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Toronto: a New Global City of Learning Daniel Hamlin* and Scott Davies University of Toronto

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Toronto: a New Global City of Learning Daniel Hamlin* and Scott Davies University of Toronto London Review of Education DOI:10.18546/LRE.14.2.13 Volume14,Number2,September2016 Toronto: A new global city of learning DanielHamlin*andScottDavies University of Toronto Toronto,Canada,isemblematicofanewstratumofglobalcities.Unlikemanyworldcapitals, thecityhasgainedstatureonlyoverthepasthalfcentury,havingsuccessfullypost-industrialized into a new economy and become a major world centre for immigration. Paradoxically, educationhasemergedasbothamajordriverofchangeandadividerofsocialwellbeingin thecity.Tointerpretthisparadox,wediscuss:(1)howTorontoisanodeinaglobaleducation policynetwork,particularlyasanexporterofequity-orientedreforms;(2)howthecity’sown schoolsystemreflectsongoingtensionsbetweenforward-lookingidealsanditsownhistorical legacies;and(3)howgoalsofintegrationarebeingchallengedbynewpressuresforeducational differentiation,whicharethemselvesdrivenbycompetingconceptionsofmulticulturalismand movementsforschoolchoice. Keywords: Canada; educational policy; multiculturalism; policy diffusion; school choice; Toronto Introduction Therapidprogressionofglobalizationhasgivenrisetoanewtierofglobalcitiesbeneatholder majorworldcentreslikeLondon,Paris,HongKong,andNewYork.Newerglobalcitiessuchas Dubai,Singapore,Sydney,andTorontohavebecomenodesintheworldeconomyandmajor centresforfinance,technologicalinnovation,andmigration.Amidrapidchange,public(i.e.state) educationinthesecitiesistoutedasaprimarychannelformaintainingcompetitivenessand social prosperity (McCann, 2011).These centres are increasingly interlinked to international flowsofpolicyideasthatgetexportedandimportedacrossdifferentcontexts(Massey,2007). TorontoinCanadaisemblematicofthenewstratumofglobalcities.Itissmaller,younger, andlessinternationallyrenownedthanworldcapitalssuchasLondon,havinggrownandgained statureonlyoverthepasthalfcentury.Inrecentdecades,itsuccessfullytransformeditsold industrialbaseintoanew‘knowledge’economy,becomingconsiderablymoreaffluentinthe process.The6millionpeoplelivingintheGreaterTorontoArearepresentnearlyone-fifthofall Canadians,makingthecityNorthAmerica’sfourthlargestmetropolis.Torontohasalsobecome amajorworldcentreforimmigration,drawingmigrantsfromallovertheworldratherthana particularsetofcountries,whilealsoavoidingthelarge-scaleghettoizationthatplaguesmany othermajorurbancentres.Culturally,TorontodiffersfrommajorEuropeancapitalsbystrongly downplayingitsheritageinfavourofproclaimingmulticulturalismanddiversityasitsdefining features.Manyinternationalrankingsnowrateitasoneoftheglobe’smostliveablecities.The Economist recently ratedToronto the world’s top city in terms of safety, cost of living, food security,democracy,andbusinessenvironment(TheEconomistIntelligenceUnit,2015). ThesefactorshavehelpedmakeTorontoahubinanemerging‘global’educationnetwork. Unlike London, Paris, and other European cities that have famous ancient universities, * Correspondingauthor–email:[email protected] ©Copyright2016HamlinandDavies.ThisisanOpenAccessarticledistributedunderthetermsofthe CreativeCommonsAttributionLicence,whichpermitsunrestricteduse,distribution,andreproduction inanymedium,providedtheoriginalauthorandsourcearecredited. London Review of Education 187 Toronto’suniversitiesgainedinternationalstatureonlyrecently,anddidsowithouthavingelite privateuniversitiesasintheUnitedStates(i.e.inNewYork,Boston,andPhiladelphia).Eachof Toronto’suniversitiesengageinvariousinternationalizationinitiatives,attractingthousandsof foreign students; almost half of all doctoral degree holders in Canada are foreign-born with manyhavingbeentrainedinToronto(Friedland,2013;OECD,2010).Oneofthecity’sthree universities,theUniversityofToronto,nowplaceshighlyinworldrankings,andisknownforits researchproductivityinmedicine,engineering,andbusinessmanagement(Friedland,2013).At theK-12(i.e.primaryandsecondary)level,thecityanditssurroundingregionfaresquitewell inindicatorsoflearning(e.g.ProgrammeforInternationalStudentAssessment,PISA).Ithasalso becomeanexporterofequityanddiversityinitiatives,attractingtheattentionofaninternational networkofeducationalpolicymakersandconsultants(Levinet al.,2008;Mourshedet al.,2010; OECD,2010). Inthispaper,weuseideasaboutglobalization(DaviesandGuppy,1997)toexaminethe evolvingroleofeducationinToronto,viewingitasacasestudyofnewglobalcities.Wecontend thateducationsystemsinworldcitiesareimplicatedinanarrayofglobalforces:theyarerecipients oftransnationalflowsofmigrantsaswellasinternationalpolicydiscourses,yetalsoplaykey roles in generating wealth and structuring social opportunities.Through international policy networks,globalizationbringstointernationalcitiesaseriesofstandardizingandrationalizing discoursesabouthumanrightsandwaystorebuildstateinstitutions.Butglobalizationalsobrings economicpressuresandopportunitiesthatlocalactorsseizeuponindifferentways.Weargue thatToronto’seducationsystem,asaconsequence,hasbecomebothamajordriverofchange andadividerofsocialwellbeing.Toronto,likeotherglobalcities,isstrugglingtoreconcileunifying andstandardizingdiscourseswithpressuresthatbringnewformsofsocialdifferentiation.Inone instance,Torontoisanexporterofforward-lookingeducationalreformsunderthebannersof diversity,integration,andequity,whichhaveattainedahighdegreeofsymbolicpotency.Butin anotherinstance,manytrendspointtothelimitedcapacityofthesereformstointegratethe city:patternsofattainmentlargelymirrorthestratificationoftransnationalmigrationpatterns; schoolpoliticsstillreflectlocalreligious,linguistic,andindigenoushistories;andnewpressures abound to further differentiate schooling in the city.These mixed trends inToronto broadly resemblethoseoccurringinothernewglobalcities. Toronto’s path: From industrial port to centre for transnational migration For most of its history,Toronto was an undistinguished industrial port situated along major trading routes flowing through NorthAmerica’s Great Lakes region, part of a network of manufacturingtownsthatincludedCleveland,Detroit,Milwaukee,andBuffalo.Torontolacked cloutnotonlyinternationally,butalsodomestically,standingsecondineconomicimportanceand populationtothecityofMontrealuntilthelate1970s.However,aconfluenceoffactorsinthe 1970ssentTorontoonanewtrajectory,transformingitsociallyandeconomically. Toronto’seconomicconversionwaspartlypropelledbyafrancophoneseparatistmovement intheneighbouringprovinceofQuebecintheearly1970s.Separatistpoliticsencouragedsome ofCanada’slargestinvestmentbankstotransfertheirheadquarterstoTorontofromMontreal, fuellingToronto’sbusinesssectorandsupplantingMontrealasCanada’sfinancialcapital.Financial servicesnowaccountfor14percentofToronto’seconomicoutput(Burtet al.,2011)andthe sectorhelpsthecitycompeteforinternationaltradeandcapitalwiththelikesofSingapore,Dubai, Sydney,andothernewerworldcities.Torontoanditssurroundingsuburbsalsogenerate20per centofCanada’stotalgrossdomesticproduct(HoornwegandPope,2014;TorontoRegionBoard ofTrade,2014).ThiseconomictransitionstandsincontrasttoconditionsinDetroit,Cleveland, 188 Daniel Hamlin and Scott Davies andseveralotherformermanufacturingcentresintheGreatLakesregion,wheredepopulation, physicaldisrepair,andeconomicdegradationpersist.Toronto’seconomictransformationalso appearstohavelessenedthescaleofracialsegregation,concentratedpoverty,andhighratesof crimeexperiencedbymanyAmericancitiesintheregion. Toronto’seconomicexpansion,coupledwithnational-levelpolicychanges,broughtdramatic demographic changes in the city. Prior to the 1970s, Toronto’s population was relatively homogenous in racial and class terms.The vast majority of people living in the city claimed WesternEuropeanandworking-classroots(Relph,2014).Butrisingpost-WorldWarIIaffluence, alongwithfederalpoliciesthattargetedimmigrationtofurtherdriveeconomicgrowth(Fong, 2006),attractedscoresofimmigrants.Theoriginsofimmigrantsalsochangedinseveralways. First, long-standing restrictions on non-European migrants were lifted (Troper, 2003).These newimmigrationpoliciesalsorecruitedacrossawiderangeofnationalitiescomparedtothose inEurope,whichtendedtorecruitimmigrantsbasedonpost-colonialties.Largenumbersof newcomersbeganarrivinginTorontofromEastandSouthAsia,theCaribbean,Africa,andSouth America(Relph,2014).Second,policieschangedtheclassoriginsofimmigrants.Whereasprevious generationsofEuropeanimmigrantshadoverwhelminglypeasantorworking-classbackgrounds, thenewgenerationofimmigrantswasfarmoremixed,withhalfrecruitedonthebasisoffamily reunificationorrefugeestatus–oftenfillingneedsforlowerincomelabour(e.g.personalcare workers)–whiletheotherhalfwasrecruitedtoenterbusinessandprofessionalroles(e.g. entrepreneurs,engineers,ITspecialists,medicalprofessions).Third,apolicyofmulticulturalism wasofficiallyadoptedinself-consciouscontrasttotheneighbouring‘meltingpot’philosophy espousedintheUnitedStates(AnisefandLanphier,2003;Cummins,1992;Fong,2006;James, 2001;Relph,2014). Followingthesechangesinpolicy,Toronto’spopulationgrewrapidly,becomingthefourth mostpopulousinNorthAmerica.Torontohasalsobecomeoneoftheworld’smostethnically diversecities,representedbyover200ethnicities(AnisefandLanphier,2003;Michelson,2006). Nearlyhalfofitsresidentsareforeign-born(StatisticsCanada,2011;TorontoRegionBoardof Trade,2014),afigurethatismuchhigherthaninotherNorthAmericanhubslikeMexicoCity andNewYork(Fong,2006;USCensusBureau,2015).Amidthissocialandeconomicchange, Toronto’spubliceducationsystemhasbymanymeasuresperformedwell.Ithasavoidedthe typesofdeclinesthathavebesetnearbycitiessuchasDetroit,Buffalo,andCleveland.Toronto’s studentsareabove-averageachieversinaprovincethathasoneoftheworld’shighestperforming urbanschoolsystemsaccordingtotestscores,graduationrates,andpost-secondaryattendance
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