these items at the site that these individuals are male. These assumptions are largely based on these ornaments alone, and a full evaluation of the entire burial assemblage would be necessary to support these assertions.

A total of 53 ornaments were recovered from the burials of children. If one accepts the assertions I outlined in the previous sections of this chapter regarding ornament association, children were interred with “male” ornament types including shell tinklers, perforated

Glycymeris shell pendants and ornaments that are present with both male and females including turquoise pendants, disk beads and Olivella shell beads.

218 Infants were buried with the second largest quantities of ornaments in the Rio Grande region (n = 559). Similar to children, infants were buried with shell tinkers (n = 25), and centrally perforated Glycymeris shell pendants. Both of these ornament types were located at the neck and pelvis. In addition to these “male ornament” types, infants were interred with

Olivella shell beads, shell disk beads, jet/lignite beads, Haliotis/Abalone shell pendants, and seed and shell necklaces. Olivella shell beads were located at the waist and the right wrist and shoulder. One turquoise bead was located in an infant burial at Arroyo Hondo. The presence of ornaments with this age class is significant and is discussed further below.

Overall for the Rio Grande region, there does not appear to be a consistent pattern in types of ornaments that were worn. Very few of the burials were interred with more than one kind of ornament. This may be the result of either curation/heirlooming of the majority of ornaments belonging to that individual or the personal possessions were buried in another location and only people of special status were buried with one or two items that reflected their social identity of the deceased in the mourners eyes. Shell ornaments appear to have been favored at Forked Lightning, whereas turquoise and shell were found in the burials at

Pecos. The absence of turquoise ornaments in burials at Forked Lightning is notable for the time period.

The Western Pueblo region is comprised of two sites: Awatovi (PIV), and Hawikku

(PIV). Unfortunately, due to limited field notes, data from Hawikku is incomplete in terms of quantities of ornaments, therefore the total number of ornaments for the region (n = 374) is drastically lower than the expected amount if these items had been enumerated.

Female burials in the Western Pueblo region were only recovered from Hawikku.

These burials were afforded several types of ornaments, the majority of which were

219 manufactured from turquoise. Ornament types included turquoise beads, hair combs, turquoise encrusted hair combs, turquoise pendants, turquoise earrings, and rings of an unknown material type. As discussed above, hair combs and rings were only found in female burials at the site.

Male burials were located at both Awatovi and Hawikku. Turquoise was also prominent in male burials, however they also had more of a diversity of material types. Bone beads were located at the wrist (both right and left) in four burials. These may once been worn as bow guards. According to ethnographic accounts, bow guards may have been worn by members of the bow priesthood (see full description above). Turquoise ornaments included earrings (left ear), and pendants. Other types of ornaments included shell bracelets (right wrist), shell pendants, shell and seed necklaces and jet/lignite pendants. As stated earlier, perforated Glycymeris pendants were located at the site, however this style cannot be correlated with specific burials. However, since shell pendants are absent from female burials, it can be assumed that these items were interred primarily with males.

Based on the gendered associations outlined above for the Western Pueblo region, several conclusions regarding indeterminate burials can be postulated. Three burials with bone beads located at the left wrist could be interpreted as male (Burials 3, 5, and 843). An indeterminate burial with a ring could possibly be female (Burial 1507). Two other burials are likely male based on the presence of a shell bracelet on the right wrist and a turquoise earring in the left ear. Other ornaments found in the burials of indeterminate individuals include jet/lignite pendants (male?), turquoise pendants, and various types of necklaces.

Children were from both sites were afforded numerous shell necklaces, turquoise pendants, shell pendants, and shell bracelets. Since the style of these ornaments is largely

220 unknown, only limited interpretations regarding the significance of these items can be postulated. First, the sheer quantities of necklaces with children are significant in comparison to those with adults. As stated above, is probable that several of the shell pendants were centrally perforated Glycymeris, which are associated primarily with males. Haliotis/Abalone pendants were also present in the assemblage and these are likely also interred with male burials. Thus there is a striking similarity between the Western Pueblo and Rio Grande regions with the similar types of ornaments between adult males and children (see below).

Infants in the Western Pueblo region were also buried with shell necklaces, and shell and stone pendants, however these were far fewer in quantities and fewer burials were interred with ornaments (n = 6). This could be attributed to the age range attributed to each category by the osteologist or archaeologist or to the significance of age distinctions within the group (i.e. infants had not reached the age to be affiliated with a certain group or be recognized as a member of the community).

Although it is unfortunate that the stylistic data is lacking for the funerary ornaments at Hawikku, important interpretations regarding social identity can be gleaned from the available data. Children and adult males were afforded the greatest quantities and varieties of ornaments. As stated above in terms of group membership, several of these ornament types are restricted to discrete cemeteries and important data regarding group membership within the community can also be interpreted. These interpretations are synthesized below (group membership).

221 Group Membership

There are a multitude of groups that one can be affiliated with over the course of a lifecycle and a few of these were discussed above (age, gender and status). In addition to these larger classifying groups, several other types of groups can be identified that range in scale from the village level to kinship and clan membership. The data presented above is used in the following section to examine items of ornamentation in these contexts.

Chaco and Contemporaneous Outlier Sites

As discussed in Chapter 2, during the Pueblo II period the Chaco Canyon great houses were the center of an interaction sphere that involved numerous contemporaneous outlying great house communities. The relationship between Chaco Canyon proper and the outliers has been the topic of many papers and would be an ideal research topic for examining the materialization of group membership through ornamentation. Unfortunately, the limited number of large-scale excavations at other contemporaneous outlier sites prevents an analysis at this level. Salmon Ruin is the only outlier with a significant number of burials excavated and those with ornaments were infants and children. Therefore, unfortunately, little can be said regarding the adornment practices of the people participating in the Pueblo II Chacoan sphere from the perspective of burial contexts.

Pueblo Bonito and Aztec Ruins

In terms of ornamentation, Chaco Canyon proper and its successor Aztec Ruins

(Pueblo III), contain the most evidence regarding ornamentation in burial contexts. Although the burial data from these two sites dates to two different time periods (PII and PIII),

222 comparison of the two in terms of ornaments can provide important information regarding the movement of people and the adoption of a new affiliation (both of which can be materialized through ornamentation). There are several parallels between these two sites in terms of the types of ornaments found and the burial rituals themselves. Similarities include: several burials that were considered high status, burials with numerous individuals interred in rooms

(multiple burials), ornaments that may have been used as symbols of affiliation, internment in abandoned rooms, and the presence of certain “clan” or “group” memorabilia.

The high status burials at each of these sites were discussed in Chapter 3. These individuals were buried with high quality or large quantities of ornaments. Several ornament types that have been classified as possible “clan” or “group membership” symbols were located in burials at both Pueblo Bonito and Aztec Ruins. Small frog effigy pendant/buttons were located in two burials. The specimens from Pueblo Bonito were manufactured from turquoise, whereas the frogs from Aztec were made of jet and other black stones1. These small frogs were manufactured with a straight parallel hole through the bottom of the body, thus the perforation would not be visible when strung.

Due to the symbolic nature of these animals with water, fertility, and as an animal that can occupy two realms (land and water) frogs may have been important indicators of a person’s role involving rain or fertility. Frog effigy ornaments appear to be restricted to sites affiliated with the Chacoan regional system. However, frog symbols appear again in burials during Pueblo IV at the sites of Homolovi, Chevelon and Chavez Pass (Fewkes 1932).

Unfortunately, burial data for these sites was not complete enough to include them in the sample. Frog effigies are also common in the Hohokam and Mogollon regions (i.e.

1 These frog effigy objects were located in a room that was exposed to heat. Two of the specimens examined at AMNH could have been turquoise at one time, however the heat alteration transformed the exterior to a degree that it is no longer recognizable as turquoise without additional analysis, which was beyond the scope of this thesis.

223 Snaketown, Casa Grande, Los Muertos, Casas Grandes, Gila Pueblo, Grasshopper Pueblo

Swarts Ruin and Point of Pines and others; Bradley 1999; Nelson 1981, 1991). In the

Hohokam area the ritual use of frog effigy ornaments “signaled participation and membership of Hohokam individuals in specific religious cults” and was a “powerful expression of leadership (Bayman 2002:83). These items are so rare in the study area that it is likely these items materialized a social identity linked to agriculture and fertility similar to the Hohokam area.

Table 6.34. Frog Effigy Ornaments Time Burial Region Site Period Number Female Indeterminate Male San Juan Basin Bc51 PII 60/23 1 Pueblo Bonito PII Burial 13 5 N. San Juan Burial Aztec Ruins PIII 16a 40 Dominguez Ruin PIII Burial 2 1 Total 1 40 1

In addition to the individual internments, both Aztec and Pueblo Bonito have mass or multiple burials with numerous individuals. Ornaments are also prevalent in these contexts.

Since many of the mass burials were children and infants, Frisbie (1978) postulated that these subadults (at Aztec Ruins) may have been sacrificed based on the wealth of objects interred.

Although this is a highly debatable and unfounded assertion, the multiple internments at these sites have not been fully studied and the interpretation of these burials as “ritual deposits” cannot be ruled out. In support of this assertion, Parsons (1996:212) states that the link between fertility and the sun led to the belief in Puebloan cosmology that the “sun requires the death of an infant to rise”.

224 Although turquoise is present in burials at both sites, it is more common at Pueblo

Bonito and shell ornaments are more common at Aztec Ruins. Female burials, outside of multiple burial contexts, at both sites were afforded very few ornaments. Females at Pueblo

Bonito were afforded turquoise and jet pendants and one burial had a turquoise bead bracelet.

At Aztec, only one female was interred with a single stone bead. Male burials were afforded far more ornaments, however outside of the high status burials at Pueblo Bonito, very few ornaments were offered. The subadults at both sites were interred with similar types of ornaments as adults. The only type of ornament that appears not to have been included in subadult burials is frog effigy items.

Overall impressions of the assemblages from Pueblo Bonito and Aztec Ruin in terms of identity, include 1) although turquoise was a dominate material at Pueblo Bonito, it is located in only a few of the burials outside of the high status individuals, therefore it is doubtful that group membership was materialized by these ornaments (i.e. “I am Chacoan”) 2)

Shell appears to have been more important than turquoise at Aztec or access to turquoise was limited 3) ornaments that were badges of status (Glycymeris shell bracelets and frog effigies) were found at the sites and could be interpreted as a similar ideology of fertility and war (as discussed in Chapter 5).

225 Table 6.35. Distribution of Ornaments at Pueblo Bonito Type Female Indeterminate Male Multiple Subadult Total Bead 1 11 19,838 27,125 4,001 45,061 Bracelet 40 89 129 Button 1 1 2 Disc 2 10 1 13 Earring 1 1 Effigy 1 1 Mosaic/Tessera 5 1,681 1,686 Necklace 1 1 2 Ornament 1 1 Pendant 4 788 574 3 1369 Ring 4 4 8 Total 5 13 20,680 29,485 4,005 54,188

Table 6.36. Distribution of Ornaments at Aztec Ruin Type Female Indeterminate Male Multiple Subadult Total Bead 2 9,117 1 53,496 103 62,719 Bracelet 1 1 Button 1 3 4 Button/bead 9 9 Earring 3 3 Hair Ornament 1 1 Mosaic/Tessera 3 3 Necklace 52 52 Ornament 7 7 Pendant 16 17 3 36 Tinkler 3 52 55 Grand Total 2 9,134 3 53,541 210 62,890

Hawikku

The site of Hawikku composed the largest burial sample for this study (n = 996). A large portion of the ornaments were found with 88 burials in nine of these cemeteries (Table

6.37). An examination of the spatially distinct cemeteries at Hawikku for this study provides additional insights in terms of group membership and ornamentation. Each of the burials in the 11 distinct cemeteries was evaluated in terms of the types of ornamentation leading to some compelling results. My informal analysis indicates that ornaments were found in nine of the eleven cemeteries, however the majority of ornaments were found in only four (cemeteries

226 1, 2, 9 and 10). Shell bracelets were only found in cemeteries 3 and 9 and were primarily restricted to adults (male and indeterminate) with the exception of one child. Turquoise combs were restricted to adult females and were only located in cemeteries 1 and 9. Shell pendants were restricted to adults in cemetery 9, however these ornaments were found primarily with children and infants in all of the cemeteries. If the information was available, distinctions between the cemeteries by type of shell pendant could possibly yield more information regarding group membership, however this information was not available. Shell pendants from the Hawikku collections included whole shell Glycymeris pendants and shaped/cut

Haliotis/Abalone shell pendants. Turquoise earrings also appear to have been worn in the left ear by males and in the right ear or both ears by females. As stated above, when turquoise were not worn, they were also attached to necklaces, which can lead to the misidentification of these ornaments. Bone bead bow guards on the left wrist of adults were located in 2 cemeteries.

A formalized burial ritual in terms of ornamentation and social identity become more visible in the archaeological record during Pueblo IV and patterns in the spatial layout of burials based on group membership becomes more distinct. This is an important distinction between the Pueblo IV and the preceding periods and allows for better interpretations regarding group membership and affiliation.

Table 6.37. Distribution of Ornaments at Hawikku Type Female Indeterminate Male Subadult Total Bead 16 119 89 14 238 Bracelet 1 2 1 4 Comb 8 8 Necklace 1 5 7 47 60 Pendant 3 14 6 24 47 Pendant/Earring 4 1 5 Ring 2 1 3 Total 34 140 104 87 365

227 Perforated Glycymeris and the Casas Grandes Interaction Sphere

Within the study area, perforated Glycymeris shell pendants were only found at Pecos

Pueblo and Hawikku (Table 6.38). These pendants were found with both adults and subadults, however within the category of adults, they were restricted to adult males. At

Pecos, these pendants were found both at the neck and at the waist indicating that they were worn as pendant necklaces and were possibly attached to an item of clothing worn around the waist. As stated above, perforated Glycymeris pendants were found with adults and subadults, however the majority of shell at Pecos was found with subadults. One of the perforated

Glycymeris pendants found at Pecos had evidence of turquoise inlay work (Kidder 2003:103).

Unfortunately, the data from Hawikku regarding styles of ornaments beyond basic ornament types cannot be correlated with individual burials due to the limited information from field notes. A review of the catalog of ornaments from the site indicates that perforated Glycymeris was present in the assemblage.

Table 6.38. Distribution of Perforated Glycymeris shell pendants Burial Site Number Indeterminate Male Subadult Total Pecos Pueblo Skel 1040 1 1

Skel 1058 1 1 Skel 1290 1 1 Skel 1434 1 1 Skel 1835 1 1 Skel 1841 1 1 Skel 976 1 1 Total 2 3 2 7

Outside of the study area at the Grasshopper site, perforated Glycymeris shell pendants have been interpreted as symbols of affiliation. These shell pendants were found only with male burials and were located above the pubic symphysis indicating they may have been attached to belt or loin-cloth. Bradley (1999:224) argues that based on the abundance of

228 perforated Glycymeris shell pendants at Casas Grandes (n = 25), this pendant style is associated with the Casas Grandes network. She believes that these items are largely a Classic period ornament type and the distribution appears to be restricted to Western Pueblo sites

(including Pecos, Awatovi, Grasshopper, Kinishba and Tijeras) and a few Hohokam sites.

Bradley notes that these ornaments were found in burial contexts at the other sites, however it would be important to compare the placement of these shells in these contexts. If these pendants are all located at the waist, they may have been associated with a specific type of costume or belt that may have been worn to convey to others an affiliation with the Casas

Grandes sphere or symbolized a specific social role within the group that was involved in long distance trade or communication between groups. Although these ornaments are present at a number of sites, the quantities are not remarkable. Therefore, it would be important to compare the numbers of pendants included in each burial in order to highlight whether this symbol is materializing an affiliation that involved many people across several sites or a few select individuals at each site. The presence of these ornaments with subadults and adult males is worthy of further investigation to identify whether this trend is present at other sites.

Summary

This chapter has presented the results of this thesis including an overview of the burial population, and the distribution of the entire assemblage of ornaments examined by type, material, age, sex, and location on the body. This chapter also addressed the materialization of social identity within the frameworks of time period, region, and ornament type. Several interpretations were offered in terms of how ornaments were worn, who wore ornaments, and how these social expressions of social identity changed through time. The data presented

229 herein demonstrated that certain types of ornaments were more prevalent with certain ages, sexes and groups and these associations changed through time. The following chapter summarizes these results of this chapter and discusses avenues for future research.

230 Chapter 7 Conclusion and Future Research

The multiple lines of evidence presented in this paper have illustrated the long-

standing tradition of adornment of the body through ornamentation. Ornamentation

played a pivotal role in communicating to others information about one’s social identity,

including age, status, sex, gender and group affiliation. Despite some inherent difficulties

in utilizing data from numerous sites across the northern Southwest that were excavated

using very different methods and with very different goals, the research presented in this

thesis provides the first attempt to look at the larger context of adornment in this area and

to explore how these items were worn. The scope of this research has also illuminated the

gaps in the literature regarding ornament style, placement of ornaments within the burial.

It is possible that this vital information was recorded and later excluded from the final

manuscript. Resolving this issue would require a thorough search of site archives and records and was beyond the scope of this thesis, however I suggest that these records be

used in order to further understand how ornaments were worn. Although my analysis

cannot immediately remedy the empirical gap, general observations can be made. And

interpretations regarding social identity for adults and subadults are provided below.

Adornment and Adults

As discussed in Chapter 6, adults were afforded the majority of ornaments in the

study area. However, when these results are evaluated by burial, it is apparent that the majority of these ornaments were interred with only a few individuals and most people were buried with only one or two ornaments. Therefore, we see two patterns in the data:

231 1) A number of high status individuals were buried with a great quantities of ornaments and 2) Individuals may have been buried with the ornaments they were wearing at the time of death or 3) the burial ritual in the northern Southwest involved burying the majority of the possessions away from the body. This last point would require evaluating the grave good types in burials without ornaments and could be supported if these items are largely related to the burial ritual itself (i.e. digging sticks used to prepare the burial, textile wrappings and meal or food for the journey to the afterlife) and lacking items that could be identified as possessions. These burial patterns would be expected to change over time. As discussed below, during the Basketmaker periods, the majority of the burials in the sample were interred with ornaments indicating that there was no difference between age and sex, however during the Pueblo periods the stratification in the burials becomes more apparent. It would be important to evaluate this trend in terms of overall goods interred with individuals to explore whether the people conceived as poor or low status were buried without items because of social reasons or if they participated in a different type of burial ritual that required all items to be buried away from the individual for ritual reasons.

Ornament Types

Several ornament types were identified in Chapter 6 that were either restricted to, or found more frequently in adult burials. These ornament types included hair ornaments, combs, rings, buttons, bilobed beads and disk beads. Hair ornaments were found with both male and female burials, however during later periods (i.e. Pueblo IV) they were found only in female burials. A similar pattern is also observed for rings. Rings are found

232 primarily in male burials during the Pueblo II period, however this ornament type shifts

to female burials during Pueblo IV.

Ornament types that have been interpreted in other regions as markers of group

membership or status were also found in the study area with adult burials. Glycymeris

shell bracelets were found primarily in one burial in Pueblo Bonito, however they appear in the region as early as Pueblo I. This ornament type has been interpreted as a symbol of affiliation with the Hohokam region and is possibly indicative of interaction with this

region. Additional research regarding the use of Glycymeris shell bracelets is necessary

in the study area. As stated in earlier chapters, many of these “bracelets” also have a

perforated umbo and could have been strung to other types of adornment or attached to

items of clothing such as a belt. Noting the placement of these items in relation to the

body is paramount. The blanket classification of these items as bracelets is misleading and necessitates further investigation.

Interpretations

The ornaments interred with adults were likely part of the ritual costume based on representational media (kiva murals and rock art) and the relatively few ornaments that were interred in burials when the entire populations are evaluated over time.

During the Basketmaker II period, the majority of adults were interred with ornaments, however during the Pueblo II period only select individuals are afforded these items. It is possible that the infrequency of ornaments interred with adults in contexts dating after Basketmaker II can be attributed to a shift in mortuary patterns. It is also possible that this is a reflection of a shift in mortuary patterns to only including a few beads from a necklace and the rest of the item is retained as an heirloom. Evidence from

233 ethnographic accounts indicate that these items (heirlooms) were worn as part of the ritual costume at dances and other events. Therefore there must be significant reason other than mortuary ritual for interring items in with individuals and may be attributed to the ornaments symbolic significance.

Adornment and Subadults

The presence of items of adornment in the burials of subadults is rare in comparison to the overall number of burials. Therefore the reasons for the inclusion of highly sought after adornments in these contexts is worthy of further investigation

(discussed below). As discussed previously, subadults were not interred with the majority of the ornaments in the sample, however in many cases infants were buried with similar types of ornaments as adults, especially males. As this thesis has demonstrated this pattern also appears to change over time and subadults are interred with more ornaments during the Basketmaker and Pueblo III/IV periods.

Ornament Types

As discussed in Chapter 6, although none of the ornament types outlined for this study were restricted to subadults, certain patterns of ornament types interred with these individuals were observed. Shell tinklers were found primarily in the burials of subadults. Based on the placement in the burial, it appears that tinklers were worn around the necks of the subadults. Tinklers were also found with male burials, however none were interred with females. As discussed in Chapter 6, this also supports the assertion that subadults were often interred with “male” ornaments.

Interpretations

234 Although subadults were afforded lower quantities of ornaments than adults,

several important conclusions resulted from this analysis. I would argue that the

ornaments interred with the infants likely served a symbolic purpose as a general offering

to the supernaturals or symbols that were important to the living rather than actual items

of adornment. Often, items of adornment interred with children are written off as

anomalies based on the larger assumptions regarding status and the role within the

community. I would argue that it is exactly these contexts where one can ascertain the

larger significance of ornaments beyond their use to adorn the body. As this study has

demonstrated, children and infants were buried with objects that are considered symbols

of status, so why, if these objects were so highly valued would they be deposited with the

“invisible” members of the group? Why would certain subadults be privileged over others? Or why would infants be favored over other adults? Clearly, there are significant questions that remain unanswered by this thesis but warrant further investigation on a site by site or regional basis. However, my general impressions based on the data collected for this thesis is that certain subadults, were 1) afforded status or ceremonial group affiliation at a young age; 2) their death coincided with a celestial or ceremonial event that required offerings beyond the limits of the customary mortuary pattern; 3) infants and children were associated with fertility symbolism along with turquoise, frogs and shells (water symbols) and a death of a child required an offering to ensure continued fertility within the group (both people and plants).

Throughout time, it is significant that infants and children were most often found with shell ornaments. At Zuni, prayer sticks using shell for prayers related to children

(Parsons 1996:299). Therefore the reasons for offering shell to subadults could be

235 attributed to these connotations with fertility. As stated in above, an interpretation for the presence of items of adornment in the burial of children is that these items are a reflection of ascribed status. In contrast, Hayden (1995:49) argues that these items may actually be evidence of parental investment or “child growth payments”. These payments are

“investments of wealth in children” that would be given to the child during ritualistic rites of passages or inclusion into a group. The scale of this thesis prevents this finite detail from being explored, however it would be interesting to explore “investments” in children on a site by site basis.

According to Parsons (1996:484), Hopi men are the suppliers of clothes and adornments and therefore they control their use- including the manufacture of prayer sticks, and weaving. In addition, according to the ethnographic record men were responsible for burying children or infants of either sex (Zuni and Hopi). The combination of the male role as the manufacturer of ornaments and the person in charge of burying children, may be one explanation for the similarity of the ornaments between the two groups.

Discussion

This thesis has demonstrated that ornaments had important value beyond the secular daily use. Overall, ornaments were rarely interred with individuals in any obvious pattern in the Southwest. Subadults had more ornaments than expected and these were possibly included for their symbolic powers for fertility reasons. Multiple burials tend to have the majority of the ornaments. Multiple burials seem to occur in contexts that appear to be more of a ritual deposit, however this needs to be explored further (i.e. the

236 unexplainable deposits of unarticulated bones in the room above the two high status burials at Chaco).

Whether ornaments were worn as part of daily life is unknown. Rock art and kiva mural representations of humans appear to be ritual in the nature of the costuming.

However, if ornaments were worn in daily life, it is likely that they were worn in a similar manner to that found in the burials. It is apparent that ornaments had a greater significance and were not retired lightly (however they may have been buried in another location away from the body).

Based on the contexts of ornaments I would argue that these items in the

Ancestral Puebloan southwest were primarily restricted to ritual uses. More than likely, ornaments were important in the overall cosmology of the group and were offered to the supernaturals or ancestors rather than secular use as adornment. They may have also been viewed as amulet for protection or other powers.

Dress and Adornment Future Research

As evidenced by the collections from Basketmaker II and Pueblo IV, it is likely that perishable materials comprised the majority of the ornaments worn in daily life and interred in burials. Feathers, cordage, wooden items, pieces of human hair, scalps, and animal skin are present in some collections, however they are often not coded as ornaments therefore they can only be identified based on association. A full examination of all items interred with burials is necessary to determine if they could have also been worn on the body rather than offered. However, the limited textile evidence and the absence of secular visual representations of humans in the Southwest, make

237 reconstruction of dress and adornment difficult and it is unlikely that a full understanding

of dress and adornments will ever be attained.

Further examination into ornament manufacture may also provide details

regarding identity. Information regarding who made ornaments (male, female, etc), how

many members of the group made them (specialists or everyone made their own) would

allow for additional interpretations about social identity. Ornaments do not appear to be

standardized from any site, thus individual preference within culturally appropriate

parameters could be examined.

Ornament style also needs to be evaluated more closely. Stylistically, Hohokam ornaments include a wide array of zoomorphic effigy styles that are found in far fewer quantities in the Ancestral Puebloan region. In comparison to the Hohokam, Anasazi ornaments are far more geometric in style. These stylistic distinctions are also evident in the pottery of the two regions. I would argue that very few finished ornaments were traded into the Ancestral Puebloan area. There is absolutely no evidence for standardization in the manufacture of cut shell ornaments and it is likely that localized production occurred and could be supported through further research of ornament styles between the two regions. Style of ornaments could also be useful in migration studies

(high visibility becomes low visibility). The retention of certain cultural symbols that can be hidden or are no longer worn but are curated into offerings to the ancestors is a topic

worthy of further research.

238 Conclusion

This thesis has demonstrated that items of ornamentation are an invaluable type of

material culture that can be used to examine prehistoric social identity. Hopefully, this

thesis will prompt researchers to record items of ornamentation in the context of how

these items were worn rather than their significance as trade items etc. I would also encourage additional research into existing collections of ornaments including archival information. Data regarding placement in the burial and ornament type may not have made it into the published report, however these attributes may have been recorded in field notes or other archival documents. Although this would likely be a daunting task, the interpretations in this thesis could be stronger with a more complete data set and adornment practices in the past could be reconstructed further.

239

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Appendix A. Ornament and Burial Data

Ornament Time Total Number Ornament Ornament Ornament Material ‐ Location on Site Name/Number Region Burial Number Age Class Sex Ornament Type Material ‐ Quantity Period of Ornaments Shape Style Specific Body General 29SJ1396 San Juan Basin PII Burial 1 Child N/A 1 Bead Shell 1 5LP110 N. San Juan BMIII Burial 3 Adolescent Male 27 Bead/Bracelet Whole Spire lopped Shell Olivella 27 R wrist 5LP110 N. San Juan BMIII Burial 2‐3 Multiple Multiple 20 Bead Whole Spire lopped Shell Olivella 20 5MT3 N. San Juan PII/PIII 3.2‐01 Infant N/A 1 Pendant Stone Turquoise 2 5MT3 N. San Juan PII/PIII 3.2‐10 Infant N/A 1 Bead Whole Shell Olivella 1 Arroyo Hondo Rio Grande PIV 12‐C‐9‐1‐1 Infant N/A 5 Necklace Shell 1 Neck Arroyo Hondo Rio Grande PIV 12‐18‐8‐4N‐9 Infant N/A 4 Bead Disc Shell 4 R wrist Arroyo Hondo Rio Grande PIV 12‐11‐8‐2‐13 Adult Female 1 Bead Stone Turquoise 1 Arroyo Hondo Rio Grande PIV 12‐18‐8‐VII‐1 Infant N/A 184 Bead Discoidal Stone Jet/Lignite 2 Arroyo Hondo Rio Grande PIV 12‐18‐8‐VII‐1 Infant N/A 184 Bead Cylindrical Stone Jet/Lignite 2

265 Arroyo Hondo Rio Grande PIV 12‐18‐8‐VII‐1 Infant N/A 184 Necklace Modified seed Organic Juniper 1 Arroyo Hondo Rio Grande PIV 12‐18‐8‐VII‐1 Infant N/A 184 Bead Discoidal Stone Turquoise 1 Arroyo Hondo Rio Grande PIV 12‐18‐8‐VII‐1 Infant N/A 184 Pendant Triangular Shell 1 Arroyo Hondo Rio Grande PIV 12‐18‐8‐VII‐1 Infant N/A 184 Pendant Ovoid Shell 1 Arroyo Hondo Rio Grande PIV 12‐21‐5‐1‐3 Infant N/A 1 Pendant Stone Slate 1 Arroyo Hondo Rio Grande PIV 12‐C‐9‐1‐1 Infant N/A 5 Effigy Stone Jet/Lignite 1 Arroyo Hondo Rio Grande PIV 12‐C‐9‐1‐1 Infant N/A 5 Pendant Ovoid Shell 1 Arroyo Hondo Rio Grande PIV 12‐G‐2‐4‐10 Child N/A 1 Pendant Turreted Shell 1 Arroyo Hondo Rio Grande PIV Refuse Heap 2 Child N/A 1 Necklace Shell/Stone Turquoise 1 Awatovi W Pueblo PIV Burial 42 Adult Male 6 Bead Tubular Bone 6 R wrist Awatovi W Pueblo PIV Burial 52 Adult Male 1 Bead/Pendant Oval Tabular Stone Turquoise 1 Awatovi W Pueblo PIV Burial 72 Adult Male 25 Bead Spherical Metal Copper 1 Awatovi W Pueblo PIV Burial 72 Adult Male 25 Bead Whole Spire lopped Shell Olivella 1 NE Arizona/SE AZ:K:14:26 PII Burial 7 Adult Male 4 Bead Stone Turquoise 1 L Femur Utah NE Arizona/SE Left of rib AZ:K:14:26 PII Burial 9 Adult Female 2 Ornament Shell Gryphaea 2 Utah cage NE Arizona/SE Lumbar/R AZ:K:14:26 PII Burial 7 Adult Male 4 Pendant Stone Turquoise 2 Utah hand NE Arizona/SE AZ:K:14:26 PII Burial 2 Adult Male 70 Necklace Disk Shell Unidentified 61 Neck Utah AZ:K:14:26 NE Arizona/SE PII Burial 2 Adult Male 70 Bracelet Shell Glycymeris 1 R wrist Ornament Time Total Number Ornament Ornament Ornament Material ‐ Location on Site Name/Number Region Burial Number Age Class Sex Ornament Type Material ‐ Quantity Period of Ornaments Shape Style Specific Body General Utah NE Arizona/SE AZ:K:14:26 PII Burial 2 Adult Male 70 Bead Shell Olivella 8 R wrist Utah NE Arizona/SE Anodonta AZ:K:14:26 PII Burial 6 Child N/A 1 Ornament Shell 1 Ribs Utah californiensis NE Arizona/SE AZ:K:14:26 PII Burial 7 Adult Male 4 Bead Disk Shell Unidentified 2 Utah Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16a Adult Indet. 633 Bead/Anklet Spire lopped Whole Shell Olivella 70 Ankle Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16a Adult Indet. 633 Pendant Circular Shaped Shell Abalone/Haliotis 8 Chest Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16a Adult Indet. 633 Pendant Circular Shaped Shell Abalone/Haliotis 1 Chest Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16a Adult Indet. 633 Pendant Circular Shaped Shell Abalone/Haliotis 1 Chest Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16a Adult Indet. 633 Pendant Circular Shaped Shell Abalone/Haliotis 1 Chest Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16a Adult Indet. 633 Pendant Circular Shaped Shell Abalone/Haliotis 1 Chest Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16a Adult Indet. 633 Pendant Circular Shaped Shell Abalone/Haliotis 1 Chest Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16a Adult Indet. 633 Pendant Circular Shaped Shell Abalone/Haliotis 1 Chest Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16a Adult Indet. 633 Pendant Circular Shaped Shell Abalone/Haliotis 1 Chest 266 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16a Adult Indet. 633 Bead Effigy Frog Stone Jet/Lignite 40 Chest Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 30 Child N/A 2 Tinkler Whole Spire ground Shell Conus 1 Neck Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 30 Child N/A 2 Bead Truncated Whole Shell Olivella 1 Neck Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 35 Child N/A 4 Bead Spire lopped Whole Shell Conus 1 Neck Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 35 Child N/A 4 Pendant Rectangular Tabular Stone Jet/Lignite 1 Neck Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 35 Child N/A 4 Pendant Rectangular Tabular Stone Slate 1 Neck Neck/ Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 35 Child N/A 4 Tinkler Spire lopped Whole Shell Conus 1 breast Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 75 Child N/A 16 Bead Tubular Bone 16 Neck/ breast Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 83 Adult Male 30 Bracelet Disk Stone Jet/Lignite 1 R Wrist Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 40 Child N/A 52 Necklace Disk Shell/Stone Olivella 33 Shoulder Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 40 Child N/A 52 Necklace Wedge Stone Turquoise 19 Shoulder Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 42 Child N/A 1 Pendant Stone 1 Sternum Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 133 Adult Indet. 1 Bead Whole Shell Olivella 1 Thorasic Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 83 Adult Male 30 Bead Spherical Stone Jet/Lignite 1 Thorasic Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 71 Child N/A 2 Bead Tubular Bone 2 Trunk Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 100 Old Adult Female 2 Bead Disk Stone 1 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 100 Old Adult Female 2 Bead Disk Stone 1 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 115 Child N/A 30 Bead Cylinder Stone Jet/Lignite 5 Ornament Time Total Number Ornament Ornament Ornament Material ‐ Location on Site Name/Number Region Burial Number Age Class Sex Ornament Type Material ‐ Quantity Period of Ornaments Shape Style Specific Body General Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 115 Child N/A 30 Bead Disk Stone Jet/Lignite 4 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 115 Child N/A 30 Bead Whole Shell Olivella 2 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 115 Child N/A 30 Bead Whole Shell Pelecypod 1 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 115 Child N/A 30 Bead Disk Stone 6 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 115 Child N/A 30 Bead Disk Stone 1 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 115 Child N/A 30 Bead Disk Stone/Shell 11 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 12 Adult Male 1 Hair Ornament Organic Hair 1 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 14a‐o Multiple Multiple 19964 Bead Disk Stone Alabaster/Limestone 64 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 14a‐o Multiple Multiple 19964 Bead Whole Shell Cowrie 1 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 14a‐o Multiple Multiple 19964 Bead Spire lopped Whole Shell Olivella 27 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 14a‐o Multiple Multiple 19964 Bead Spire lopped Whole Shell Olivella 4 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 14a‐o Multiple Multiple 19964 Bead Truncated Whole Shell Olivella 17 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 14a‐o Multiple Multiple 19964 Bead Cylindrical Stone Selenite 8 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 14a‐o Multiple Multiple 19964 Bead Disk Stone Siltstone 12 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 14a‐o Multiple Multiple 19964 Bead Cylindrical Disk Stone Turquoise 65

267 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 14a‐o Multiple Multiple 19964 Bead Cylindrical Stone Unidentified 3 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 14a‐o Multiple Multiple 19964 Bead Disk Stone Unidentified 12 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 14a‐o Multiple Multiple 19964 Bead Bilobed Stone 2 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 14a‐o Multiple Multiple 19964 Bead Cylindrical Stone 3 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 14a‐o Multiple Multiple 19964 Bead Disk Stone 16600 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 14a‐o Multiple Multiple 19964 Bead Minute disk Stone 3100 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 14a‐o Multiple Multiple 19964 Bead Stone 19 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 14a‐o Multiple Multiple 19964 Bead Stone 27 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 15 Child N/A 15 Bead Tubular Bone 15 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16a Adult Indet. 633 Bead/Necklace Whole Spire lopped Shell Olivella 400 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16a Adult Indet. 633 Bead/Pendant Tabular Stone Turquoise 65 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16a Adult Indet. 633 Button Circular‐Disk Mosaic Shell Unidentified 1 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16a Adult Indet. 633 Pendant Effigy? Shell Unidentified 1 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16a Adult Indet. 633 Bead Tubular Bone 40 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16a‐e Multiple Multiple 32825 Pendant Circular Shaped Shell Abalone/Haliotis 1 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16a‐e Multiple Multiple 32825 Pendant Rectangular Shaped Shell Abalone/Haliotis 2 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16a‐e Multiple Multiple 32825 Bead Tubular Bone Bird 3 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16a‐e Multiple Multiple 32825 Bead Whole Spire lopped Shell Conus 1 Ornament Time Total Number Ornament Ornament Ornament Material ‐ Location on Site Name/Number Region Burial Number Age Class Sex Ornament Type Material ‐ Quantity Period of Ornaments Shape Style Specific Body General Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16a‐e Multiple Multiple 32825 Tinkler Whole Spire lopped Shell Conus 3 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16a‐e Multiple Multiple 32825 Bead Disk Stone Jet/Lignite 50 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16a‐e Multiple Multiple 32825 Bead Disk Stone Jet/Lignite/Other 1 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16a‐e Multiple Multiple 32825 Bead Saucer Disk Stone Jet/Lignite/Other 36 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16a‐e Multiple Multiple 32825 Bead Disk Stone Jet/Other 32 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16a‐e Multiple Multiple 32825 Mosaic/Tessera Rectangular Stone Mica 1 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16a‐e Multiple Multiple 32825 Pendant Whole Whole Shell Olive 1 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16a‐e Multiple Multiple 32825 Bead/Necklace Whole Spire lopped Shell Olivella 400 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16a‐e Multiple Multiple 32825 Bead Cylindrical Stone Quartzite/Hematite 8 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16a‐e Multiple Multiple 32825 Pendant Circular Shaped Stone Sandstone 1 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16a‐e Multiple Multiple 32825 Bead/Pendant Geometric Tabular Stone Turquoise/Chert 5 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16a‐e Multiple Multiple 32825 Bead Disk Stone Turquoise/Jet 200 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16a‐e Multiple Multiple 32825 Bead Disk Stone Turquoise/Jet 111 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16a‐e Multiple Multiple 32825 Bead Disk Stone Turquoise/Jet 292 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16a‐e Multiple Multiple 32825 Bead Disk Stone Turquoise/Jet 265 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16a‐e Multiple Multiple 32825 Bead Disk Stone Turquoise/Jet 18

268 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16a‐e Multiple Multiple 32825 Bead Disk Stone Turquoise/Jet 28 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16a‐e Multiple Multiple 32825 Bead Disk Stone Turquoise/Jet 122 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16a‐e Multiple Multiple 32825 Bead Disk Stone Turquoise/Jet 72 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16a‐e Multiple Multiple 32825 Bead Disk Stone Turquoise/Jet 10 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16a‐e Multiple Multiple 32825 Bead Cylindrical Stone Turquoise/Other 9 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16a‐e Multiple Multiple 32825 Bead Cylindrical Stone Turquoise/Other 5 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16a‐e Multiple Multiple 32825 Bead Disk Stone Turquoise/Other 45 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16a‐e Multiple Multiple 32825 Button Circular Shaped Shell Unidentified 2 Circular‐ Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16a‐e Multiple Multiple 32825 Pendant Shaped Shell Unidentified 1 Convex Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16a‐e Multiple Multiple 32825 Bead Minute Disk Stone Unidentified 31000 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16a‐e Multiple Multiple 32825 Bead Disk 100 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16b Adult Indet. 8501 Bead Minute Disk Stone Siltstone/Jet 8500 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16b Adult Indet. 8501 Bead Stone 1 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16c‐d Multiple Multiple 205 Pendant Disk Shell Abalone/Haliotis 1 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16c‐d Multiple Multiple 205 Pendant Rectangular Shaped shell Shell Abalone/Haliotis 5 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16c‐d Child N/A 205 Tinkler Spire lopped Whole Shell Conus 50 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16c‐d Multiple Multiple 205 Bead/Pendant Whole Whole Shell Glycymeris 20 Ornament Time Total Number Ornament Ornament Ornament Material ‐ Location on Site Name/Number Region Burial Number Age Class Sex Ornament Type Material ‐ Quantity Period of Ornaments Shape Style Specific Body General Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16c‐d Multiple Multiple 205 Mosaic/Tessera Shell/stone Glycymeris 1 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16c‐d Multiple Multiple 205 Bead Spire lopped Whole Shell Olivella 70 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16c‐d Multiple Multiple 205 Bead Disk Stone Turquoise 2 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16c‐d Multiple Multiple 205 Earring Rectangular Tabular Stone Turquoise 3 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16c‐d Multiple Multiple 205 Mosaic/Tessera Rectangular Stone Turquoise 1 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16c‐d Multiple Multiple 205 Bead Tubular Bone Unidentified 10 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16c‐d Multiple Multiple 205 Bead Tubular Bone Unidentified 5 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16c‐d Child N/A 205 Bead Bilobed Shell Unidentified 36 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 16c‐d Multiple Multiple 205 Button Circular Disk Shell Unidentified 1 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 20 Infant N/A 2 Bead Organic Walnut 1 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 20 Infant N/A 2 Bead Bone 1 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 25a‐b Multiple Multiple 2000 Pendant Circular Shaped shell Shell Abalone/Haliotis 1 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 25a‐b Multiple Multiple 2000 Pendant Circular Shaped shell Shell Abalone/Haliotis 1 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 25a‐b Multiple Multiple 2000 Pendant Oval Shaped shell Shell Abalone/Haliotis 1 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 25a‐b Multiple Multiple 2000 Bead Cylindrical Stone Amethyst 2 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 25a‐b Multiple Multiple 2000 Ornament Bone Beaver tusk 6 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 25a‐b Multiple Multiple 2000 Bead Spherical Metal Copper 1

269 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 25a‐b Multiple Multiple 2000 Bead Seed beads Stone Jet 100 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 25a‐b Multiple Multiple 2000 Bead Disk Stone Jet/Lignite 150 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 25a‐b Multiple Multiple 2000 Bead Spheroidal Stone Jet/Lignite 1 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 25a‐b Multiple Multiple 2000 Button/bead Disk Stone Jet/Lignite 6 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 25a‐b Multiple Multiple 2000 Button/bead Stone Jet/Lignite 3 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 25a‐b Multiple Multiple 2000 Pendant Rectangular Tabular Stone Jet/Lignite 1 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 25a‐b Multiple Multiple 2000 Bead Truncated Shaped Shell Olivella 100 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 25a‐b Multiple Multiple 2000 Bead Whole Shell Olivella 9 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 25a‐b Multiple Multiple 2000 Bead Circular Disk Stone Siltstone 2 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 25a‐b Multiple Multiple 2000 Bead Cylindrical Stone Turquoise 1 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 25a‐b Multiple Multiple 2000 Bead Cylindrical Disk Stone Turquoise 21 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 25a‐b Multiple Multiple 2000 Bead Disk Stone Turquoise 95 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 25a‐b Multiple Multiple 2000 Bead Composite Stone Turquoise/White 1 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 25a‐b Multiple Multiple 2000 Bead Cylindrical Shell Unidentified 1 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 25a‐b Multiple Multiple 2000 Bead Disk Stone Unidentified 9 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 25a‐b Multiple Multiple 2000 Bead/Pendant Rectangular Tabular Stone Unidentified 1 Ornament Time Total Number Ornament Ornament Ornament Material ‐ Location on Site Name/Number Region Burial Number Age Class Sex Ornament Type Material ‐ Quantity Period of Ornaments Shape Style Specific Body General Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 25a‐b Multiple Multiple 2000 Bead Disk Shell 16 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 25a‐b Multiple Multiple 2000 Bead Disk Stone 1 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 25a‐b Multiple Multiple 2000 Bead Circular Disk Stone 100 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 25a‐b Multiple Multiple 2000 Bead Stone 1 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 25a‐b Multiple Multiple 2000 Ornament Stone 1 Aztec Ruins N. San Juan PIII Burial 25a‐b Multiple Multiple 2000 Pendant Stone 1 Bc50 San Juan Basin PII/PIII 60/4 Infant N/A 1 Ear Plug Shell 1 Bc50 San Juan Basin PII/PIII 60/6 Infant N/A 17 Bead Organic Nut 5 Bc50 San Juan Basin PII/PIII 60/6 Infant N/A 17 Bead Bone 12 Bc51 San Juan Basin PII 60/12‐60/13 Adult Male 1 Bead Bone 1 Bc51 San Juan Basin PII 60/15 Adult Male 2 Bead Bone 2 Bc51 San Juan Basin PII 60/17 Child N/A 3 Bead Bone 3 Bc51 San Juan Basin PII 60/23 Adult Male 1 Effigy Frog Stone 1 Bc51 San Juan Basin PII 60/3 Adult Indet. 1 Pendant Shell 1

270 Bc51 San Juan Basin PII 60/33 Adolescent N/A 1 Bracelet Shell 1 Bc51 San Juan Basin PII 60/40 Old Adult Indet. 2 Bead Bone 1 Bc51 San Juan Basin PII 60/40 Old Adult Indet. 2 Bracelet Shell 1 Bc51 San Juan Basin PII 60/44 Infant N/A 5 Bead Bone 4 Bc51 San Juan Basin PII 60/44 Infant N/A 5 Bead Shell 1 Bc51 San Juan Basin PII 60/51 Adult Female 3 Bead Stone Turquoise 2 Bc51 San Juan Basin PII 60/51 Adult Female 3 Pendant Shell 1 Bc53 San Juan Basin PII B1 1940 Adult Female 1 Pendant Stone Hematite 1 Bc53 San Juan Basin PII B1 1941 Adult Female 1 Earring Stone Turquoise 1 Bc53 San Juan Basin PII B2,3,4 1941 Multiple Multiple 1 Bead Unknown 1 Bc53 San Juan Basin PII B7 1941 Adult Male 2 Earring Stone Turquoise 1 Bc53 San Juan Basin PII B7 1941 Adult Male 2 Pendant Stone Turquoise 1 Bc57 San Juan Basin PII Burial 2 Adult Female 1 Bead Unknown 1 Bc59 San Juan Basin PII Burial 9 Adult Female 3 Pendant Projectile point Stone 3 Neck Bc59 San Juan Basin PII 59/B2 Adult Female 156 Bead Stone Jet/Lignite 103 Bc59 San Juan Basin PII 59/B2 Adult Female 156 Effigy/Pendant Bird Stone Jet/Lignite 1 Bc59 San Juan Basin PII 59/B2 Adult Female 156 Bead Shell 52 Bc59 San Juan Basin PII Burial 8 Adult Female 2 Pendant Stone Turquoise 2 Big Juniper House N. San Juan PII/PIII Burial 2 Adolescent Female 1 Bead Tubular Bone 1 R arm Ornament Time Total Number Ornament Ornament Ornament Material ‐ Location on Site Name/Number Region Burial Number Age Class Sex Ornament Type Material ‐ Quantity Period of Ornaments Shape Style Specific Body General Big Juniper House N. San Juan PII/PIII Burial 21 Adult Indet. 1 Pendant Rectangular Tabular Stone Shale 1 Big Juniper House N. San Juan PII/PIII Burial 3 Adolescent Female 1 Pendant Rectangular Tabular Stone Shale 1 Big Juniper House N. San Juan PII/PIII Burial 8 Adult Male 1 Bead Annular Stone 1 NE Arizona/SE Broken Flute Cave BMIII Burial 5 Adult Male 13 Bead/Bracelet Shell Olivella 12 L Wrist Utah NE Arizona/SE Broken Flute Cave BMIII Burial 5 Adult Male 13 Pendant Shell 1 Utah NE Arizona/SE Modified/Natu Broken Roof Cave BMII Burial Cist‐a Adult Male 0 Necklace Cylinder/round Organic Seed 100 Neck Utah ral seed NE Arizona/SE Broken Roof Cave BMII Burial Cist‐a Adult Male 0 Pendant Triangular Shaped shell Shell Abalone/Haliotis 1 Utah NE Arizona/SE Broken Roof Cave BMII Burial Cist‐b Infant N/A 13 Bead Saucer Shell Olivella 1 Utah NE Arizona/SE Broken Roof Cave BMII Burial Cist‐b Infant N/A 13 Necklace Whole Organic Seed 1 Utah NE Arizona/SE Broken Roof Cave BMII Burial Cist‐b Infant N/A 13 Bead/Bracelet Shell Unidentified 6 Utah

271 Broken Roof Cave NE Arizona/SE BMII Burial Cist‐b Infant N/A 13 Bead/Bracelet Shell 4 Utah NE Arizona/SE Broken Roof Cave BMII Burial Cist‐b Infant N/A 13 Bead Stone 1 Utah NE Arizona/SE Camp Cemetery BMII Skel 3 Adult Female 38 Bead Whole Spire lopped Shell Olivella 14 Head/Pelvis Utah NE Arizona/SE Camp Cemetery BMII Skel 3 Adult Female 38 Bead/Bracelet Whole Spire lopped Shell Olivella 24 R wrist Utah NE Arizona/SE D:11:2030 BMIII/PI Burial 136 Adult Female 1 Bracelet Shell Glycymeris 1 Utah NE Arizona/SE D:11:3 PII/PIII Burial 2a‐c Multiple Multiple 1 Bead Stone 1 Utah NE Arizona/SE D:11:3 PII/PIII Burial 3a‐c Multiple Multiple 1 Bead Stone Quartzite 1 Utah NE Arizona/SE D:11:477 ?? Burial X Old Adult Male 1 Bead/Bracelet Shell Freshwater Mussel R Wrist Utah NE Arizona/SE D:11:477 ?? Burial X Old Adult Male 37 Bead/Bracelet Whole Shell Olivella 37 R Wrist Utah NE Arizona/SE D:11:477 ?? Burial X Old Adult Male 1 Bead/Bracelet Shell Turitella R Wrist Utah NE Arizona/SE D:11:477 ?? Burial X Old Adult Male 1 Bead Stone Selenite 1 Utah NE Arizona/SE D:11:517 PII Burial 1 Child N/A 1 Bead Stone Siltstone 1 Utah D:11:518 NE Arizona/SE PII Midden Child N/A 1 Bead Cylindrical Stone Siltstone 1 Ornament Time Total Number Ornament Ornament Ornament Material ‐ Location on Site Name/Number Region Burial Number Age Class Sex Ornament Type Material ‐ Quantity Period of Ornaments Shape Style Specific Body General Utah NE Arizona/SE D:11:655 ?? Burial 2 Adult Male 3 Bead Whole Shell Olivella 3 Neck Utah NE Arizona/SE D:11:655 ?? Burial 2 Adult Male 83 Bead/Necklace Circular Disk Stone 83 Neck Utah NE Arizona/SE D:7:2103 PI Burial 147 Child N/A 2 Bracelet Shell Glycymeris 1 L arm Utah NE Arizona/SE D:7:2103 PI Burial 147 Child N/A 2 Bead Shell Olivella 1 L arm Utah NE Arizona/SE D:7:3141 BMII Burial 149 Adult Female 1 Bead Stone Jet/Lignite 1 L Lumbar Utah NE Arizona/SE D:7:3141 BMII Burial 148‐150 Multiple Multiple 6 Bead Shell Olivella 5 Utah NE Arizona/SE D:7:3141 BMII Burial 148‐150 Multiple Multiple 6 Bead Bone 1 Utah NE Arizona/SE D:7:3141 BMII Burial 150 Infant N/A 1 Pendant Shell Abalone/Haliotis 1 Utah Darkmold N. San Juan BMII/PI Burial 7 Adult Female Bead Whole Shell Olivella baetica 17 R wrist Darkmold N. San Juan BMII/PI Burial 2 Child N/A 70 Pendant Shell Abalone/Haliotis 3

272 Darkmold N. San Juan BMII/PI Burial 2 Child N/A 70 Bead Shell Olivella 67 Darkmold N. San Juan BMII/PI Burial 6a Adult Male Pendant Shell Abalone/Haliotis 1 Darkmold N. San Juan BMII/PI Burial 6a Adult Male Pendant Triangular Tabular Stone Chlorite schist 1 Darkmold N. San Juan BMII/PI Burial 6a Adult Male Bead Tubular Bone 1 Darkmold N. San Juan BMII/PI Burial 7 Adult Female Bead Tubular Bone 0 Dominguez Ruin N. San Juan PIII Burial 1 Infant N/A 2 Bead Tubular Shell Oliva undatella 1 Midsection Dominguez Ruin N. San Juan PIII Burial 1 Infant N/A 2 Bead Bilobed Shell Unidentified 1 Midsection Dominguez Ruin N. San Juan PIII Burial 2 Adult Female 6906 Bead Circular Disk Stone Jet/Lignite 2300 Near face Dominguez Ruin N. San Juan PIII Burial 2 Adult Female 6906 Bead Circular Disk Stone Shale 2300 Near face Dominguez Ruin N. San Juan PIII Burial 2 Adult Female 6906 Bead Circular Disk Stone Turquoise 2300 Near face Dominguez Ruin N. San Juan PIII Burial 2 Adult Female 6906 Mosaic/Tessera Stone/Shell Haliotis/Turquoise 3 R elbow Dominguez Ruin N. San Juan PIII Burial 2 Adult Female 6906 Pendant Effigy Frog Stone/Shell Haliotis/Turquoise 1 Sternum Under chin/ Dominguez Ruin N. San Juan PIII Burial 2 Adult Female 6906 Pendant Circular Medallion Shell/Stone Abalone/Haliotis 2 R Shoulder NE Arizona/SE Duna Leyenda BMIII Burial 7 Adult Male 2 Bead Shell Olive 1 L of head Utah NE Arizona/SE Duna Leyenda BMIII Burial 12 Infant N/A 8 Bead/Bracelet Shell Olivella dama 8 L wrist Utah NE Arizona/SE Duna Leyenda BMIII Burial 16 Old Adult Indet. 7 Bead/Bracelet Shell Olivella dama 7 L wrist Utah Ornament Time Total Number Ornament Ornament Ornament Material ‐ Location on Site Name/Number Region Burial Number Age Class Sex Ornament Type Material ‐ Quantity Period of Ornaments Shape Style Specific Body General NE Arizona/SE Duna Leyenda BMIII Burial 5 Adult Male 9 Bead Shell 1 L wrist Utah NE Arizona/SE Duna Leyenda BMIII Burial 8 Child N/A 7 Bead/Bracelet Whole Shell Olivella 7 L wrist Utah NE Arizona/SE Duna Leyenda BMIII Burial 1 Adult Male 1462 Bead/Necklace Disk Shell Glycymeris 1450 Neck Utah NE Arizona/SE Duna Leyenda BMIII Burial 1 Adult Male 1462 Bead/Necklace Whole Shell Oliva spicata 2 Neck Utah NE Arizona/SE Duna Leyenda BMIII Burial 1 Adult Male 1462 Bead/Necklace Stone Siltstone 1 Neck Utah NE Arizona/SE Duna Leyenda BMIII Burial 1 Adult Male 1462 Bead/Necklace Bilobed Stone Turquoise 2 Neck Utah NE Arizona/SE Duna Leyenda BMIII Burial 1 Adult Male 1462 Bead/Necklace Stone Turquoise 7 Neck Utah NE Arizona/SE Duna Leyenda BMIII Burial 7 Adult Male 2 Pendant/Earring Stone Serpentine 1 R of head Utah NE Arizona/SE Duna Leyenda BMIII Burial 10 Adult Male 2 Bead/Bracelet Whole Shell Olive 2 R wrist Utah NE Arizona/SE Duna Leyenda BMIII Burial 5 Adult Male 9 Bead/Bracelet Shell Conus princeps 8 R wrist Utah Forked Lightning Ruin Rio Grande PIII/PIV B.B 7 Adult Male 1 Bead Whole Shell Olivella 1 Chin

273 Forked Lightning Ruin Rio Grande PIII/PIV B.B 91 Young Adult Indet. 1000 Bead Disk Shell Unidentified 1000 Pelvis Forked Lightning Ruin Rio Grande PIII/PIV B.B. 112 Adult Female 5000 Bead Disk Shell Unidentified 5000 Pelvis Forked Lightning Ruin Rio Grande PIII/PIV B.B. 139 Old Adult Female 12 Bead Disk Shell Unidentified 12 Pelvis Forked Lightning Ruin Rio Grande PIII/PIV B.B. 78 Infant N/A 7 Bead Tubular Bone 7 Pelvis Forked Lightning Ruin Rio Grande PIII/PIV B.B 49 Adult Male 1 Bead/Bracelet Disk Shell Unidentified 1 R wrist Forked Lightning Ruin Rio Grande PIII/PIV B.B 44 Old Adult Male 300 Bead Disk Shell Unidentified 300 Skull Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 915A Adult Female 1 Comb Mosaic Stone Turquoise 1 Breast Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 102 Adult Female 2 Pendant Triangular Projectile Point Stone Jasper 1 Chest Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 199 Adult Male 5 Pendant Stone Turquoise 1 Chest Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 802 Young Adult Indet. 4 Pendant Effigy Bird Stone Jet/Lignite 1 Chest Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 802 Young Adult Indet. 4 Pendant Mosaic Shell 1 Chest Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 655 Child N/A 2 Necklace Stone/Organic Turquoise/Seed 19 Chin Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 102 Adult Female 2 Comb Mosaic Organic/Stone Turquoise/Jet 1 Head Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 198 Adult Female 2 Comb Mosaic Stone Turquoise/Jet 1 Head Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 234 Adult Female 3 Comb Mosaic Stone Turquoise/Jet 1 Head Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 920 Adolescent Female 4 Comb Stone Turquoise/Jet 1 Head Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 1003 Adult Indet. 1 Bead/Earring Loop Stone Turquoise 52 L ear Ornament Time Total Number Ornament Ornament Ornament Material ‐ Location on Site Name/Number Region Burial Number Age Class Sex Ornament Type Material ‐ Quantity Period of Ornaments Shape Style Specific Body General Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 199 Adult Male 5 Bead/Earring Loop Stone Turquoise 1 L ear Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 35 Adult Male 1 Bead/Earring Loop Stone Turquoise 1 L ear Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 234 Adult Female 3 Bead Irregular Stone Turquoise 2 L hand Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 3 Adult Indet. 9 Bead Tubular Bone 9 L wrist Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 5 Adult Indet. 18 Bead Bone 18 L wrist Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 837 Adult Male 13 Bead Bone 1 L wrist Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 843 Adult Indet. 7 Bead Bone 7 L wrist Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 870 Adult Male 14 Bead Bone 13 L wrist Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 928 Adult Female 15 Bead/Bracelet Stone Turquoise 14 L wrist Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 920 Adolescent Female 4 Pendant/Earring Rectangular Mosaic Stone Turquoise 2 L/R ear Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 1 Child N/A 1 Necklace Shell 1 Neck Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 1002 Infant N/A 1 Necklace Shell 1 Neck Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 113 Adult Male 3 Pendant Stone Jet/Lignite 1 Neck Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 185 Young Adult Indet. 3 Bead Disk Stone Turquoise 1 Neck Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 199 Adult Male 5 Bead/Necklace Organic Juniper 1 Neck

274 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 199 Adult Male 5 Bead/Necklace Shell 1 Neck Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 199 Adult Male 5 Bead/Necklace Cylindrical Stone 1 Neck Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 2 Child N/A 1 Necklace Shell 1 Neck Neck/ L Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 216 Adult Male 1 Necklace Organic Seed 1 elbow Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 102 Adult Female 2 Pendant/Earring Rectangular Mosaic Stone Turquoise 2 R ear Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 952 Child N/A 2 Pendant/Earring Stone Turquoise 1 R ear Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 199 Adult Male 5 Bead/Bracelet Disk Shell 1 R wrist Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 199 Adult Male 5 Bracelet Stone 1 R wrist Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 837 Adult Male 13 Bead/Bracelet Shell 12 R wrist Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 870 Adult Male 14 Bead/Bracelet Shell/Organic Juniper 1 R wrist Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 931 Adolescent N/A 16 Bead/Bracelet Stone Turquoise 14 R wrist Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 96 Adult Male 11 Bead Bone 11 R wrist Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 978 Adult Indet. 1 Bead/Bracelet Shell 1 R wrist Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 198 Adult Female 2 Pendant Mosaic Stone Turquoise 1 Ribs Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 10 Adult Female 1 Necklace Shell 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 1007 Child N/A 1 Pendant Shell 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 1042 Old Adult Male 3 Bracelet Shell 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 1042 Old Adult Male 3 Pendant Shell 1 Ornament Time Total Number Ornament Ornament Ornament Material ‐ Location on Site Name/Number Region Burial Number Age Class Sex Ornament Type Material ‐ Quantity Period of Ornaments Shape Style Specific Body General Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 1042 Old Adult Male 3 Necklace Unknown 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 1056 Adult Indet. 1 Pendant Stone 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 1083 Child N/A 1 Pendant Shell 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 1090 Child N/A 1 Pendant Stone 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 113 Adult Male 3 Bead Shell 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 113 Adult Male 3 Necklace Unknown 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 1159 Adult Indet. 2 Necklace Shell 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 1159 Adult Indet. 2 Pendant Shell 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 1164 Child N/A 1 Necklace Unknown 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 1202 Infant N/A 1 Pendant Stone 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 1212 Child N/A 1 Pendant Shell 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 1261 Child N/A 1 Pendant Shell 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 1262 Child N/A 1 Pendant Shell 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 13 Adolescent N/A 1 Necklace Unknown 1

275 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 1308 Child N/A 1 Pendant Shell 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 1504 Child N/A 1 Pendant Shell 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 1507 Adolescent Indet. 1 Ring Unknown 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 169 Child N/A 2 Pendant Shell 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 169 Child N/A 2 Necklace Unknown 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 172 Adult Indet. 1 Bracelet Shell 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 176 Child N/A 1 Pendant Shell 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 185 Young Adult Indet. 3 Pendant Stone Turquoise 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 185 Young Adult Indet. 3 Pendant Shell 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 188 Old Adult Male 44 Bead/Earring Loop Stone Turquoise 39 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 188 Old Adult Male 44 Bead Shell 5 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 190 Child N/A 1 Necklace Unknown 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 193 Adult Female 1 Ring Unknown 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 197 Adult Male 1 Pendant Shell 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 206 Child N/A 2 Pendant Stone Turquoise 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 206 Child N/A 2 Necklace Shell 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 208 Infant N/A 1 Pendant Shell 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 211B Infant N/A 1 Necklace Shell 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 212 Child N/A 1 Necklace Shell 1 Ornament Time Total Number Ornament Ornament Ornament Material ‐ Location on Site Name/Number Region Burial Number Age Class Sex Ornament Type Material ‐ Quantity Period of Ornaments Shape Style Specific Body General Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 213 Adult Female 1 Comb Unknown 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 225 Old Adult Male 1 Necklace Unknown 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 23 Adult Female 2 Comb Stone Turquoise 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 23 Adult Female 2 Ring Unknown 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 231 Adult Indet. 2 Pendant Stone Turquoise 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 231 Adult Indet. 2 Necklace Shell 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 233 Child N/A 2 Bracelet Shell 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 233 Child N/A 2 Necklace Shell 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 505 Child N/A 1 Necklace Shell 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 585 Child N/A 2 Necklace Shell 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 585 Child N/A 2 Pendant Shell 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 634 Child N/A 1 Necklace Shell 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 646 Child N/A 1 Necklace Shell 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 655 Child N/A 2 Pendant Stone Turquoise 1 Hawikku

276 W Pueblo PIV Burial 675 Adult Indet. 1 Pendant Shell 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 69 Infant N/A 1 Necklace Shell 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 71A Adult Indet. 1 Necklace Unknown 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 725 Child N/A 1 Pendant Shell 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 750 Adult Indet. 1 Necklace Shell 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 777 Adult Male 2 Necklace Shell 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 777 Adult Male 2 Pendant Shell 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 8 Child N/A 1 Necklace Unknown 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 802 Young Adult Indet. 4 Pendant Stone Turquoise 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 802 Young Adult Indet. 4 Necklace Unknown 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 82 Child N/A 2 Pendant Shell 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 82 Child N/A 2 Pendant Stone 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 84 Adult Indet. 31 Bead Stone Turquoise 31 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 865 Adult Indet. 1 Pendant Stone 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 872A Adult Indet. 1 Pendant Stone Turquoise 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 872B Infant N/A 1 Necklace Shell 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 896 Adult Male 1 Pendant Stone 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 9 Child N/A 2 Necklace Shell 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 9 Child N/A 2 Pendant Shell 1 Ornament Time Total Number Ornament Ornament Ornament Material ‐ Location on Site Name/Number Region Burial Number Age Class Sex Ornament Type Material ‐ Quantity Period of Ornaments Shape Style Specific Body General Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 900 Child N/A 2 Necklace Shell 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 900 Child N/A 2 Pendant Shell 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 901 Adult Male 2 Necklace Shell 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 901 Adult Male 2 Necklace Unknown 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 909 Adult Indet. 1 Pendant Stone 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 920 Adolescent Female 4 Pendant Rectangular Mosaic Stone Turquoise 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 927A Adult Female 1 Comb Plain Organic Wood 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 951 Child N/A 1 Necklace Shell 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 952 Child N/A 2 Necklace Unknown 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 954 Child N/A 4 Pendant Stone Turquoise 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 954 Child N/A 4 Necklace Shell 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 954 Child N/A 4 Pendant Shell 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 954 Child N/A 4 Necklace Unknown 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 959 Adult Indet. 1 Pendant Stone Turquoise 1

277 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 965 Child N/A 1 Pendant Shell 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 966 Child N/A 1 Pendant Shell 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 975 Child N/A 2 Necklace Shell 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 975 Child N/A 2 Necklace Unknown 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 985 Adult Indet. 1 Pendant Stone 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 988 Child N/A 2 Necklace Shell 1 Hawikku W Pueblo PIV Burial 988 Child N/A 2 Necklace Unknown 1 Ignacio Field Camp N. San Juan BMII Burial 2 Adolescent Male 100 Pendant Circular Shell Abalone/Haliotis 1 Head Ignacio Field Camp N. San Juan BMII Burial 2 Adolescent Male 100 Bead Tubular Bone Bird 2 Head Ignacio Field Camp N. San Juan BMII Burial 2 Adolescent Male 100 Bead Circular Saucer Shell Olivella 26 Head Ignacio Field Camp N. San Juan BMII Burial 2 Adolescent Male 100 Bead Whole Spire lopped Shell Olivella biplicata 71 Head NE Arizona/SE Kinboko‐Cave 1 BMII Cist 16 Adult Female 88 Necklace Whole Spire lopped Shell Olivella 87 Neck Utah NE Arizona/SE Kinboko‐Cave 1 BMII Cist 16 Adult Female 88 Pendant Rectangular Tabular Stone 1 Neck Utah NE Arizona/SE Kinboko‐Cave 1 BMII Cist 3 Infant N/A 1 Bead Circular Subspherical Stone 1 Utah NE Arizona/SE Kinboko‐Cave 1 BMII Cist 9 Child N/A 1 Bead Stone Lignite 1 Utah LA2501 San Juan Basin BMIII Burial 8 Adolescent N/A 1 Bead/Pendant Square Tabular Stone Turquoise 1 Head LA2501 San Juan Basin BMIII Burial 3 Adult Female 7 Bead Whole shell Spire lopped Shell Olivella 7 Scapula Ornament Time Total Number Ornament Ornament Ornament Material ‐ Location on Site Name/Number Region Burial Number Age Class Sex Ornament Type Material ‐ Quantity Period of Ornaments Shape Style Specific Body General LA2501 San Juan Basin BMIII Burial 1 Adolescent N/A 4 Bead Whole shell Spire lopped Shell Olivella 4 LA2501 San Juan Basin BMIII Burial 7 Infant N/A 1 Pendant Rectangular Tabular Stone Red Dog Shale 1 LA37599 N. San Juan PII Burial 9 Adult Male 3 Pendant Stone Shale 1 LA37599 N. San Juan PII Burial 9 Adult Male 3 Bead Bone 1 LA37599 N. San Juan PII Burial 9 Adult Male 3 Ring Bone 1 LA6448 San Juan Basin BMII Burial 3 Adult Female 17 Pendant Shell Abalone/Haliotis 5 L shoulder LA6448 San Juan Basin BMII Burial 10 Infant N/A 7 Bead Cylindrical Stone Red Dog Shale 2 LA6448 San Juan Basin BMII Burial 10 Infant N/A 7 Bead Subspherical Stone Red Dog Shale 1 LA6448 San Juan Basin BMII Burial 10 Infant N/A 7 Bead Stone Siltstone 1 LA6448 San Juan Basin BMII Burial 10 Infant N/A 7 Pendant Rectangular Tabular Stone Siltstone 1 LA6448 San Juan Basin BMII Burial 10 Infant N/A 7 Bead Stone Steatite 1 LA6448 San Juan Basin BMII Burial 10 Infant N/A 7 Bead Cylindrical Stone Travertine 1 LA6448 San Juan Basin BMII Burial 2 Adolescent N/A 233 Pendant Circular Shaped shell Shell Abalone/Haliotis 4 LA6448 San Juan Basin BMII Burial 2 Adolescent N/A 233 Bead Whole Organic Juniper 240 LA6448 San Juan Basin BMII Burial 2 Adolescent N/A 233 Bead Whole Organic Lithospermum 115 LA6448 San Juan Basin BMII Burial 2 Adolescent N/A 233 Bead Whole Spire lopped Shell Olivella 16 LA6448 San Juan Basin BMII Burial 2 Adolescent N/A 233 Bead Stone Red Dog Shale 3 278 LA6448 San Juan Basin BMII Burial 2 Adolescent N/A 233 Bead Disk Shell Unidentified 6 LA6448 San Juan Basin BMII Burial 2 Adolescent N/A 233 Bead Stone 1 LA6448 San Juan Basin BMII Burial 3 Adult Female 17 Pendant Incised Shell Abalone/Haliotis 1 LA6448 San Juan Basin BMII Burial 3 Adult Female 17 Bead Organic Juniper 1 LA6448 San Juan Basin BMII Burial 3 Adult Female 17 Bead Whole shell Spire lopped Shell Olivella 10 LA6448 San Juan Basin BMII Burial 4 Young Adult Female 81 Pendant Incised Shell Abalone/Haliotis 1 LA6448 San Juan Basin BMII Burial 4 Young Adult Female 81 Pendant Shell Abalone/Haliotis 7 LA6448 San Juan Basin BMII Burial 4 Young Adult Female 81 Bead Disk Stone Azurite 2 LA6448 San Juan Basin BMII Burial 4 Young Adult Female 81 Bead Organic Juniper 32 LA6448 San Juan Basin BMII Burial 4 Young Adult Female 81 Bead Whole Spire lopped Shell Olivella 86 LA6448 San Juan Basin BMII Burial 4 Young Adult Female 81 Bead Disk Stone Red Dog Shale 1 LA6448 San Juan Basin BMII Burial 8 Young Adult Female 348 Pendant Shell Abalone/Haliotis 1 LA6448 San Juan Basin BMII Burial 8 Young Adult Female 348 Bead Disk Stone Azurite 2 LA6448 San Juan Basin BMII Burial 8 Young Adult Female 348 Bead Whole Organic Juniper 396 LA6448 San Juan Basin BMII Burial 8 Young Adult Female 348 Bead Whole Organic Lithospermum 195 LA6448 San Juan Basin BMII Burial 8 Young Adult Female 348 Bead Whole Spire lopped Shell Olivella 34 Ornament Time Total Number Ornament Ornament Ornament Material ‐ Location on Site Name/Number Region Burial Number Age Class Sex Ornament Type Material ‐ Quantity Period of Ornaments Shape Style Specific Body General LA6448 San Juan Basin BMII Burial 8 Young Adult Female 348 Bead Subspherical Stone Red Dog Shale 1 LA6448 San Juan Basin BMII Burial 8 Young Adult Female 348 Bead Tubular Bone 2 LA6448 San Juan Basin BMII Burial 9 Adult Male 2 Button Circular Plano‐convex Stone Jet/Lignite 2 LA6448 San Juan Basin BMII Burial 9/9A Multiple Multiple 15 Pendant Shell Abalone/Haliotis 11 LA6448 San Juan Basin BMII Burial 9/9A Multiple Multiple 15 Bead Circular Saucer Shell Olivella 1 LA6448 San Juan Basin BMII Burial 9/9A Multiple Multiple 15 Bead Whole Spire lopped Shell Olivella 2 LA6448 San Juan Basin BMII Burial 9/9A Multiple Multiple 15 Pendant Stone Red Dog Shale 1 LA6448 San Juan Basin BMII Burial 9A Adult Male 1 Bead Circular Disk Stone Red Dog Shale 1 LA65030 N. San Juan PII Burial 10 Adult Female 1 Pendant Stone Jet/Lignite 1 LA65030 N. San Juan PII Burial 5 Adult Female 1 Necklace Bone 1 LA80425 San Juan Basin BMIII Burial 3 Adult Male 2 Bead Whole Spire lopped Shell Olivella 2 BMIII/PI/ LA80934 San Juan Basin Burial 10 Adult Male 1 Pendant Sherd Ceramic Woodruff Brown 1 PII LA80934 San Juan Basin PI/PII Burial 6 Adult Female 2 Pendant Rectangular Tabular Shell Abalone/Haliotis 1 LA80934 San Juan Basin PI/PII Burial 6 Adult Female 2 Bead Bilobed Shell Unidentified 1 LA80934 San Juan Basin BMIII Burial 7 Infant N/A 32 Bead Whole Spire lopped Shell Olivella 28 LA80934 San Juan Basin BMIII Burial 7 Infant N/A 32 Pendant Triangular Dentate Stone Red Dog Shale 1 LA80934 San Juan Basin BMIII Burial 7 Infant N/A 32 Pendant Rectangular Tabular Stone Red Dog Shale 1 LA80934 San Juan Basin BMIII Burial 7 Infant N/A 32 Pendant D‐shape Tabular Stone Siltstone 1 279 LA80934 San Juan Basin BMIII Burial 7 Infant N/A 32 Pendant Rectangular Tabular Stone Siltstone 1 LA80934 San Juan Basin PI Burial 8 Adult Male 4 Bead Whole Spire lopped Shell Olivella 4 R hand LA83500 San Juan Basin PII 3‐124‐12 Adult Male 1 Ring Stone Jet/Lignite 1 finger LA83500 San Juan Basin PII 3‐124‐82 Adult Male 1 Pendant Stone Slate 1 Long House N. San Juan PIII Burial 10 Young Adult Indet. 3 Pendant Bone Eagle Talon 3 Long House N. San Juan PIII Burial 10 Young Adult Indet. 3 Pendant Triangular Tabular Stone Hornfels 1 Long House N. San Juan PIII Burial 10 Young Adult Indet. 3 Pendant Oval Tabular Stone Turquoise 1 Long House N. San Juan PIII Burial 10 Young Adult Indet. 3 Pendant Shaft Dentate Bone 1 Long House N. San Juan PIII Burial 4 Adult Male 1 Hair Ornament Stone Jet/Lignite 1 Marshview Hamlet N. San Juan PII/PIII Burial 13A‐E Multiple Multiple 1 Bead Bone 1 McPhee Village N. San Juan PI/PII Burial 1 Adult Male 4 Bracelet Shell Glycymeris 3 McPhee Village N. San Juan PI/PII Burial 1 Adult Male 4 Bead/Pendant Stone Turquoise 1 NE Arizona/SE Mitten Rock PII/PIII Burial 35 Child N/A 1 Bead Spire lopped Whole Shell Olive 1 Utah Mitten Rock NE Arizona/SE PII/PIII Burial 66 Old Adult Male 1 Bead Shell 54 Ornament Time Total Number Ornament Ornament Ornament Material ‐ Location on Site Name/Number Region Burial Number Age Class Sex Ornament Type Material ‐ Quantity Period of Ornaments Shape Style Specific Body General Utah NE Arizona/SE Mitten Rock PII/PIII Burial 70 Adult Indet. 12 Pendant/Bracelet Whole Shell Glycymeris 1 Utah NE Arizona/SE Mitten Rock PII/PIII Burial 70 Adult Indet. 12 Pendant/Bracelet Effigy Whole Shell Glycymeris 1 Utah NE Arizona/SE Mitten Rock PII/PIII Burial 70 Adult Indet. 12 Pendant Rectangular Tabular Stone Turquoise 1 Utah NE Arizona/SE Mitten Rock PII/PIII Burial 70 Adult Indet. 12 Bead Organic Wood 8 Utah NE Arizona/SE Mitten Rock PII/PIII Burial 70 Adult Indet. 12 Pendant Shell 1 Utah NE Arizona/SE Mummy Cave BMII/III Mummy 1 Adult Male 1 Bead/Bracelet Shell 1 L wrist Utah Near Una Vida San Juan Basin PII Burial a‐b Multiple Multiple 2 Pendant Stone 2 North Shelter N. San Juan BMII Burial 29 Adolescent Female 503 Pendant Shell Oliva 1 Chest North Shelter N. San Juan BMII Burial 29 Adolescent Female 503 Bead Stone 1 Knees North Shelter N. San Juan BMII Burial 29 Adolescent Female 503 Bead Stone 1 Knees North Shelter N. San Juan BMII Burial 28 Adolescent Female 1787 Bead Disk Shell Abalone/Haliotis 4 Neck 280 North Shelter N. San Juan BMII Burial 28 Adolescent Female 1787 Bead Disk Stone 3 Neck North Shelter N. San Juan BMII Burial 29 Adolescent Female 503 Bead Whole Shell Olivella 500 Neck Neck and North Shelter N. San Juan BMII Burial 28 Adolescent Female 1787 Bead Whole Shell Olivella 80 chest North Shelter N. San Juan BMII Burial 28 Adolescent Female 1787 Bead Tubular Organic Seed 1700 North Shelter N. San Juan BMII Burial 8 Adult Indet. 1 Pendant Shell 1 Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 948 Adult Indet. 22 Pendant Whole Shell Glycymeris 22 Abdomen Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 1421 Infant N/A 1 Tinkler Shell Conus 1 Breast Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 1116 Old Adult Male 1 Pendant Oval Shaped shell Shell 1 Cheek Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 1830 Adult Male 312 Bead Irregular Shell Bivalve 12 Chin to hips Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 1830 Adult Male 312 Bead Disk Stone Turquoise 47 Chin to hips Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 1830 Adult Male 312 Bead Bone 250 Chin to hips Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 1830 Adult Male 312 Bead Shell 3 Chin to hips Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 539 Child N/A 5 Pendant Whole Shell Glycymeris 5 Elbow Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 56 Child N/A 1 Earring Mosaic Stone Turquoise 1 Elbows Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 56 Child N/A 1 Bead Shell 1 Elbows Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 1290 Old Adult Male 1 Pendant Shell Glycymeris 1 Head Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 1009 Infant N/A 1 Tinkler Shell Conus 1 Neck Ornament Time Total Number Ornament Ornament Ornament Material ‐ Location on Site Name/Number Region Burial Number Age Class Sex Ornament Type Material ‐ Quantity Period of Ornaments Shape Style Specific Body General Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 1020 Adult Indet. 16 Pendant Whole Shell Glycymeris 16 Neck Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 1040 Infant N/A 25 Tinkler Shell Conus 15 Neck Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 1040 Infant N/A 25 Pendant Shell Glycymeris 1 Neck Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 1040 Infant N/A 25 Pendant Whole Shell Glycymeris 9 Neck Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 1553 Infant N/A 200 Bead Shell Alectrion 200 Neck Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 590 Child N/A 4 Tinkler Shell Conus 1 Neck Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 590 Child N/A 4 Bead/Pendant Whole Stone Quartz 1 Neck Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 590 Child N/A 4 Bead Bone 2 Neck Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 726 Infant N/A 3 Pendant Shell Unio 3 Neck Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 837 Child N/A 5 Bead Shell Olivella 5 Neck Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 976 Adult Male 1 Pendant Shell Glycymeris 1 Neck Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 1058 Infant N/A 11 Tinkler Shell Conus 4 Pelvis Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 1058 Infant N/A 11 Pendant Shell Glycymeris 1 Pelvis Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 1058 Infant N/A 11 Pendant Whole Shell Glycymeris 6 Pelvis Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 1434 Old Adult Male 2 Pendant Shell Glycymeris 1 Pelvis 281 Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 1434 Old Adult Male 2 Mosaic/Tessera Shell/Stone Turquoise 1 Pelvis Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 648 Infant N/A 12 Bead Shell Olivella 12 R Shoulder Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 498 Infant N/A 50 Bead Shell Olivella 50 R wrist Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 625 Adult Male 14 Tinkler Shell Conus 8 R Wrist Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 625 Adult Male 14 Bead Whole Shell Olivella 6 R Wrist Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 625 Adult Male 14 Bead Stone Turquoise 1 R Wrist Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 469 Child N/A 1 Bead Stone Turquoise 1 Upper L arm Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 469 Child N/A 1 Bead Disk Shell 20 Upper L arm Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 1449 Infant N/A 200 Bead Whole Shell Olivella 200 Waist Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 1835 Old Adult Indet. 14 Tinkler Shell Conus 1 Waist Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 1835 Old Adult Indet. 14 Pendant Shell Glycymeris 1 Waist Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 1835 Old Adult Indet. 14 Bead Whole Shell Olivella 12 Waist Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 1841 Old Adult Indet. 1 Pendant Shell Glycymeris 1 Waist Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 436 Child N/A 12 Bead Whole Shell Olivella 12 Waist Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 598 Infant N/A 25 Bead Whole Shell Olivella 25 Waist Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 1037 Old Adult Male 10 Pendant Whole Shell Glycymeris 10 Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 1065 Adult Male 51 Bead Irregular Stone Turquoise 50 Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 1065 Adult Male 51 Bead Disk Shell 1 Ornament Time Total Number Ornament Ornament Ornament Material ‐ Location on Site Name/Number Region Burial Number Age Class Sex Ornament Type Material ‐ Quantity Period of Ornaments Shape Style Specific Body General Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 1193 Adult Indet. 2 Bead Truncated Shell Olivella 1 Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 1193 Adult Indet. 2 Bead Saucer Shell 2 Ligumia recta Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 1386 Infant N/A 1 Pendant Whole Shell 1 latissima Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 1396 Child N/A 2 Pendant Stone Turquoise 1 Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 1396 Child N/A 2 Mosaic/Tessera Stone 1 Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 1454 Infant N/A 1 Pendant Whole Shell Chione sp. 1 Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 1736 Infant N/A 1 Pendant Shell Abalone/Haliotis 1 Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 240 Infant N/A 1 Necklace Whole Shell Glycymeris 1 Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 47 Adult Female 1 Pendant Triangular Shell Unio 1 Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 880 Infant N/A 2 Tinkler Shell Conus 2 Pecos Pueblo Rio Grande PIV Skel 988 Infant N/A 2 Tinkler Shell Conus 2 NE Arizona/SE Pocket Cave BMIII Burial 3 Infant N/A 2 Bracelet Whole/Disk Shell Olivella 1 L wrist Utah Pocket Cave NE Arizona/SE BMIII Burial 2 Infant N/A 1 Necklace Whole/Disk Shell/Stone Olivella 1 Neck 282 Utah NE Arizona/SE Pocket Cave BMIII Burial 3 Infant N/A 2 Necklace Whole/disk Shell/Stone Olivella 1 Neck Utah Porter Pueblo N. San Juan PIII Burial 1P1‐06 Young Adult Indet. 1 Bead Unknown 1 Porter Pueblo N. San Juan PIII Burial 1P2‐02 Old Adult Indet. 1 Bead Bone 1 Pottery Mound Rio Grande PIV Burial 24 Adult Female 1 Effigy/Pendant Bird Stone Selenite 1 Neck Pottery Mound Rio Grande PIV Burial 6 Adult Male 4 Bead Tubular Bone Bird 4 R elbow NE Arizona/SE Prayer Rock‐Cave 4 BMIII Burial 2 Infant N/A 3 Bead/Bracelet Shell Olivella 1 L wrist Utah NE Arizona/SE Prayer Rock‐Cave 4 BMIII Burial 2 Infant N/A 3 Necklace Disk Stone Unidentified 1 Neck Utah NE Arizona/SE Prayer Rock‐Cave 4 BMIII Burial 2 Infant N/A 3 Bead/Pendant Shell Abalone/Haliotis 1 Utah Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3672 Adult Male 14761 Mosaic/Tessera Stone Jet/Lignite 5 Abdomen Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3672 Adult Male 14761 Bead Disk Stone Turquoise 2642 Abdomen Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3672 Adult Male 14761 Pendant Effigy Rabbit Stone Turquoise 2 Abdomen Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3672 Adult Male 14761 Pendant Geometric Shoe Stone Turquoise 1 Abdomen Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3672 Adult Male 14761 Pendant Stone Turquoise 168 Abdomen Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3672 Adult Male 14761 Bead/Necklace Disk Stone Turquoise 1980 Chest 327080,327082,3 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII Multiple Multiple 18 Bead Stone 1 Head 27085,327086 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3672 Adult Male 14761 Bead Disk Stone Turquoise 434 L ankle Ornament Time Total Number Ornament Ornament Ornament Material ‐ Location on Site Name/Number Region Burial Number Age Class Sex Ornament Type Material ‐ Quantity Period of Ornaments Shape Style Specific Body General Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3672 Adult Male 14761 Pendant Stone Turquoise 8 L ankle Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3672 Adult Male 14761 Bead Cylindrical Shell Unidentified 1 L ankle Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3672 Adult Male 14761 Bead Shell Unidentified 4 L ankle Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3672 Adult Male 14761 Bead Stone 4 L ankle Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII Picture Cliff 1 Adult Male 1 Pendant Round Tabular Stone Jet/Lignite 1 L Clavicle Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3672 Adult Male 14761 Bead Cylindrcal Stone Turquoise 4 L wrist Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3672 Adult Male 14761 Bead Disk Stone Turquoise 2384 L wrist Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3672 Adult Male 14761 Pendant Bifurcated Stone Turquoise 1 L wrist Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3672 Adult Male 14761 Pendant Effigy Bird Stone Turquoise 5 L wrist Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3672 Adult Male 14761 Pendant Stone Turquoise 189 L wrist Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3672 Adult Male 14761 Pendant Irregular Shell Unidentified 5 L wrist Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3671 Adult Male 6000 Bead Stone Turquoise 2997 Legs Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3660 Adult Male 2 Bead Stone Turquoise 1 Near head Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3661 Adult Male 2 Bead Stone Turquoise 1 Near head Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3661 Adult Male 2 Pendant Stone Turquoise 1 Near head Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3660 Adult Male 2 Pendant Stone Turquoise 1 Near head. Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3671 Adult Male 6000 Bead Disk Stone Turquoise 698 R ankle 283 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3672 Adult Male 14761 Bead Cylindrcal Stone Turquoise 2 R ankle Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3672 Adult Male 14761 Bead Disk Stone Turquoise 322 R ankle Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3672 Adult Male 14761 Pendant Stone Turquoise 5 R ankle Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3671 Adult Male 6000 Bead Disk Stone Turquoise 1628 R arm Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3671 Adult Male 6000 Pendant Stone Turquoise 1 R arm Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3672 Adult Male 14761 Bracelet Fragments Shell Glycymeris 15 R knee Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3672 Adult Male 14761 Bracelet Shell Glycymeris 25 R knee Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3672 Adult Male 14761 Bead/Bracelet Disk Stone Turquoise 617 R wrist Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3672 Adult Male 14761 Pendant Stone Turquoise 147 R wrist Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3672 Adult Male 14761 Bead Shell 1 R wrist Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3672 Adult Male 14761 Bead Stone 2 R wrist Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 327083% Adult Male 1 Button Stone Jet/Lignite 1 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 327084% Adult Male 4 Ring Stone Jet/Lignite 4 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 327098% Child N/A 2 Disc Shell Abalone/Haliotis 1 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 327098% Child N/A 2 Pendant Shell Abalone/Haliotis 1 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 327099% Adult Male 2 Disc Shell 2 Ornament Time Total Number Ornament Ornament Ornament Material ‐ Location on Site Name/Number Region Burial Number Age Class Sex Ornament Type Material ‐ Quantity Period of Ornaments Shape Style Specific Body General Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3671 Adult Male 6000 Bead Disk Stone Turquoise 567 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3671 Adult Male 6000 Pendant Stone Turquoise 9 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3671 Adult Male Bead Disk Shell Unidentified 3 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3672 Adult Male 14761 Bead Stone Turquoise 2150 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3672 Adult Male 14761 Pendant Stone Turquoise 152 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3672 Adult Male 14761 Pendant Stone Turquoise 22 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3672 Adult Male 14761 Bead/Pendant Shell Unidentified 3317 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3672 Adult Male 14761 Bead Cylindrical Shell 78 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3672 Adult Male 14761 Pendant Shell 68 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3672 Adult Male 14761 Pendant Effigy Animal Stone 1 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 5634 Child N/A 4000 Bead Stone Turquoise 2000 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 5634 Child N/A 4000 Bead Shell 2000 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 327072 Adult Female 2 Pendant Stone Jet/Lignite 1 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 327072 Adult Female 2 Pendant Stone Turquoise 1 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 327073 Adult Female 1 Pendant Stone Turquoise 1 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 327076 Adult Female 2 Bead/Bracelet Stone Turquoise 1 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 327076 Adult Female 2 Pendant Stone Turquoise 1 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 327100 Adult Male 5 Bead Shell 1 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 327100 Adult Male 5 Earring Shell 1

284 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 327100 Adult Male 5 Necklace Shell 1 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 327100 Adult Male 5 Pendant Shell 1 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 327104 Child N/A 2 Pendant Shell 2 327048,327058,3 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII Multiple Multiple 151 Bead Disk Stone Turquoise 126 27065 327048,327058,3 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII Multiple Multiple 151 Bead Rectangular Elongated Stone Turquoise 6 27065 327048,327058,3 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII Multiple Multiple 151 Pendant Stone Turquoise 7 27065 327048,327058,3 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII Adult Multiple 151 Bead Bilobed Shell Unidentified 4 27065 327048,327058,3 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII Multiple Multiple 151 Pendant Shell Unidentified 4 27065 327048,327058,3 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII Multiple Multiple 151 Bead Stone 4 27065 327106,327111,3 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII Multiple Multiple 4 Bead Stone Turquoise 1 27129 Ornament Time Total Number Ornament Ornament Ornament Material ‐ Location on Site Name/Number Region Burial Number Age Class Sex Ornament Type Material ‐ Quantity Period of Ornaments Shape Style Specific Body General 327106,327111,3 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII Multiple Multiple 4 Mosaic/Tessera Stone Turquoise 1 27129 327106,327111,3 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII Multiple Multiple 4 Bead Bilobed Shell 1 27129 327106,327111,3 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII Multiple Multiple 4 Pendant Shell 1 27129 327080,327082,3 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII Multiple Multiple 18 Ring Bird Stone Jet/Lignite 1 27085,327086 327080,327082,3 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII Multiple Multiple 18 Ring Stone Jet/Lignite 2 27085,327086 327080,327082,3 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII Multiple Multiple 18 Pendant Stone Red Shale 1 27085,327086 327080,327082,3 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII Multiple Multiple 18 Mosaic/Tessera Shell/Stone Turquoise 1 27085,327086 327080,327082,3 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII Multiple Multiple 18 Bead Disk Stone Turquoise 1 27085,327086 327080,327082,3 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII Multiple Multiple 18 Bead Stone Turquoise 1 27085,327086 327080,327082,3 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII Multiple Multiple 18 Bead Bilobed Shell 1 27085,327086

285 Pueblo Bonito 327080,327082,3 San Juan Basin PII Multiple Multiple 18 Mosaic/Tessera Shell 1 27085,327086 327080,327082,3 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII Multiple Multiple 18 Necklace Shell 1 27085,327086 327080,327082,3 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII Multiple Multiple 18 Pendant Shell 7 27085,327086 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 327078a‐b Multiple Multiple 12 Pendant Stone Fluorite 1 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 327078a‐b Multiple Multiple 12 Bead Stone Hematite 1 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 327078a‐b Multiple Multiple 12 Pendant Stone Turquoise 6 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 327078a‐b Multiple Multiple 12 Pendant Stone Turquoise 1 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 327078a‐b Multiple Multiple 12 Bead Tubular Bone 1 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 327078a‐b Multiple Multiple 12 Button Disk Bone 1 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 327078a‐b Multiple Multiple 12 Bead Stone 1 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3659‐3670 Multiple Multiple 29250 Disc Shell Abalone/Haliotis 10 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3659‐3670 Multiple Multiple 29250 Mosaic/Tessera Stone Iron pyrite 2 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3659‐3670 Multiple Multiple 29250 Mosaic/Tessera Stone Jet/Lignite 173 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3659‐3670 Multiple Multiple 29250 Ring Stone Jet/Lignite 1 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3659‐3670 Multiple Multiple 29250 Bead Shell Olivella 2 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3659‐3670 Multiple Multiple 29250 Bead Stone Turquoise 24932 Ornament Time Total Number Ornament Ornament Ornament Material ‐ Location on Site Name/Number Region Burial Number Age Class Sex Ornament Type Material ‐ Quantity Period of Ornaments Shape Style Specific Body General Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3659‐3670 Multiple Multiple 29250 Mosaic/Tessera Stone Turquoise 451 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3659‐3670 Multiple Multiple 29250 Mosaic/Tessera Stone Turquoise 1052 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3659‐3670 Multiple Multiple 29250 Pendant Effigy Stone Turquoise 15 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3659‐3670 Multiple Multiple 29250 Pendant Stone Turquoise 512 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3659‐3670 Multiple Multiple 29250 Bead Shell 2042 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3659‐3670 Multiple Multiple 29250 Bracelet Shell 89 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3659‐3670 Multiple Multiple 29250 Pendant Inlay/Mosaic Shell 1 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3659‐3670 Multiple Multiple 29250 Pendant Shell 17 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII 3659‐3670 Multiple Multiple 29250 Pendant Effigy Bird 1 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII No Number Adult Indet. 13 Effigy Bird Stone Hematite 1 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII No Number Adult Indet. 13 Ornament Circular Stone Jet/Lignite 1 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII No Number Adult Indet. 13 Bead Stone Turquoise 9 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII No Number Child N/A 1 Bead Bone 1 Pueblo Bonito San Juan Basin PII No Number Adult Indet. 13 Bead Shell 2 NE Arizona/SE Ramp Site (Hopi Buttes) PIII Burial 1 Adult Male 4 Bracelet Shell Glycymeris 1 Under body Utah NE Arizona/SE Ramp Site (Hopi Buttes) PIII Burial 1 Adult Male 4 Pendant Inlay/Mosaic Shell/Stone Abalone/Haliotis 1 Utah NE Arizona/SE Ramp Site (Hopi Buttes) PIII Burial 1 Adult Male 4 Bead Shell Crinoid stem 1 Utah NE Arizona/SE Ramp Site (Hopi Buttes) PIII Burial 1 Adult Male 4 Pendant Whole Shell Glycymeris 1 Utah RB 568 NE Arizona/SE 286 PIII Burial 49 Adult Female 1 Bead/Necklace Disk Shell 1 Neck Utah NE Arizona/SE RB 568 PIII Burial 26 Adult Male 39003 Bead Stone Argillite 39000 Utah NE Arizona/SE RB 568 PIII Burial 26 Adult Male 39003 Pendant Stone Turquoise 2 Utah NE Arizona/SE RB 568 PIII Burial 45 Old Adult Female 8 Bead Shell 8 Utah NE Arizona/SE RB 568 PIII Burial 50 Adult Female 50404 Bead Stone Argillite 50400 Utah NE Arizona/SE RB 568 PIII Burial 50 Adult Female 50404 Pendant Ovoid Tabular Stone Turquoise 2 Utah NE Arizona/SE RB 568 PIII Burial 50 Adult Female 50404 Bracelet Painted Organic Wood 1 Utah NE Arizona/SE RB 568 PIII Burial 50 Adult Female 50404 Pendant Rectangle Mosaic Organic/stone Wood/Turquoise 1 Utah RB 568 NE Arizona/SE PIII Burial 9 Child N/A 1 Bead/Bracelet Shell Olivella 1 Ornament Time Total Number Ornament Ornament Ornament Material ‐ Location on Site Name/Number Region Burial Number Age Class Sex Ornament Type Material ‐ Quantity Period of Ornaments Shape Style Specific Body General Utah Salmon Ruins N. San Juan PII/PIII 33‐082W‐014 Child N/A 2 Bead Stone 1 Salmon Ruins N. San Juan PII/PIII 33‐082W‐014 Child N/A 2 Pendant Stone 1 Salmon Ruins N. San Juan PII/PIII 34‐082W‐015 Adolescent N/A 1 Pendant Tabular Stone Gypsum 1 Salmon Ruins N. San Juan PII/PIII 51‐093W‐007 Infant N/A 1 Bead Tubular Bone 1 NE Arizona/SE Sand Dune Cave BMII Burial 2 Adult Male 7 Pendant Shell Abalone/Haliotis 3 Neck Utah NE Arizona/SE Sand Dune Cave BMII Burial 1 Adolescent Female 3 Pendant Circular Button Shell Abalone/Haliotis 3 Upper chest Utah NE Arizona/SE Sand Dune Cave BMII Burial 2 Adult Male 7 Pendant Geometric Stone Jet/Lignite 4 Utah Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE BMII Skel 11a Child N/A 4 Bead Circular Disk Shell Abalone/Haliotis 1 Chin Cave Utah Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE BMII Skel 11a Child N/A 4 Pendant Circular Shaped Shell Shell Abalone/Haliotis 1 Chin Cave Utah Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE BMII Skel 11a Child N/A 4 Bead Whole Shell Olivella 1 Chin Cave Utah Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE BMII Skel 11a Child N/A 4 Pendant Rectangular Tabular Stone Picrolite 1 Chin Cave Utah Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE BMII Skel 11a Child N/A 4 Pendant Irregular Shell Unidentified 1 Chin Cave Utah Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE BMII Skel 2 Child N/A 1 Pendant Circular Shaped shell Shell Abalone/Haliotis 1 Chin Cave Utah 287 Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE BMII Skel 2 Child N/A 1 Pendant Rectangular Tabular Stone Satin spar 1 Chin Cave Utah Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE BMII Skel 5 Adult Male 20 Bead Whole Spire lopped Shell Olivella 10 Chin Cave Utah Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE BMII Skel 5 Adult Male 20 Bead Cylindrical Organic Seed 10 Chin Cave Utah Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE BMII Cist B‐b Old Adult Male 29 Bead Disk Stone Jet/Lignite 5 Head Cave Utah Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE BMII Cist B‐b Old Adult Male 29 Bead Whole Spire lopped Shell Olivella 4 Head Cave Utah Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE BMII Cist B‐b Old Adult Male 29 Bead Cylindrical Organic Seed 18 Head Cave Utah Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE BMII Cist B‐b Old Adult Male 29 Bead Cylindrical Stone 1 Head Cave Utah Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE BMII Cist B‐b Old Adult Male 29 Bead Disk Stone 1 Head Cave Utah Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE BMII Skel 11b Infant N/A 1 Bead Cylindrical Shell Asphaltite 1 Head Cave Utah Ornament Time Total Number Ornament Ornament Ornament Material ‐ Location on Site Name/Number Region Burial Number Age Class Sex Ornament Type Material ‐ Quantity Period of Ornaments Shape Style Specific Body General Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE BMII Skel 8 Adult Male 1 Bead Whole Shell Conus 2 Head Cave Utah Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE BMII Skel 8 Adult Male 1 Bead Tubular Bone Long Bone 1 Head Cave Utah Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE BMII Skel 8 Adult Male 1 Bead Whole Shell Olivella 53 Head Cave Utah Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE BMII Skel 8 Adult Male 1 Bead Circular Saucer Shell Unidentified 7 Head Cave Utah Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE BMII Skel 8 Adult Male 1 Bead/Necklace Stone Jet/Lignite 1 Neck Cave Utah Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE BMII Skel 8 Adult Male 1 Bead Subspherical Stone 41 Neck Cave Utah Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE BMII Skel 6 Adult Female 1 Bead Subspherical Stone Siltstone 14 Neck/Chin Cave Utah Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE BMII Cist B‐a Adult Male 22 Bead Cylindrical Organic Seed 22 Shoulder Cave Utah Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE BMII Cist Ba‐s Multiple Multiple 40 Bead Round Disk Shell Abalone/Haliotis 1 Cave Utah Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE BMII Cist Ba‐s Multiple Multiple 40 Pendant Wing Shaped shell Shell Abalone/Haliotis 1 Cave Utah Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE 288 BMII Cist Ba‐s Multiple Multiple 40 Pendant Circular Shaped shell Shell Abalone/Haliotis 1 Cave Utah Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE BMII Cist Ba‐s Multiple Multiple 40 Pendant Circular Flat Organic Gourd 1 Cave Utah Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE BMII Cist Ba‐s Multiple Multiple 40 Bead Disk Stone Jet/Lignite 11 Cave Utah Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE BMII Cist Ba‐s Multiple Multiple 40 Bead Subspherical Stone Jet/Lignite 3 Cave Utah Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE BMII Cist Ba‐s Multiple Multiple 40 Pendant Triangular Dentate Stone Jet/Lignite 2 Cave Utah Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE BMII Cist Ba‐s Multiple Multiple 40 Bead Whole Spire lopped Shell Olive 1 Cave Utah Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE BMII Cist Ba‐s Multiple Multiple 40 Bead Whole Spire lopped Shell Olivella 4 Cave Utah Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE Arrow/Triangul BMII Cist Ba‐s Multiple Multiple 40 Pendant Tabular Stone Schist 1 Cave Utah ar Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE BMII Cist Ba‐s Multiple Multiple 40 Bead Subspherical Stone Siltstone 2 Cave Utah Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE BMII Cist Ba‐s Multiple Multiple 40 Pendant Rectangular Irregular Shell Unidentified 1 Cave Utah Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE BMII Cist Ba‐s Multiple Multiple 40 Bead Round Spherical Bone 1 Cave Utah Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE BMII Cist Ba‐s Multiple Multiple 40 Bead Tubular Bone 2 Ornament Time Total Number Ornament Ornament Ornament Material ‐ Location on Site Name/Number Region Burial Number Age Class Sex Ornament Type Material ‐ Quantity Period of Ornaments Shape Style Specific Body General Cave Utah Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE BMII Cist Ba‐s Multiple Multiple 40 Bead Disk Shell 1 Cave Utah Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE BMII Cist Ba‐s Multiple Multiple 40 Bead Disk Stone 1 Cave Utah Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE BMII Cist Ba‐s Multiple Multiple 40 Bead Disk Stone 1 Cave Utah Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE BMII Cist Ba‐s Multiple Multiple 40 Bead Disk Stone 1 Cave Utah Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE BMII Cist Ba‐s Multiple Multiple 40 Pendant Bell Tabular Stone 1 Cave Utah Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE BMII Cist Ba‐s Multiple Multiple 40 Pendant Rectangular Tabular Stone 1 Cave Utah Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE BMII Cist Ba‐s Multiple Multiple 40 Pendant Rectangular Tabular Stone 1 Cave Utah Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE BMII Cist Ba‐s Multiple Multiple 40 Pendant Oval Tabular Stone 1 Cave Utah Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE BMII Skel 1 Child N/A 2 Pendant Whole Shell Glycymeris 1 Cave Utah Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE BMII Skel 1 Child N/A 2 Bead Circular Saucer Bone Unidentified 1 Cave Utah 289 Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE BMII Skel 6 Adult Female 1 Bead Subspherical Stone Jet/Lignite 4 Cave Utah Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE BMII Skel 6 Adult Female 1 Bead Subspherical Stone Limestone 1 Cave Utah Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE BMII Skel 6 Adult Female 1 Bead Disk Stone Sandstone 2 Cave Utah Sayodneechee Burial NE Arizona/SE BMII Skel 6 Adult Female 1 Bead Round Spherical Bone Unidentified 6 Cave Utah Site 41 N. San Juan PIII Burial 30/4 Adult Male 1 Pendant Unmodified Conglomorite Stone Hematite 1 Breast Site 98 San Juan Basin PII/PIII Burial 1 a‐b Multiple Multiple 2 Pendant Whole Shell Cerithidea 1 Head Site 98 San Juan Basin PII/PIII Burial 1 a‐b Multiple Multiple 2 Pendant Oval Tabular Stone Turquoise 1 Head Stevenson Site N. San Juan BMIII Burial 1S‐02 Adult Male 1 Necklace Whole Shell Olivella 1 Stevenson Site N. San Juan BMIII Burial 1S‐04 Child N/A 1 Pendant Stone 1 NE Arizona/SE Sunflower Cave BMII Burial 4 Adult Male 96 Bead Whole Spire lopped Shell Olivella 7 Utah NE Arizona/SE Sunflower Cave BMII Burial 4 Adult Male 96 Bead Disk Shell Unidentified 84 Utah NE Arizona/SE Sunflower Cave BMII Burial 4 Adult Male 96 Bead Disk Stone 4 Utah Sunflower Cave NE Arizona/SE BMII Burial 4 Adult Male 96 Bead Subspherical Stone 1 Ornament Time Total Number Ornament Ornament Ornament Material ‐ Location on Site Name/Number Region Burial Number Age Class Sex Ornament Type Material ‐ Quantity Period of Ornaments Shape Style Specific Body General Utah NE Arizona/SE Sunflower Cave BMII Cist 10 Child N/A 1 Bead Cylindrical Organic Seed 1 Utah Tres Bobos Hamlet N. San Juan BMIII/PI Burial 4 Adult Male 155 Bead Shell 155 NE Arizona/SE Tsegi‐Cave 3 BMII Burial 2 Adult Male 97 Hair Ornament Organic/Bone 1 Head Utah NE Arizona/SE Tsegi‐Cave 3 BMII Burial 2 Adult Male 97 Necklace Disk Bone 96 Neck Utah NE Arizona/SE Tsehatso BMIII Unknown Old Adult Female 1 Bead/Bracelet Whole Spire lopped Shell Olivella 200 L wrist Utah NE Arizona/SE Twin Butte Site BMIII Burial 7 Adult Male 1 Bead Disk Shell Unidentified 200 Chest Utah NE Arizona/SE Twin Butte Site BMIII Burial 1 Adult Indet. 1 Pendant Rectangular Shaped shell Shell Abalone/Haliotis 1 Chin Utah NE Arizona/SE Twin Butte Site BMIII Burial 4 Infant N/A 17 Bracelet Disk Shell Glycymeris 1 L wrist Utah NE Arizona/SE Twin Butte Site BMIII Burial 5 Adult Female 1 Bead Whole Spire lopped Shell Olivella 1 Neck Utah Twin Butte Site NE Arizona/SE BMIII Burial 5 Adult Female 1 Bead Disk Shell Unidentified 100 Neck 290 Utah NE Arizona/SE Twin Butte Site BMIII Burial 6 Adult Male 1 Bead Whole Spire lopped Shell Olivella 1 Neck Utah NE Arizona/SE Twin Butte Site BMIII Burial 6 Adult Male 1 Bead Disk Shell Unidentified 100 Neck Utah NE Arizona/SE Twin Butte Site BMIII Burial 5 Adult Female 1 Bead Whole Spire lopped Shell Olivella 1 Wrist Utah NE Arizona/SE Twin Butte Site BMIII Burial 6 Adult Male 1 Bead Whole Spire lopped Shell Olivella 1 Wrist Utah NE Arizona/SE Twin Butte Site BMIII Burial 2 Adult Indet. 1 Pendant Rectangular Shaped shell Shell Abalone/Haliotis 200 Utah NE Arizona/SE Twin Butte Site BMIII Burial 2 Adult Indet. 1 Pendant Shell Spina chama 8 Utah NE Arizona/SE Twin Butte Site BMIII Burial 2 Adult Indet. 1 Bead Bilobed Shell Unidentified 800 Utah NE Arizona/SE Twin Butte Site BMIII Burial 3 Adult Indet. 1 Bracelet Shell Glycymeris 1 Utah NE Arizona/SE Twin Butte Site BMIII Burial 3 Adult Indet. 1 Bead Whole Spire lopped Shell Olivella 8 Utah NE Arizona/SE Twin Butte Site BMIII Burial 4 Infant N/A 17 Bead Shell Olivella 15 Utah NE Arizona/SE Twin Butte Site BMIII Burial 5‐6 Multiple Multiple 1 Pendant Stone Turquoise 1 Utah Ornament Time Total Number Ornament Ornament Ornament Material ‐ Location on Site Name/Number Region Burial Number Age Class Sex Ornament Type Material ‐ Quantity Period of Ornaments Shape Style Specific Body General NE Arizona/SE Twin Butte Site BMIII Burial 7 Adult Male 1 Pendant Rectangular Shaped shell Shell Abalone/Haliotis 1 Utah NE Arizona/SE Twin Butte Site BMIII Burial 7 Adult Male 1 Bead Whole Spire lopped Shell Olivella 1 Utah Twin Lakes Site San Juan Basin BMIII Burial 1 Adolescent N/A 6 Bead Whole shell Spire lopped Shell Olivella 6 (LA2507) Wallace Ruin N. San Juan PIII Burial 3 Adult Male 2 Mosaic/Tessera Disk Bone/stone Galena 2 NE Arizona/SE White Dog Cave BMII Mummy 2 Adult Male 108 Pendant Half circle Shaped shell Shell Abalone/Haliotis 1 Breast Utah NE Arizona/SE White Dog Cave BMII Cist 24 Adult Male 123 Comb Zig‐Zag edge Bone 1 Chest Utah NE Arizona/SE White Dog Cave BMII Mummy 2 Adult Male 108 Comb Bone 1 Chest Utah NE Arizona/SE White Dog Cave BMII Cist 13 Child N/A 13 Bead/Necklace Disk Organic Seed 12 Neck Utah NE Arizona/SE White Dog Cave BMII Cist 22a Adult Female 41 Bead/Necklace Circular Disk Shell Abalone/Haliotis 2 Neck Utah NE Arizona/SE White Dog Cave BMII Cist 22a Adult Female 41 Pendant Circular Disk Shell Abalone/Haliotis 1 Neck Utah NE Arizona/SE White Dog Cave BMII Cist 22a Adult Female 41 Bead/Necklace Whole Spire lopped Shell Olivella 4 Neck Utah NE Arizona/SE White Dog Cave BMII Cist 22a Adult Female 41 Bead/Necklace Cylindrical Organic Seed 34 Neck Utah White Dog Cave NE Arizona/SE

291 BMII Cist 22b Adult Male 11 Bead Circular disk Saucer Shell Olivella 11 Neck Utah NE Arizona/SE White Dog Cave BMII Cist 24 Adult Male 123 Bead/Necklace Disk Stone Jet/Lignite 35 Neck Utah NE Arizona/SE White Dog Cave BMII Cist 24 Adult Male 123 Bead Whole Spire lopped Shell Olivella 14 Neck Utah NE Arizona/SE White Dog Cave BMII Cist 24 Adult Male 123 Bead/Necklace Disk Shell Unidentified 35 Neck Utah NE Arizona/SE White Dog Cave BMII Cist 24 Adult Male 123 Bead/Necklace Disk Stone 1 Neck Utah NE Arizona/SE Cylindrical/rou White Dog Cave BMII Mummy 1 Adult Male 100 Bead Whole/shaped Organic Seed 100 Neck Utah nd NE Arizona/SE White Dog Cave BMII Mummy 2 Adult Male 108 Pendant Rectangle Shaped shell Shell Abalone/Haliotis 1 Neck Utah NE Arizona/SE White Dog Cave BMII Mummy 2 Adult Male 108 Necklace Cylinder Modified seed Organic Seed 100 Neck Utah NE Arizona/SE White Dog Cave BMII Cist 13 Child N/A 13 Tinkler Unmodified Bone Hoof 1 R hand Utah NE Arizona/SE White Dog Cave BMII Cist 10 Child N/A 5 Bead Tubular Bone 5 Utah Ornament Time Total Number Ornament Ornament Ornament Material ‐ Location on Site Name/Number Region Burial Number Age Class Sex Ornament Type Material ‐ Quantity Period of Ornaments Shape Style Specific Body General NE Arizona/SE White Dog Cave BMII Cist 24 Adult Male 123 Bead Disk Stone Jet/Lignite 1 Utah NE Arizona/SE White Dog Cave BMII Cist 24 Adult Male 123 Bead Disk Stone Limstone 4 Utah NE Arizona/SE White Dog Cave BMII Cist 24 Adult Male 123 Bead Saucer Shell Olivella 1 Utah NE Arizona/SE White Dog Cave BMII Cist 24 Adult Male 123 Bead Clindrical Organic Seed 30 Utah NE Arizona/SE White Dog Cave BMII Cist 30 Child N/A 12 Bead Round Saucer Shell Olivella 1 Utah NE Arizona/SE White Dog Cave BMII Cist 30 Child N/A 12 Bead Whole Spire lopped Shell Olivella 8 Utah NE Arizona/SE White Dog Cave BMII Cist 30 Child N/A 12 Bead Circular Disk Shell Unidentified 1 Utah NE Arizona/SE White Dog Cave BMII Cist 30 Child N/A 12 Pendant Triangular Tabular Stone Unidentified 1 Utah NE Arizona/SE White Dog Cave BMII Cist 30 Child N/A 12 Bead Circular Disk Stone 1 Utah NE Arizona/SE White Dog Cave BMII Cist 52 Adult Male 3 Bead Round Saucer Shell Olivella 1 Utah NE Arizona/SE White Dog Cave BMII Cist 52 Adult Male 3 Bead Whole Truncated Shell Olivella 1 Utah NE Arizona/SE White Dog Cave BMII Cist 52 Adult Male 3 Bead Round Saucer Bone 1 Utah NE Arizona/SE White Dog Cave BMII Cist 6 Adult Female 30 Bead Whole Spire lopped Shell Olivella 1 Utah 292 White Dog Cave NE Arizona/SE BMII Cist 6 Adult Female 30 Ornament Organic 1 Utah NE Arizona/SE White Dog Cave BMII Mummy 2 Adult Male 108 Bead Circular disk Saucer Shell Olivella 1 Utah NE Arizona/SE White Dog Cave BMII Mummy 2 Adult Male 108 Bead Whole Shell Olivella 3 Utah NE Arizona/SE White Dog Cave BMII Mummy 2 Adult Male 108 Bead Tubular Bone 5 Utah NE Arizona/SE Woodchuck Cave BMII Burial 6b Infant N/A 1 Bead Bone Horn 1 Chest Utah NE Arizona/SE Woodchuck Cave BMII Burial 7a Old Adult Male 3 Pendant Stone Jet/Lignite 2 Chest Utah NE Arizona/SE Woodchuck Cave BMII Burial 7b Young Adult Female 6 Hair Ornament Encrusted Organic Wood 1 Head Utah NE Arizona/SE Woodchuck Cave BMII Burial 7b Young Adult Female 6 Bead Circular Saucer Bone 0 Head Utah Woodchuck Cave NE Arizona/SE BMII Burial 9 Adult Female 8 Pendant Triangular Denticulate Stone Jet/Lignite 2 Head Ornament Time Total Number Ornament Ornament Ornament Material ‐ Location on Site Name/Number Region Burial Number Age Class Sex Ornament Type Material ‐ Quantity Period of Ornaments Shape Style Specific Body General Utah NE Arizona/SE Woodchuck Cave BMII Burial 9 Adult Female 8 Pendant Tabular Bone 1 Head Utah NE Arizona/SE Woodchuck Cave BMII Burial 6a Adult Female 125 Bead/Necklace Whole Shell Olivella 125 Neck Utah NE Arizona/SE Woodchuck Cave BMII Burial 7b Young Adult Female 6 Button/Bead Button Stone Jet/Lignite 4 Ribs Utah NE Arizona/SE Woodchuck Cave BMII Burial 7b Young Adult Female 6 Bead Bone 1 Ribs Utah NE Arizona/SE Woodchuck Cave BMII Burial 10a‐c Multiple Multiple 3 Bead Shell Conus 1 Utah NE Arizona/SE Woodchuck Cave BMII Burial 10a‐c Multiple Multiple 3 Bead Whole Shell Olivella 1 Utah NE Arizona/SE Woodchuck Cave BMII Burial 10a‐c Multiple Multiple 3 Bead Tubular Bone 1 Utah NE Arizona/SE Woodchuck Cave BMII Burial 15a‐c Multiple Multiple 1 Pendant Stone Chert 1 Utah NE Arizona/SE Woodchuck Cave BMII Burial 2a Old Adult Male 2 Bead Disk Bone Unidentified 2 Utah NE Arizona/SE Woodchuck Cave BMII Burial 2a‐c Multiple Multiple 508 Bead Cylindrical Stone Jet/Lignite 500 Utah Woodchuck Cave NE Arizona/SE 293 BMII Burial 2a‐c Multiple Multiple 508 Bead R Disk Stone Jet/Lignite 1 Utah NE Arizona/SE Woodchuck Cave BMII Burial 2a‐c Multiple Multiple 508 Bead Subspherical Stone Jet/Lignite 1 Utah NE Arizona/SE Woodchuck Cave BMII Burial 2a‐c Multiple Multiple 508 Pendant Rectangular Tabular Stone Jet/Lignite 1 Utah NE Arizona/SE Woodchuck Cave BMII Burial 2a‐c Multiple Multiple 508 Bead Whole Shell Olivella 5 Utah NE Arizona/SE Woodchuck Cave BMII Burial 6a‐d Multiple Multiple 4 Bead Circular Saucer Shell Olivella 1 Utah NE Arizona/SE Woodchuck Cave BMII Burial 6d Infant N/A 50 Necklace Whole Organic Acorn 50 Utah NE Arizona/SE Woodchuck Cave BMII Burial 7a Old Adult Male 3 Hair Ornament Encrusted Organic Wood 1 Utah NE Arizona/SE Woodchuck Cave BMII Burial 7a Old Adult Male 3 Bead Circular Saucer Bone 0 Utah NE Arizona/SE Woodchuck Cave BMII Burial 7a‐b Multiple Multiple 11 Bead Stone Jet/Lignite 8 Utah NE Arizona/SE Woodchuck Cave BMII Burial 7a‐b Multiple Multiple 11 Bead Whole Shell Olivella 1 Utah NE Arizona/SE Woodchuck Cave BMII Burial 7a‐b Multiple Multiple 11 Pendant Rectangular Tabular Stone Shale 1 Utah Ornament Time Total Number Ornament Ornament Ornament Material ‐ Location on Site Name/Number Region Burial Number Age Class Sex Ornament Type Material ‐ Quantity Period of Ornaments Shape Style Specific Body General NE Arizona/SE Woodchuck Cave BMII Burial 7a‐b Multiple Multiple 11 Pendant Oval Tabular Stone Turquoise 1 Utah NE Arizona/SE Woodchuck Cave BMII Burial 9 Adult Female 8 Pendant Tabular Stone Shale 3 Utah NE Arizona/SE Woodchuck Cave BMII Burial 9 Adult Female 8 Pendant Tabular Stone Turquoise 2 Utah

294