For the Eastern Woodlands as much as for the rest of the Americas, Columbus's landfall heralded the beginning of an era of Old and New World contact that ultimately dev- astated Native American peoples and their cultures (Cronon The Distribution of 1983; Crosby 1972; Dobyns 1983, 1993; Milanich 1992; Mil- ner 1980; Ramenohky 1987; M.Smith 1987, 1994; Thorn- Eastern Woodlands ton 1987). Despite a large body of scholarship on the post- contact period, there remains considerable uncertaintv about the magnitude, timing, and causes of profound transfor- Peoples at the Prehistoric mations in sociopolitical systems and population sizes. BY A.D. I 700, the loss of people in eastern North America was and Historic Interface so great that it was apparent to contemporary ob&wers.' A more precise understanding of postcontact changes in indigenous societies requires much work on two scales of analysis. First, fine-grained assessments of particular groups of people are essential for comparative studies of Native American responses to new political, economic, demo- graphic, and ecological settings. Examples of such work, the focus of most archaeologistsand historians, include the other chapters in this volume. Second, broader geographi- cal perspectives are also necessary, because postcontact transformations in Native American societies-cultural up- heaval, societal dissolution and realignment, and popula- tion loss and displacement-were played out across vast regions. As an initial step toward the second goal, we present three maps (Figs. 2.1-2.3) that summarize what is known from archaeological remains about the distribution of East- ern Woodlands peoples. Regions where information is plentiful are apparent, as are those where data are limited or absent. While there are many inadequacies in existing data, which are as apparent to us as they will be to others, the maps illustrate how the collective efforts of many researchers can contribute to knowledge about the overall distribution of Native American peoples in the Eastern Woodlands. The dates chosen for the maps-the early years of the 1400s, 1500s, and 1600s-provide distinctly different per- spectives on population distribution. The maps show the Eastern Woodlands scarcely a century before Columbus's ar- rival in the New World; at the time of early Spanish penetra- tions deep into the interior, when indigenous societies were still populous and powerful., and a century after initial con- tact, a period of depopulation and cultural disintegration. Despite an uneven and often inadequate spatial coverage, readily available information is daentto address several issues pertinent to hotly debated controversies about the late prehistoric to early historic periods. These topics in- clude gross estimates of population size, the evenness of the spread of newly introduced infectious diseases into the continental interior, and the factors behind different post- contact cultural and demographic trajectories. We ernpha- GEORGE R. MILNER, size southeastern societies, but the general points we raise DAVID G. ANDERSON, AND are equally applicable to ongoing debates over the timing MARVIN T. SMITH and impact of epidemics in the northern Eastern Wood- 10 GEORGE R. MILNER, DAVID G. ANDERSON, AND MARVIN T. SMITH

lands (Snow and Lanphear 1988, 1989; Snow and Starna Mapping Problems 1989; cf. Dobyns 1983, 1989). Sources of error should be highlighted before covering what the maps can tell us about the distribution of past Plotting People populations. Among the many difficulties with this sort of undertaking, four problems complicating the compilation Figures 2.1-2.3 include an amalgam of archaeological of data and the use of these maps are worthy of special phase limits, site concentrations,and individual settlements mention. identified by many researchers. Shaded areas indicate places First, archaeological fieldwork has a spotty distribution. where there is a high- likelihood of substantial occupation at Some parts of the Eastern Woodlands are reasonably well particular times. It is also known that some areas lack evi- known because they have been subjected to major surveys dence of occupation, despite considerable archaeological and excavations. For other areas, there is distressingly little fieldwork. The maps, however, are intended to show only information about the disposition of temporally secure where researchers are reasonably sure people were present sites. To some extent, intensive investigations mirror past at a particular time, not to undertake the much more diffi- cultural realities: big sites have attracted the most attention. cult task of indicating where they were absent or where Well-known areas elsewhere reflect the presence of nearby archaeological work is too poor to tell. universities with active research programs or the require- Published information was supplemented by comments ments of cultural resource management (CRM) work. Thus on drafts of these maps and by data generously provided it does not necessarily follow that regions with many, or to one of us (DGA) by more than 75 colleag~es.~Earlier few, places of securely dated occupation were more, or less, versions of two maps exhibited at regional conferences densely inhabited than other regions of equivalent size. were based primarily on unpublished information from re- Second, the relative sizes of the mapped occupational searchers across the region (D. G. Anderson 1989, 1991a, areas do not necessarily reflect past patterns of human land 1991b). They provided the impetus for developing the more use. In general, there appears to be an inverse relationship detailed coverages presented here. between the size of a shaded area and the precision of ar- Although these maps represent crude approximations of chaeological knowledge about the distribution and dating regional population distributions, it does not follow that all of sites within it. Crudely speaking, the smaller the shaded shaded areas are equivalent in terms of population size and area, the better the data. For example, many parts of the densiv3Furthermore, we do not intend to imply that there mid-Atlantic states are covered by large shaded areas on is a one-to-one correspondence between illustrated phase the early 1500s map, whereas the separate components boundaries or site concentrations and discrete societies of the Coosa paramount chlefdom in Georgia, Alabama, such as historically known tribes or their immediate prede- and Tennessee appear as small and spatially discrete site cessors. Such attempts are futile exercises given current un- concentrations. Large polygons are a function of great un- derstandings of material culture variation, the low arbae- certainty about the actual distribution of contemporaneous ological visibility of often ephemeral political relations&x, sites. In contrast, intensive recent work has permitted the and the highly volatile nature of social and demographic tight definition of spatially restricted site dusters repre- landscapes during the time periods of interest. senting separate elements of the Coosa regional polity Where archaeologists have the advantage of documen- (Hally and Langford 1988; Hally, Smith, and Langford 1990; tary evidence, there are good reasons to believe that politi- Hudson et al. 1985; Langford and Smith 1990; M. Smith cal formations sometimes encompassed more than one ar- 1989a). chaeological phase as defined by site distributions and Third, an uneven reporting of information meant that artifact inventories. For example, the Coosa chiefdom that different kinds of data had to be used for plotting purposes. de Soto encountered in the early sixteenth century incor- The best data consist of site distribution information for porated concentrations of sites known archaeologically as well-defined and temporally narrow phases. Good exam- Barnett, Brewster, Dallas, Mouse Creek, and Kymulga ples of areas with solid site-distribution data include parts (Hally, Smith, and Langford 1990; Hudson et al. 1985). Such of the central and lower Mississippi River valley; the area constellations of affiliated groups seem short-lived when encompassing northwestern Georgia, northeastern Ala- viewed from an archaeological perspective, in which even bama, and eastern Tennessee; the upper Oconee River val- fine-grained temporal precision generally means that units ley of central Georgia; the Savannah River of Georgia and of time +an multiple generations. Certainly this interpre- South Carolina; and the states of Alabama and Arkansas tation is consistent with recently acquired evidence for un- (D. G. Anderson 1994b; Anderson et al. 1986; Brain 1988: stable intergroup political relations and shifting patterns of Fig. 192; Hally, Smith, and Langford 1990: Fig. 9.1; Knight regional occupation in the late prehistoric Southeast (D. G. 1988; D. Morse 1990: Fig. 5.2; Morse and Morse 1990: Anderson 1990,1994a, 1994b; DePratter 1991; Milner 1990; Fig. 13.1; Phillips 1970: Fig. 447; M. Smith 1989a: Fig. 1; Peebles 1987; M. Smith 1987; Steponaitis 1991; Welch 1991). Smith and Kowalewski 1980; Williams and Shapiro 1987). Pigurc 2.1. Archaeological phases during thc carly 1400s. Arc-hacologicalphases are labeled in boldlace; names of groups arc underlined. blodified from a map published in D. G. Anderson 1991a. L

Fiw2.2. ~heologicdphases and sires during the carly 1500s. Archaeological phascs arc labcled in boldfacc; names of groups arc undcrlinud. Figure 2.3. Archaeological phases and sites during the early 1600s. Archaeological phases are labeled in boldface; names of groups are underlined. Most of the other shaded areas mark only the approximate de Soto's expedition passed through this area while march- boundaries of concentrations of roughly contemporane- ing from Ocute in central Georgia to Cofitachequi in cen- ous sites yielding more or less stylistically simdar artifact as- tral South Carolina (Hudson, Smith, and DePratter 1984; semblages. Hudson, Worth, and DePratter 1990). When traveling be- Fourth, the archaeological visibility of people who lived tween the domains of these traditional enemies, de Soto's in small, dispersed, or highly mobile groups is low. Although army encountered no people, found themselves lost with- Europeans encountered such groups during the early hls- out the benefit of trads, and experienced great hardship toricperiod (e.g., Rogel1570 in Waddell 1980: 147-151), ar- fiom inadequate provisions.' The Spaniards' suffering was chaeological evidence for their presence is often scanty. relieved only by their arrival at Cofitachequi, where they again discovered dense populations and, more significantly, Discontinuous Populations large food reserves. Other such apparently depopulated areas include the central Tennessee River valley (Welch All three maps indicate that people were irregularly distrib- 1991: 195), the Mississippi Valley near St. Louis (Milner uted throughout the Eastern Woodlands. Although the 1990), and much of the Ohio and Mississippi confluence re- quality of data is uneven and often poor, these distributions gion (Butler 1991; Mainfort, this volume; S. Williams 1990; are not a function of sampling error alone. Large portions cf. R. B. Lewis 1990). of the region were unoccupied or, at best, saw few perma- The refinement of models concerning interpolity rela- nent settlements. tions and demographic histories requires the determining Archaeologists have recognized for many years that late of population dispositions at different times in the past. De- prehistoric populations tended to focus on areas with fertile spite many all too obvious imperfections, we believe Fig- and easily tilled soils accompanied by prolific, diverse, and ures 2.1 -2.3 provide a more accurate picture of human dis- readily acquired resources-that is, principally major river tribution than do most other portrayals of archaeological valleys and coastal settings (B. D. Smith 1978)~Even con- complexes and historical groups. The latter typically fea- sidering the si@cant strides made in upland-oriented re- ture contiguous polygons that individually encompass vast search in recent years, there can be no doubt that highly areas and collectively blanket the entire Eastern Wood- , productive zones, primarily river valleys and coastal set- lands. Maps featuring contiguous polygons covering vast tings, were especially favored places for settlement. More areas have had a long history in anthropology-for ex- importantly, it is dear that not all prime resource zones ample, Swanton 1952: Map 5 for the Southeast, Kroeber were occupied to the same extent. Great gaps existed in the 1939: Map lb for 4of North America, and, more recently, distribution of people, as shown by population concentra- Dobyns 1983: Map 2 for Florida. tions scattered along principal rivers like so many beads on By combining the distributions of actual settlements, of strings. sizable hunting territories, of largely ignored resource-poor Blank areas, of course, often result fiom imperfect infor- areas, and of generally avoided buffer zones between hos- mation. Nevertheless, there are enough unequivo~d,ar- tile societies, these portrayals give the impression that reg- chaeologically and historically known examples of places ularly frequented areas covered all available land. We are re- lacking evidence of occupation to support the general ob- minded of sheets of postage stamps on which the stamps- servation that settlement was discontinuous across even the representing multiple, well-defined social groups in this most productive land. analogy-cover everydung and join one another at well- One such example of a depopulated but resource-rich defined borders, the pehrations. Such maps convey little area is the Savannah River basin of Georgia and South Car- information, if any, on actual land-use patterns other than olina. A recent study of more than 7,000 archaeological indicating the general parts of the continent once inhabited sites resulted in the identification of several Mississippian by particular groups of people. Furthermore, they give the chiefdoms defined by the presence of mound centers and false impression that people were once widely and mi- outlying support communities that postdated A.D. 1000 forrnly distributed across the land, at least in prime areas. (D. G. Anderson 1990, 1994b). These societies experienced For example, Dobyns (1983: 294,300), in a controversialbut individualized histories of florescence and decline, and they influential study, argued for enormous numbers of Timu- were variously located at different times. Several centuries mans--a population exceeding 700,000-in Florida during of local chiefdom rise and fall, however, came to an abrupt the early sixteenth century. He did so in part by viewing di- end at about 1450. At that point, most of the central and verse natural habitats as being equally accessible to people lower portions of the Savannah River basin were aban- distributed among a mosaic of societies fibg peninsular doned, an event caused by a combination of political and Florida. Extrapolating from the Timucuan example, and environmental circumstances. taking into account gross ecological variation across the Archaeological evidence for a late prehistoric depopu- continent, Dobyns (1983: 42,298) estimated that there were lation of much of the Savannah River valley is supported 18 million people in pre-Columbian North America. His by the experience of early Spanish adventurers. In 1540, total is much greater than other currently accepted figures. Distribution of Eastern Woodlands Peoples 15

For example, it is nine times the size of Ubelaker's (1988) 2 in directions that maximized his chances of finding large million people, the smallest and most carefully developed numbers of settled and hierarchically organized peoples of recent authoritative estimates. (Hudson, Smith, and DePratter 1984). Spanish accounts Dobyns's (1983) high estimate and the spotty distribution show that de Soto's followers often were threatened by of archaeologically verifiable population concentrations hunger, lived off the people they encountered, moved on cannot both be correct. If each of them accurately depicts when local stores were exhausted, and placed great empha- prehistoric conditions, then occupied areas would have sis on finding important towns with food reserves when they been saturated with people at impossibly high levels given entered new provinces. Native American guides threatened available resources and technology. Such high population with bodily harm for unsatisfactory performance were cer- densities far surpass estimates for the inhabitants of organi- tainly motivated to lead the Spaniards to settled areas.' zationally complex late prehistoric societies in the Eastern Leading figures were abducted to ensure the receipt of food Woodlands, including Coosa and Cahokia (Hally, Smith, from subsidiary towns along the route and sufficient num- and Langford 1990; Milner 1990), and those for tribal- to bers of porters to carry it (e.g., Bourne 1904, 1: 70, 83; chiefdom-scale societies in general (Feinrnan and Neitzel Varner and Varner 1951: 307). Considering the generally 1984: 70).6Even if a considerable margin of error is allowed oppressive behavior of the Spaniards, chiefs would have for missing data, the overall archaeologicalpicture indicates seen some advantage in sending the expedition along as that population levels fell far below Dobyns's figures. quickly as possible to other settled areas, literally shifting The central to lower Mississippi River valley seems to be the burden of their presence to other places. the only place in eastern North America where it might be argued that a sizable region was for the most part filled with New Infectious Diseases clusters of sites representing a series of more or less dis- crete groups of people. Archaeologically speaking, rela- Estimates of population distribution across broadly defined tively dense occupation is shown by numerous separable geographical areas represent an important source of infor- archaeological phases and site concentrations (e.g., Brain mation for studies of the effects of newly introduced Old 1988:Fig. 192; D. Morse 1990:Fig. 5.2; Morse and Morse World diseases on early postcontact period Native Ameri- 1990:Fig. 13.1; Phillips 1970:Fig. 447). Even in the valley, cans. Dobyns (1983) has argued forcefully for the frequent however, buffer zones existed, though they appear to have and uniform diffusion of pathogens across vast regions been narrower than they were elsewhere, which is not sur- from distant places such as Mexico. The sixteenth-century prising considering the area's topography and resource dis- Indians of Florida, therefore, are said to have suffered fmm tribution. multiple high-mortality epidemics corresponding to known It will be difficult to identlfy buffer zones consistently be- outbreaks of disease recorded by Europeans in far-off cause of problems with ensuring adequate spatial cove&e places. It is more likely, however, that physical and social and developing sufficiently fine-grained temporal controls. barriers impeded the geographically broad dissemination

Existing archaeological information, however, conforms to \ of new diseases, including those passed directly between \ the experiences of early Spanish adventurers. De Soto and humans. As far as infections transmitted by human contact others encountered unoccupied, generally avoided, and fie- are concerned, including the great killers measles and quently contested areas between polities in the sixteenth smallpox, the spotty distribution of population aggregates, century Southeast (DePratter 199 1: 30 -32). Historical ref- the common occurrence of infrequently traversed buffer erences to these areas often take the form of complaints areas separating often hostile societies, and the irregularity about problems experienced in ensuring adequate provi- of communication among such groups would have inter- sions while traversing unoccupied, indeed avoided, areas. rupted their uniform dissemination among susceptible pop- Archaeologists should consider further the possible sig- ulations. Once a disease such as smallpox was introduced to nificance of the numerous archaeological phases or site eastern North America, the likelihood of its being passed concentrations in the vicinity of de Soto's path. If the from one group to the next, far into the interior, depended overall pattern of archaeologically known early sixteenth- on the fmquency of contacts among members of spatially century population aggregates is merely a function of separate and often culturally distinct populations. scholarly interest in de Soto, then it could be argued that the The members of different sociopolitical groups in the expedition-route sample is representative of what would be Eastern Woodlands were certainly in occasional contact found in similarly sized areas if they were subjected to the with one another. Such communication is shown archaeo- same level of scrutiny Thus, the great number and dqmsi- logically by the movement of distinctive artifacts across tion of these archaeological complexes are not particularly long distances. Exotic prestige goods that ended up in the interesting except as incentives for researchers to fill in the hands of important people in southeastern chiefdoms are a many gaps elsewhere in the Eastern Woodlands. particularly well-known component of the exchange of There is, however, an alternative interpretation. To a large goods among preColumbian populations. Periodic elite- extent, de Soto purposefully mwed through the Southeast mediated transactions promoted the donor's prestige, so- 16 GEORGE R. MILNER, DAVID G. ANDERSON, AND MARV,IN T. SMITH

lidified support constituencies, and fulfilled obligations to Turner and Santley 1979). Nevertheless, it is dear that important people elsewhere. As noted in other chapters of hostilities often erupted into outright warfare in late prehls- this volume, during the early historic horizon European- toric times, and postcontact alliances and antagonisms were produced items such as glass beads and metal objects played out within the context of long histories of intergroup moved into the interior far in advance of direct European cooperation and enmity. occupation. The overall pattern, however, was one of spo- By the 1600s, major changes in the distribution of people radic movement through different populations of small had taken place. From this point forward, precise temporal amounts of material, much of it invested with some special controls become an especially critical element of attempts significance and used to discharge social obligations on to mace patterns of occupation, because groups tended to special occasions. move often and over great distances (Brain 1988; M. Smith These intergroup communication networks served as 1989a, 1994). avenues for the widespread transmission of human-borne From an archaeological perspective, a depopulation of diseases such as measles and smallpox only to the extent the lower Mississippi River valley is one of the most readily that contacts happened to bring sick people and susceptible apparent of the early postcontact discontinuitiesin regional people from separate populations together at the right occupational histories (Brain 1988; Mainfort, this volume; time.' In contrast, Dobyns (1983: 324) argued that there was Williams 1990, this volume). From late prehistoric times sufficient regularly occurring intergroup communication well into the sixteenth century, archaeological sites corre- to characterize the entire Eastern Woodlands as a single sponding to more or less contemporaneous phases were "epidemic region." distributed throughout much of the wide valley. Yet occu- There can be little doubt that during the early hlstoric pe- pation was sparse when Europeans again entered the area riod new pathogens were transmitted to people in areas toward the end of the seventeenth century. When there is well beyond the territories of those who had direct face-to- some reason to believe that continuities can be traced face contact with Europeans (Dobyns 1983, 1993; Milner across the prehistoric-to-historicinterface in the valley and 1980; Ramenofsky 1987; M. Smith 1987,1994).When a dis- elsewhere (Brain 1988; M. Hoffman 1986; M. Smith 1987, ease such as smallpox was introduced to a community or a 1989a, 1994), it seems that surviving people moved re- group of affiliated settlements, it would have proved devas- sponse to an opening of the land, to new pressures from an- tating to these unfortunate people. Physical and social tagonistic groups, and, eventually, to the opportunities and barriers, however, separated individual communities and, threats of unprecedented relationshipswith the newcomers especially, more inclusive social groups such as the south- to the Americas. eastern chiefdoms. Such gaps in population distribution, in- Many of the most organizationally complex chiefdoms cluding social impediments to contact among traditional those newcomers encountered early in the sixteenth cen- enemies, produced something far less than ~obhs's(1983: tury seem to have been among the first societies to collapse. 324) essentially uniform dissemination of diseases across This process is indicated by a depopulation of the central vast regions-his single "epidemic region." and lower Mississippi River valley, as well as the different ex- \ \ periences of the de Soto expedition and Spanish adventur- Differential Impact of New Circumstances ers about a quarter century later at Coosa and Cofitachequi (Hudson 1990; Hudson et d. 1989; M. Smith 1987,1994). The irregular spread of deadly diseases would have resulted Formally established, elite-mediated links among spa- in a mosaic of affected and unaffected peoples, upsetting tially separate constellations of settlements, the principal previous balances of power. Such situations would have components of paramount chiefdoms such as sixteenth- provided ideal opportunities for traditional enemies to century Coosa, would have facilitated the spread of human- wreak vengeance on suddenly weakened foes, triggering transmitted diseases through the periodic interaction of movement to safer locales and prompting the formation of members of distinct population aggregates. Social ties en- alliances among decimated groups desperately struggling hancing a disease's chance of crossing sparsely occupied for survival. Unpredictable and drastic shifts in the relative zones would have made paramount chiefdoms likely routes strengths of societies would have increased uncertainty through which pathogens were transmitted to the conti- about the intentions of neighboring groups in an already nental interior from initial, and perhaps distant, foci of volatile sociopolitical arena. Unfortunately, archaeologists introduction. have directed only sporadic attention toward the role of Once a pathogen like smallpox was introduced to a mul- warfare as a population spacing mechanism, its part in ticommunity society, the likelihood of its spread from one the development of social inequality, and its impact on the settlement to another would have been greater in a dose- lives of Eastern Woodlands peoples, although hard-pressed knit chiefdom than in an atomized social system of loosely communities sufferedgreatly in precontact times (D. G. An- allied communities. Interruptions in disease transmission, derson 1994a, 1994b; DePratter 1991; Dye 1990; Gramly which would have led to inadvertent containment, must 1977; Larson 1972; Milner, Anderson, and Smith 1991; have occurred more often in situations where linkages be- Distribution of Eastern Woodlands Peoples 17

tween settlements were weak than in tightly integrated presumably played a significant role in the eventual ascen- societies featuring regular communication among villages. dancy of the historic Chickasaw, the descendants of people Mississippian chiefdoms in the best of times were encountered by de Soto in this area. They became major unstable, at least when viewed in terms of the several- players in the political maneuvering of the eighteenth cen- generation-long periods that archaeologists typically use tury, a marked contrast to the situation in de Soto's day, when (D. G. Anderson 1990,1994a, 1998;DePratter 1991; Milner the most powerful polities were located in the Mississippi 1990; Peebles 1987; M. Smith 1987; Steponaitis 1991; Welch River valley to the west. 1991; Williams and Shapiro 1987). In the postcontact era, such sociopolitical formations were highly vulnerable to collapse in the wake of disorder brought about by a sudden Conclusion horrific loss of life fiom hitherto unknown and greatly mis- We close with a call for additional attention directed toward understood maladies (also see Zubrow 1990). The loss of the study of human distributional patterns across vast areas leading figures would have left delicately balanced relations and, furthermore, for a shift to the study of actual site dis- among powerful lineages in disarray. Inexplicable, uncon- tributions whenever possible (see Knight 1988; Morse and trollable, and demorahzing catastrophes would have sen- Morse 1990). During the 1960s, there was much talk in ar- ously undermined the authority of surviving claimants to chaeological circles about changing research foci hmsingle high-status positions. Many deaths, by disrupting ideal suc- sites to what were called regional research universes. Yet cessional sequences and severely eroding chiefly authority, the few completed studies have shown that even the latter undoubtedly increased the likelihood of infighting among are not large enough to capture much of the information rival factions presented with unexpected opportunities to about the behavior of prehistoric peoples that interests ar- grab positions of influence. chaeologists (D. G. Anderson 1990, 1994a, 1994b; Peebles The situation seems to have been different in other south- 1987; Steponaitis 1991). The problems posed by dealing eastern interior societies that initially were less populous or with geographically broad expanses of land are admittedly less hierarchically organized than those that so impressed immense-some will argue insurmountable-but immense, de Soto's men. In the North Carolina piedmont, evidence too, are the potential returns from such work. Stated differ- for significant disruptions in earlier ways of life dates to ently, we can wring our hands and lament that geographi- the late seventeenth century (Ward and Davis 1991, 1993, cally broad-scale perspectives on human occupation and this volume). These groups of people were initially smaller interaction are forever beyond us, or we can initiate the first and more socially isolated than the powerful chiefdoms that steps toward that admittedly distant goal. existed elsewhere, including Coosa and the Mississippi River societies. Because of the nature of intercommunity ties among spatially separate population aggregates (represinted Acknowledgments archaeologically by discrete site dusters), the likelihood of disease containment would have been greater in places such, We are grateful to our colleagues who kindly provided as interior North Carolina than in areas dominated by large ' information and answered questions about the distribu- chiefdoms. Moreover, loose alliances among villages would tion of archaeological sites and phases; many of their com- have been more likely to survive high-mortality catastro- ments were included. Those who reviewed the maps that phes or to be reestablished later in one form or another appear in this chapter included James W Bradley, James A. than would ranked social relationships featuring great in- Brown, William C. Johnson, James B. Gfi,Robert C. equalities in authority and prestige. It should also be noted Mainfort, William H. Marquardt, Robert Sasso, and Stephen that the loss of a few villages in tribal-scale societies would Williams. Julie Smith drew the three maps. be much more difficult to detect archaeologically than would a disintegration of chiefdoms accompanied by an Notes abandonment of mound centers and the disappearance of people with the trappings of high office. 1. The loss of life among the Indians of the mid-Atlantic states Johnson's (1991 a, 199 1b) recent work in northeastern prompted one early eighteenth-centurywriter to note that Mississippi is also consistent with the epidemic and social "Small-Poxand Rum have made such a Destruction amongst organization scenario presented here. During de Soto's time, them, that, on good grounds, I do believe, there is not the this area was inhabited by people living in small and widely sixth Savage living within two hundred Miles of all our Settle- ments, as there were fifty Years ago. These poor Creatures scattered settlements. By reducing the likelihood of in- have so many Enemies to destroy them, that it's a wonder one terindividual contact, this settlement pattern, along with a of them is left alive near us" (Lawson 1966: 224). Similar state- more atomized society than the tightly integrated chief- ments were made by other contemporary writers, and their doms packed into the Mississippi River valley, would have comments are supported by archaeological findings (Ward and put these people at an advantage when epidemics first ar- Davis 1993). rived. Dserential survival of various groups in this region 2. Specific information and source materials for the mapped 18 GEORGE R. MILNER, DAVID G. ANDERSON, AND MARVIN T. SMITH

areas are available from the authors. The job of assembling was no road over which to pass; that they had no intercourse, distributional data is immense; therefore, we invite comments because of their enmity, except when they made war upon from regional specialists. each other" (B. Smith 1968: 237). 3. Future work with distributional maps could incorporate a 6. We discount the greatly inflated and wholly unsupported pop- ranking of areas by the numbers and kinds of sites or by other ulation estimates for the 'Cahokia site in Illinois, as well as cor- measures of population density and organizational complexity. respondingly high extrapolations from the major center to this 4. This pattern was recognized many decades ago during the first sociopolitical system as a whole (see Milner 1990). Dobyns's large-scale projects initiated during the New Deal, when many (1983: 141, 183,199,205) estimates include a Florida town with highly productive sites in river floodplains were selected for ex- 60,000 inhabitants, a figure half again as large as the most ex- cavation (Milner and Smith 1986: 11.30-32). The results from aggerated claim for the number of people at Cahokia, 43,000 these early, and typically hurried, digs were used to bolster ar- inhabitants (Gregg 1975). Cahokia, in contrast to Dobyns's guments for the initiation of post-World War I1 river basin sal- (1983) settlement, was a large site with many examples of vage efforts that eventually matured into the CRM work of monumentally proportioned architecture, including huge today. mounds. 5. At one point in their travels, the Spaniards recorded that the 7. The Spaniards clearly threatened guides who gave false direc- "Christians now were without provisions and with great tions: "The Governor [de Soto] menaced the youth [their labour they crossed this river and reached some huts of fisher- guide], motioning that he would throw him to the dogs for men or hunters. And the Indians whom they carried had now having lied to him in saying that it was four days' journey, lost their bearings and no longer knew the way; nor did the whereas they had travelled nine" (Elvas in B. Smith 1968: 59). Spaniards know it, or in what direction they should go; and The same passage indicates that the expedition was then suf- among them were divers opinions" (Ranjel 1922: 94). A de- fering greatly for lack of food; the "men and horses had be- scription of the trip from Patofa to Cofitachiqui says: "He took come very thin, because of the sharp economy practised with maize for the consumption of four days, and marched by a the maize" (Elvas in B. 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