Schematizing Plum Blossoms

Schematizing Plum Blossoms:

Understanding Printed Images in Thirteenth-Century China

By Mengge Cao B.A., McGill University, 2014

A Thesis Submitted to Department of the Art History and Communication Studies of McGill University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of

Master of Arts

Department of Art History and Communication Studies McGill University Montreal, Quebec

December 2016

This thesis examines the significance of the printed images in the Register of Plum

Blossom Portraits (Meihua xishen pu, d. 1238), the earliest extant book illustrating plum blossoms. In particular, it focuses primarily on the visual analogs in the Register, which consists of one hundred titled picture-poem sequences. Approaching the Register through the method of

“period eye,” this thesis emphasizes on two factors that shaped the author’s compositional strategy: the potentiality of the print medium and the influence of the Learning of the Way

(daoxue) conceptual framework. Section 1 offers factual information concerning the production and reception of the Register. Section 2 reveals the connection between the printed plum blossoms and their counterparts in the Song dynasty (960–1279) illustrated books. Section 3 investigates the conceptual foundation of the visual analogs in the Learning of the Way framework.

RESUME

Cette thèse examine l’impact historique des images imprimées dans la Chine du treizième siècle à travers l’étude du Registre des portraits de fleurs de prunier (Meihua xishen pu, d.

1238), le livre le plus ancien illustrant des fleurs de prunier. Elle concerne plus particulièrement les séquences de poèmes-images présents dans le Registre en tant qu’analog mot-image documenté par la circulation des livres ayant permis une nouvelle approche pour traiter les données visuelles. En approchant le Registre par la méthode du « period eye», cette thèse met l’emphase sur les deux facturs qui influent sur la stratégie de composition de l’auteur: l’agence d’impression et le principe central de l’Apprentissage de la Voie (daoxue). La première section présente les faits concernant la production et la réception du Registre. La seconde section révèle les liens entre les analogs mots-images dans le Registre et leur équivalent dans les livres illustrés contemporains. La troisième section explique l’importance de construire une analogie visuelle pour l’appréciation des prunes par le cadre de l’Apprentissage de la Voie.

iii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF FIGURES v

ACKNLWEDGEMENTS vi

INTRODUCTION 1

SECTION 1 9 Song Boren and His Plum Blossom Catalog

SECTION 2 24 Plum Blossoms as Visual Analogs

SECTION 3 35 Schematizing Plum Blossoms

CONCLUSION 45

APPENDIX 48

BIBLIOGRAPHY 68

ILLUSTRATIONS 77

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1 Illustration of Butterfly Binding (hudie zhuang ). Figure 1.1 Tripod (ding ), facsimile of the Meihua xishen pu (Wanwei biecang edition), Figure 1.2 Tripod” (ding ), facsimile of the Meihua xishen pu (1261 edition), 45. Figure 2.1 Zhu , facsimile of the Meihua xishen pu (1261 edition), 26. Figure 2.2 Zhu , in the Xinding sanlitu, 1673 edition, 46. Figure 2.3 Zhu , facsimile of the Xinbian zuantu zenglei qunshu leiyao shilin guangji, 14th century edition, 132. Figure 3.1 Bian , facsimile of the Meihua xishen pu, 1261 edition, 27. Figure 3.2 Bian , in the Xinding sanlitu, 1673 edition, 101. Figure 3.3 Bian , facsimile of the Xinbian zuantu zenglei qunshu leiyao shilin guangji, 14th century edition, 113. Figure 4.1 Gui , facsimile of the Meihua xishen pu, 1261 edition, 33. Figure 4.2 Gui in the Xinding sanlitu, 1673 edition, 100. th Figure 4.3 Gui , facsimile of the Xinbian zuantu zenglei qunshu leiyao shilin guangji, 14 century edition, 113. Figure 4.4 Gui , facsimile of Shaoxi zhouxian shidian yitu, 18th century edition, 41. Figure 5.1 Pomegranate (Shiliu ), facsimile of the Meihua xishenpu , 1261 edition, 13. Figure 5.2 Pomegranate (An shiliu ), facsimile of the Chongxiu jingshi zhenglei zhenghe bencao, 1249 edition, 476. Figure 6.1 Clam Shell (Bangke ), facsimile of the Meihua xishenpu, 1261 edition, 23. Figure 6.2 Clam (bangge ) facsimile of the Chongxiu jingshi zhenglei zhenghe bencao, 1249 edition, 442. Figure 7.1 Gibbon’s arm (yuanbi ), facsimile of the Meihua xishenpu, 1261 edition, 48. Figure 7.2 Gibbon (yuan ), in the Xinbian xiangdui siyan, 1436 edition. Figure 8. Knicknack Peddler (huolang tu ), unidentifed artsit, formly attributed to Li Song (c. 1190–1260), fan mounted as an album leaf, ink and color on silk, 26.4 x 26.7 cm, Metropolitan Museum of Art.

ACKNOLWEGEMENTS

This thesis would not have been completed without the support of my teachers, friends, and family. First and foremost, I owe my deepest gratitude to my supervisor, Professor. Jeffrey

Moser, for guiding me through the scholarly research and professional development. I am also thankful to Professors Jeehee Hong, Grace Fong, Chriscinda Henry, Gwen Bennett, Matthew

Hunter, Mary Hunter, Griet Vankeerberghen and Angela Vanhaelen, who collectively broaden my horizon in terms of research material and methodology.

The major part of this thesis was written during my Visiting Research Fellowship at

Brown University. I have benefitted greatly from the library collection and the conversation with many scholars and students there. My thanks are also due to the scholars I met at the workshop organized by the Graduate Institute of Art History, National Taiwan University, who helped me raise certain key questions in the initial stage of the research.

Lastly, I would like to thank my parents, whose unconditional support have allowed me come this far.

INTRODUCTION

The Register of Plum Blossom Portraits (Meihua xishenpu , hereafter the

Register), initially printed in 1238, is the earliest illustrated book on the subject of plum blossom appreciation.1 The earliest extant Register was a reprint made in 1261 and it had been endowed with great significance since its rediscovery in the late eighteenth century. Not only did the surviving copy reinforce the status of plum blossom as an important subject in the pictorial tradition, but it also offered an opportunity to explore the historical impacts of woodblock printing during the Song Dynasty (960–1269).

The Register presented one hundred plum blossom pictures, all titled and inscribed with five-character quatrains (wuyan lüshi ) composed by the artist and author, Song Boren

(b. 1199, courtesy name Qizhi , studio name Xueyan ). Noticeably, the juxtaposition of image and text suggested a particular mode of viewing printed plum blossoms as visual analogs, through which the flower’s formal character was highlighted and integrated into a larger visual environment. The Register’s unique design principle raises several questions. Why did Song Boren adopt this compositional strategy and what kind of meaning did he intend to generate for the historical viewers? What role did the print medium play in the making of the

Register? What was the point of associating plum blossoms with other things based on their formal resemblance? Attempting to answer these questions, this thesis examines the Register as a designed artifact, a physical embodiment of the convergence of authorial, technological, and conceptual agencies. Particular attention will be paid to the making of the plum blossom visual analogs, which marked an important shift in the Song dynasty visual culture.

1 The 1238 edition of the Register did not survive. The earliest extant copy is a re-print made in 1261, collected by the Shanghai Museum. The textual history and material condition of the 1261 imprint will be discussed in “Section 1” of this thesis.

Literature Review

Using the method of evidential research (kaoju ), scholars in the Qing dynasty

(1644–1912) compiled factual information to reconstruct the textual history of the book and

Song Boren’s biography. Recorded in the postscript of the Register, Qian Daxin (1728–

1804) and Ruan Yuan (1764–1849) explained the term xishen in the book’s title as the Song dynasty vernacular expression of “sketching a portrait” (xiexiang ).2 Influenced by the pictorial implication of xishen, the Register had been studied primarily in the context of painting rather than the print culture. Tanaka Toyozo (1881–1948) was the first scholar who identified the Register as the progenitor of the painting manual (huapu ) tradition.3 Shimada Shūjirō (1907–1994) associated the printed plum blossoms with “ink plum” (momei ), a literati painting genre formed during the Song Dynasty.4

Building upon Shimada’s thesis, art historian Maggie Bickford combined stylistic and textual analysis to reveal the embedded political meaning in the Register. Mainly focusing on the historical allusions in the matching poem, Bickford argued that the book was intended to convey the author’s political opinions. 5 Also based on the close reading of Song Boren’s published poems, Chen Te-hsin proposed that the Register served more utilitarian purpose of finding its author a government job.6

2 Qian Daxin , “Ba” , in Meihua xishenpu , ed. Yin Shoushi , vol. 1 of Zhongguo guhuapu jicheng (Jinan: Shandong meishu chubanshe, 2000), 149. 3 Tanaka Toyozo , “Sohon baika kishinfu” , in Chugoku bijustu no kenkyu (Tokyo: Nigensha, 1964), 209. 4 Shimada Shūjirō , “Shosai baifu teiyo” , Bunka 20, no. 2 (1956): 96–118. 5 Maggie Bickford, Ink Plum: The Making of a Chinese Scholar Painting Genre (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 183–184; Bickford, “Stirring the Pot of State: The Sung Picture-Book Meihua Hsi-Shen P’u and Its Implication on Yuan Scholar Painting,” Asia Major 6 (1993): 219–223. 6 Chen Te-hsin , “Meihua xishenpu song boren de ziwo tuijianshu” , Guoli Taiwan

The medium specificity of the Register has received less attention in the aforementioned case studies. The modern Chinese terms for woodcut, banhua or muke hua , was firstly used by the early twentieth century scholars to incorporate the age-old tradition into an art historical narrative modeled after the western counterpart. Zheng Zhenduo (1898–1958), a prominent scholar and collector of Chinese woodcut, elevated the aesthetic dimensions of the printed images and traced their stylistic development throughout history.7 In subsequent scholarship, printed images had been studied mainly as documentary evidence for the commodification of culture. Art historians such as Wang Cheng-hua , Lin Li-chiang

, and Ma Meng-ching have investigated the production of printed illustrations to unveil regional commercial and cultural networks in the late imperial China.8 The painting manual (huapu ) , a particular genre of printed images, was examined by J. P. Park to cast light on the relationship between artistic taste and class mobility during the late eighteenth century.9 Regarding the issue of replication, Hua Lei conducted a comprehensive study on the reproduction of the Register during the early nineteenth century.10

The materiality of print and the process of image making received growing attention in recent studies of middle period (900–1400) religious prints. Shifting from a singular iconographical approach, art historians began to frame the question of efficacy in terms of the

Daxue meishushi yanjiu jikan 5 (1998): 140–145. 7 Zheng Zhenduo , “Zhongguo banhuashi tulu zixu” , in Zhongguo gudai mukehua shilue (Shanghai: Shanghai shudian chubanshe 2006), 231 – 241. 8 Wang Cheng-hua , “Qingdai chuzhongqi zuowei chanye de Suzhou banhua yuqi shangye mianxiang,” , Zhongyang yanjiuyuan jindaishi yanjiusuo jikan 92 (2016), 1 – 54; Lin Li-chiang , “A Study of the Xinjuan hainei qiguan, a Ming Dynasty Book of Famous Sites,” In Bridges to Heaven: Essays on East Asian Art in Honor of Professor Wen C. Fong, ed. Jerome Silbergeld et al. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2011), 779–812; Ma Meng- ching , “Yiwe yu banhua yu huihua zhijian shizhuzhai shuhuapu de duochong xingge” , Gugong xueshu jikan 18 (1995): 109–149. 9 J. P. Park, Art by the Book: Painting Manuals and the Leisure Life in Late Ming China (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2012). 10 Hua Lei , “Meihua xishenpu banbenkao” (MA thesis, Shanghai: Fudan Daxue, 2010).

3 material and conceptual processes. Analyzing the design of two printed Dhārāṇi Sūtra dated to early eleventh century, Eugene Wang argued that their perceived efficacy was predicated upon the medium’s capacity to facilitate instant production of a replicable effect.11 By implication, the print medium reshaped the incantation ritual into an automated process. The print medium also played significant role in the development of a standardized visual paradigm in Buddhist art.

Susan Shih-shan Huang compared multiple editions of the printed frontispieces for the Lotus

Sūtra (Saddharma Puṇḍarīka Sūtra, miaofa lianhua jing ) and identified the principle of modular construction in their designs.12

From a macro-level perspective, the advent of printing technology changed the way of perceiving verbal and visual information. In The Printing Press as an Agent of Change,

Elizabeth Eisenstein examines how the shift from the script to print medium influenced the mode of communication and intellectual development throughout fifteenth-century Western

Christendom.13 However, Eisenstein’s thesis was challenged by later historians of book and reading. Adrian Johns disagreed with Eisenstein in the part that the printing press should be perceived as possessing “impersonal agency.” Instead, Johns prioritized the human user as the initiator of change, rather than the machine.14 In The Nature of Books, Johns demonstrates that fixity, a common assumption of the inherent characteristic of print, was contingent upon human usage rather than technology itself.15 The tension between the inherent machine agency and human intention also manifest itself in the field of Chinese book history. Cynthia Brokaw

11 Eugene Wang, “Ritual Practice Without a Practitioner? Early Eleventh Century Dharani Prints in the Ruiguangsi Pagoda,” Cahiers d’Extreme Asie 20 (2011): 159. 12 Susan Shih-shan Huang, “Media Transfer and Modular Construction: The Printing of Lotus Sutra Frontispiece in Song China,” Ars Orientalis 41 (2011): 154. 13 Elizabeth Eisenstein, “The Unacknowledged Revolution,” in vol. 1 of The Printing Press as an Agent of Change (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980), 3–42. 14 Adrian Johns, “How to Acknowledge a Revolution,” The American Historical Review 107, no. 1 (2002): 106–125. 15 Adrian Johns, The Nature of the Book: Print and Knowledge in the Making (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998), 3.

4 examined the introduction of new printing technologies in the late imperial period and their social impacts through trade network.16 Hilde De Weerdt and Joseph McDermott investigated the persistence of scribal culture and its changing significance in the era of printing.17

Methodology

The main goal of this thesis is to reconstruct the “period eye” for understanding the historical significance of the Register. In the Painting and Experience in Fifteenth-Century Italy

(1972), Michael Baxandall examines a wide range of socio-cultural conventions that shaped the historical perception of a painting. According to Baxandall, spectators are equipped with a set of mental frameworks including “a stock of patterns, categories and methods of inference,”

“training in a range of representational conventions” and “experience drawn from the environment” when approaching a picture.18 In the Patterns of Intention (1985), Baxandall elaborates his theoretical framework by differentiating the notion of “intention” and

“intentionality”: the former is the psychological state of particular agent who creates an art object, while the latter refers to the relationship between the object and its circumstances, including institutional, cognitive, and behavioral causes that influence the process of making.19

To explain why an art object acquires certain form or style, it is unavoidable to think of it as a product of purposeful activity and therefore the intentions of its maker. Instead of denying the relevance of the maker, Baxandall proposed to situate the individuals’ intention in a form of

16 Cynthia Brokaw, “Commercial Woodblock Publishing in the Qing (1644–1911) and the Transition to Modern Print Technology,” In From Woodblocks to the Internet: Chinese Publishing and Print Culture in Transition, circa 1800 to 2008, edited by Cynthia Brokaw and Christopher Reed (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 44. 17 Joseph McDermott, “The Ascendance of the Imprint in China,” in Printing and Book Culture in Late Imperial China, edited by Cynthia Brokaw and Kai-wing Chow (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005): 55–104; Hilde De Weerdt, “Continuities between Scribal and Print Publishing in Twelfth-Century Song China – The Case of Wang Mingqing’s Serialized Notebooks,” East Asian Publishing and Society 6 (2016): 54–83. 18 Michael Baxandall, Painting and Experience in Fifteenth Century Italy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1972), 29. 19 Michael Baxandall, Patterns of Intention: On the Historical Explanation of Pictures (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1985), 41–42.

5 triangular relationship made up of “the problem, the circumstances, and the object”: the problem is a task of making an art object; the circumstances are the given facts, culturally determined possibilities, and resources from which the solution could be found; the object is the solution to the problem.20 To retrieve the intentionality of an artwork, the art historian concentrates on the circumstantial factors that played a part in the maker’s conceptualization of the object during the problem solving process.

Given that the Register existed as a printed object, this thesis attempts to understand its ontological status through its own terms. Instead of treating them as reflections of literati aesthetics or political ideology, this research proposes an alternative approach to the meaning of printed plum blossoms. According to Marshall McLuhan, it is essential to go beyond the representation itself to include the entire range of technical “extension of man” in our understanding of media.21 For McLuhan, all the technological inventions, ranging from printing press to railroad system, constituted the field of social communication and expression. Regarding art object as technical, socio-economic, political form of mediation echoes the “agency theory” proposed by Alfred Gell. In the Art and Agency (1998), Gell formulates an alternative approach towards art not based on the study of aesthetic principles, but the mobilization of these principles in the course of particular social interaction.22 In the relational matrix envisioned by Gell, agency, defined as the capacity to initiate causal events with one’s intention, could be divided into primary and secondary levels. The former is ascribed to the “intentional beings” and the latter is attributed to “things” that become extensions of the primary agents’ intentions and causality, thus endowing effective agency.23 Thus, a tool with its “distributed agency” and

20 Baxandall, Patterns of Intention, 32–35. 21 Marshall McLuhan, “Understanding Media,” in Essential McLuhan, edited by Eric McLuhan and Frank Zingrone (Concord: Anansi Press, 1995), 149. 22 Alfred Gell, Art and Agency: An Anthropological Theory (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), 4. 23 Gell, Art and Agency, 21.

“affecting presence” could be perceived as a form of physical mediation in the causal chain. In the field of Chinese art history, the notion of agency was initially brought up in Lothar

Ledderose’s thesis of modularity. 24 In the sixth chapter of Ten Thousand Things (2000),

Ledderose examines the technology of woodblock printing as one manifestation of the modular mode of thinking. However, Ledderose’s notion of agency is inherited in the cognitive structure, which precedes the very technology itself. In the Sensuous Surfaces (2010), Jonathan Hay acknowledges ornamentation’s capability to articulate the surface both physically and conceptually, through mediating the bodies of the viewing subject and the artefact.25

Outline

Situating the Register in the context of Song dynasty print culture, this thesis argues that the very possibility of its making was predicated upon the wide circulation of printed images.

Specifically, the plum blossom visual analogs in the Register demonstrate the convergence between the advent of printing technology and an emerging formal consciousness. The design logic behind the visual analogs reflects the mode of associative thinking informed by the Song dynasty Learning of the Way (Daoxue ) discourse. Therefore, the Register served as a vehicle of cultural meaning consensually accepted within the thirteenth-century Learning of the

Way community.

24 Ledderose examines a long history of modular construction across different mediums and processes, and synthesizes a theory that particular cognitive structure, which transcends any particular medium or technology, allows the creation of vast possibilities based on a limited repertoire of units. This mental framework not only gave rise to the technology that enable artefacts to be produced in large quantities and of great variety, but also shaped the fabric of the Chinese society to accommodate rapidly increasing population while maintaining coherence and order. See Lothar Ledderose, Ten Thousand Things: Module and Mass Production in Chinese Art (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000). 25 Johnathan Hay, “The Object Thinks with Us,” in Sensuous Surfaces: The Decorative Object in Early Modern China (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2010), 69–89.

This thesis is divided into three sections. Section 1 provides factual information on the

Register, including the author’s biography, the materiality of the imprint, and the textual history extending to the early nineteenth century. Interpreting the Register’s preface and postscript, I argue that the book was made to promote a particular mode of plum blossom appreciation in accordance with the Learning of the Way framework. Section 2 analyzes a selected group of plum blossom visual analogs – those titled after ritual vessels, flora, and fauna. Using visual and textual evidences drawn from the contemporaneous illustrated books, I demonstrate how to recognize the formal resemblance between the flowers and their counterparts. Section 3 examines the design logic of plum blossom visual analogs. Given that the key value of the

Learning of the Way permeated into various cultural activities during the thirteenth century, I argue that the concept of “retrieving schema” (quxiang ) was fundamental in the visualization of plum blossoms.26 Through the creation of visual analogs, the act of plum blossom appreciation could be integrated into a consensually accepted model of associative thinking informed by Learning of the Way principles.

26 Rather than adopting the conventional translation of xiang as “figure,” “image,” or “semblance,” I use Jeffrey Moser’s translation of xiang as “schema” because it better conveys the sense of xiang being an outline of a plan that awaits unfolding. However, it should be noticed that the translation of xiang as “schema” is not universally applicable, but contingent upon particular cases. See Jeffrey Moser, “The Cauldron: Hypotyposis and Hexagrammatical Signification in Northern Song Thought” (Paper presented for the Harvard University Conference on Middle Period China, 800–1400, Cambridge, Boston, June 5–7, 2014).

SECTION ONE

SONG BOREN’S PLUM BLOSSOMS CATALOG

The Register of 1261 edition consists of two volumes. Volume 1 includes the author’s preface, publisher’s colophon (paiji ), table of contents, and fifty titled plum blossom pictures, each accompanied with a regulated five-character quatrain. Volume 2 continues with another sequence of fifty picture-poem pairings and multiple postscripts (ba ), two of which are dated to the thirteenth century. Each page presents a single branch of plum blossom, which occupies about two-thirds of the entire space. Above the picture there is the title, and the matching poem is situated in the left column. The texts and the images are confined in their respective grids made of solid black lines. The Register features one hundred plum blossoms in different postures by combining elements such as branch, petals, stamen, pistil and calyx. All formal variations are organized into a sequence covering the eight periods of the flower’s life cycle.27 The title for each picture is irrelevant to the biological nomenclature. Instead, it is based on the formal resemblance between the flower and other things. Additionally, the matching poem celebrates the thing mentioned in the title rather than the plum blossom. Thus, the juxtaposition of image and text transforms the printed plum blossoms into visual analogs.

To understand the Register as a printed artefact, this section provides an overview of the books’ authorship, materiality, and compositional strategy. Particular attention will be paid to the preface and the postscript recorded in the 1261 edition. Based on the close reading of these texts,

I argue that the predominant mode of interpretation, which treats the book as a form of political

27 There are eight categories in the Register: 1) “four covered buds” (beilei sizhi ), 2) “sixteen small buds” (xiaorui shiliuzhi ), 3) “eight large buds” (darui bazhi ), 4) “eight openings” (yukai bazhi ), 5) “fourteen fully opened” (dakai shisizhi ), 6) “twenty-eight radiants” (lanman ershibazhi ), 7) “sixteen fading” (yuxie shiliuzhi ) and 8) “six forming fruit” (jiushi liuzhi ).

9 expression, underestimates the inner complexity of the book and the significance of the plum blossom visual analogs.

The Author

The author of the Register, Song Boren, was a marginalized literati and low-level official active in the thirteenth-century Jiangnan region.28 He was either a native of Huzhou (in present day Zhejiang Province) or Guangping (in present day Hebei Province). After passing the special examination of literary talent, boxue hongci (lit. “broad learning and extensive words”), Song Boren served as the salt distribution commissioner (yanyunsi shuguan ) at Taizhou (in present day Jiangsu Province) between 1233 and

1236.29 In 1237, Song Boren resigned and moved his family to Ximacheng , suburb of the capital city Lin’an (present day Hangzhou). Between 1237 and 1245, Song Boren made several attempts to re-enter public service without success.30 Besides the Register, Song Boren published his poetry anthologies, including the Collection of West Path (Xicheng ji ), the Collection of Forgotten Schemes (Wangji ji ) and the Song Lyrics of the Fisherman Recluse amid

Mist and Waves (Yanbo yuyinci ), through Chen Qi (ca. 12th century), who published many writings for the “Rivers and Lakes Poets Group” (jianghu shipai ).31

28 Book collector and scholar Huang Pilie compiled most of Song Boren’s biographical information and included them in his postscript for the eighteenth-century re-printed edition of the Register. See Huang Pilie, “Ba”, in Meihua xishenpu, 143– 145. 29 Chen Te-hsin, “Meihua xishenpu: Song boren de ziwo tuijian shu,” 132. 30 Chen Te-hsin , “Meihua xishenpu yanjiu” (MA Thesis, National Taiwan University, 1996): 17–22. 31 There is no extant Song dynasty edition of Song Boren’s work besides the Register. The current version of the Song Lyrics of the Fisherman Recluse amid Mist and Waves was compiled in the fifteenth-century encyclopedia Yongle dadian . The Collection of West Past was incorporated into the Small Collection of Southern Song Worthies (Nansong qunxian xiaoji ), an anthology edited during the Qing Dynasty (1644–1912). The Collection of Forgotten Schemes was added to the Supplementary to the Small collection of Southern Song Worthies (Nansong qunxian xiaoji buyi ).

Michael Fuller clearly demonstrated that the “Rivers and Lakes” writers formed a social and cultural network to negotiate the concerns and values between local and national level.

Accompanied by the rise of the Learning of the Way movement in the early thirteenth century, poetry became the locus for rethinking the definition of the self and action in the world.32 The association between Song Boren and “Rivers and Lakes” writers indicates that the Register could have been made for a particular group of readers that shared common values. However, this fellowship alone does not mean that the book was explicitly intended to advance a political argument.

The Textual History

The Register was first published in a now-lost 1238 edition, and was reprinted in 1261 by

Shuangguitang , a commercial publisher in Jinhua (in present day Zhejiang

Province). Being a unique copy (guben ), the 1261 edition was owned by generations of book collector, including Wen Zhengming (1470–1559), Qian Zeng (1629–1701),

Huang Pilie (1763–1825), Yu Changsui (ca. 19th century), Pan Zuyin

(1830–1890), Pan Zhongwu (ca. 19th century) and Wu Hufan (1894–1968).33

Under the commission of Huang Pilie, the Register was re-carved by Yuan Tingdao

(1764–1809) and was published by the Shen Family Guni Garden (shenshi guniyuan

), a publisher in the Songjiang region. When Yuan Tingdao copied the plum blossoms, he employed the outlining (shuanggou ) technique to transcribe the structure of twigs and

32 Michael Fuller, “Aesthetics and Meaning in Experience: A Theoretical Perspective on Zhu Xi's Revision of Song Dynasty Views of Poetry,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 65 (2005): 354. 33 The collection history of the Register is reconstructed by identifying collectors’ seal-impressions in the 1261 edition. See Zhu Zhongyue , “Songkan guben meihua xishenpu” , Zhongguo lishi wenwu 5 (2002): 77–78.

11 petals, while using freehand-copying (duilin ) on finer details such as pistil and stamen. The early nineteenth century re-carved edition served as the prototype for a series of copies.

However, the copy made for the Special Collection of Mount Wanwei (Wanwei biecang

) deviates from the original by showing different style of brushwork (Fig. 1.1 & 1.2).34 In a recent essay, Jonathan Hay proposes rethinking the notion of artistic replication not just as “a reflexive mode of representation but at the same time a way of re-staging an original act of production.”35 The reproduction of the Register also reflect the notion of reenactment, which allows certain degree of formal variation as long as the intention (yi ) in the original work is conveyed.

The Materiality of the Register

When the Register was rediscovered in the eighteenth century, book collector Huang

Pilie altered the book’s physical format from “thread binding” (xianzhuang ) to “butterfly binding” (hudiezhuang ), which was believed to be its original state.36 In the history of

Chinese book, the popularity of butterfly binding in the Song dynasty marked the depart from the concept of the scroll and the beginning of the folded leaf book. To produce a book in butterfly format, a page is folded inward with printed content facing each other; the folded pages are placed in a stack and pasted together at the inner fold to form a spine (Fig. 1). Since the individual leaves were folded in half, two consecutive pages could be printed from one block.

34 The Separate Collection of Mount Wanwei was compiled by book collector and editor Ruan Yuan (1764–1849). It includes 174 books with a total length of 1700 volumes and served as supplement to the Qing imperial collectaneum, Siku quanshu . According to Huang Pilie’s account, Ruan Yuan acquired a copy of the Register from Yuan Tingdao in 1813. See Hua Lei , “Guniyuanben meihuaxishenpu kanyin kao” , Tushuguan zazhi 6 (2010): 66–71. 35 Jonathan Hay, “The Reproductive Hand,” in Between East and West: Reproductions in Art (Proceedings of the 2013 CIHA Colloquium in Naruto, Japan, 15th-18th January 2013), ed. Shigetoshi Osano et al., (Crakow: IRSA, 2014), 323. 36 Hua, “Meihua xishenpu banbenkao,” 6.

Therefore, when the readers flip through the Register, they always see printed plum blossoms in pairs. Noticeably, the titles of each pair of plum blossoms belong to the same category, which create a sense of order among visual analogs.37

Through the course of collection, the Register was re-mounted on new paper.38 Upon close examination, the original paper has a brown tinge, suggesting that it is made of cheaper material like bamboo rather than mulberry tree bark.39 Also, it is thinner than those made for calligraphy and painting. When pressed on the block, this kind of paper cannot withstand too much pressure. In terms of coloration, the insufficient blackness might indicate the use of low quality ink that lacks viscosity.40 Due to these factors, the imprint had to be retouched with the brush after printing.41 In terms of script, the preface and postscript used “running script” (xingshu

), while the body texts were carved in slightly slanted “standard script” (kaishu ). For the printed images, the carver attempted to recreate the brush effect used in painting, such as

“flying white” (feibai ), a technique that gives an impression of the brush leaping over the paper’s surface without losing contact. The publisher’s colophon confirmed the book’s status as re-print edition (chongkeben ) produced in 1261. The original 1238 edition remains missing.

This thesis treats the Register primarily as a physical object rather than as a consequence of a historic circumstances. The former approach serves better in acknowledging the material

37 The design and the significance of plum blossom analogs will be discussed with more detail in the Section 2 and 3 of this thesis. 38 The original folio measures 15.1 cm in height and 10.7 cm in width. See Zhu, “Songkan guben meihua xishenpu,” 75. 39 Mulberry tree bark served as the primary material for paper-making in the Zhejiang region during thirteenth century, while bamboo was more commonly used in the Fujian region. For detailed analysis of the Jianyang imprints (jianyang ben ) that made of bamboo, see Lucille Chia, The Commercial Publishers of Jianyang, Fujian (11th–17th Centuries) (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2003), 26. 40 Since printing ink need only be dark enough and adhere to the paper without smudging, usually it was made with fewer ingredients than those for painting and calligraphy. See Lucille Chia, Printing for Profit, 30. 41 Hua Lei’s research also confirms this observation. Hua dated these traces of retouch to late eighteenth century. See Hua Lei, “Meihua xishenpu kanyinkao,” 13.

13 persistence and poly-temporality of an object. When adopting the latter approach, we tend to fix the artefact within a single chain of cause and effect, while paying less attention to the fact that an object has a physical reality apart from being a link in causal chains. Similarly, regarding the

Register primarily as a political statement stirred by certain events constrain the object within a preconditioned narrative, which had little to do with the internal coherence of the book itself. In the case of the Register, the most pressing issue is to explain why the author compiled a hundred printed images in book form. To find out the answer, a critical reading of the Register’s preface is needed.

The Preface of the Register

The preface begins with Song Boren declaring his obsession with plum blossoms.42 By composing the Register, Song Boren expressed his regret for not being able to completely fathom the subtitles (qu ：) of the flower. He compared his insatiable desire with that of Song

Jing て (663–737), a prominent official in the Tang dynasty (618–907) who composed the famous Rhapsody on Plum Blossom (Meihua fu ). Fu , usually translated as rhapsody, is a form of rhymed prose in which a subject is described and celebrated in exhaustive detail and ornate language. Although Song Jing was recognized as a stern man with a “heart of iron and bowels of stone” (tieshi xinchang ), when he wrote poetry on the plum blossom, his language became delicate and sensuous. During the Song dynasty, literati who wrote on floral

42 Song Boren , “zixu” , in Meihua xishenpu , ed. Yin Shoushi , vol. 1 of Zhongguo guhuapu jicheng (Jinan: Shandong meishu chubanshe, 2000), 3. For the English translation, as well as the original text, please see Appendix 1. My translation is based on Maggie Bickford, Susan Bush and Shih Hsiao-yen’s translation with modification. See Bickford, “Stirring the Pot of State,” 186–190; Susan Bush and Shih Hsiao-yen, “Mei-hua hsi-shen p’u (Album of the Appearances of Plum Blossoms) preface,” in Early Chinese Texts on Painting (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1985), 283–284.

14 cultivation and connoisseurship were pressured to seek moral justification.43 Song Jing and his rhapsody were often cited as their point of reference. Song Boren then listed a series of ways to exhaust the subtleties of plum blossoms:

When the flowers bloom, my vitals are suffused with pure frost and my shoulders are

covered in cold moonlight. Insatiably, I pace around the bamboo fence and thatched

cottage, smelling the stamens while blowing the petals, rubbing the fragrant parts while

chewing the pollen, attentively enjoying the plum blossoms lying low or stretching high,

bending down or facing up, branching out or joining together, and folding up or opening

wide.44

！

Amazed by the flower’s quality of being “extraordinary pure and archaic” (qingqi jungu

) and “unspoiled by a single strain of worldliness” (hongchenshi wu yidian xiangzhu

), Song Boren associated the plum blossoms with moral exemplars of antiquity and the recent past. According to Maggie Bickford, the flowering plum was celebrated with the

“language of singularity” in Song dynasty poetry, through which plum admirers associated the flower with a series of exclusive attributes and made it essentially different from all other flowers.45

After praising the flowering plum in every possible way, Song Boren explained how the

43 Ronald Egan, The Problem of Beauty: Aesthetic Thought and Pursuits in Northern Song Dynasty China (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2006), 143. 44 Song Boren, “zixu,” in Meihua xishenpu, 3. 45 Maggie Bickford, Ink Plum: The Making of a Chinese Scholar-Painting Genre (Cambridge: Oxford University Press, 1996), 49.

15 hundred sketches. Then, he matched each image to an individual type in the developmental sequence and removed the redundancies, leaving only one hundred images. Shimada Shūjirō believes Song Boren used pre-existing typological manual (taipu ) as the basis for his categorization system during the initial process.46 However, there is no solid evidence that such illustrated manuals were circulating in Song Boren’s time. According to Ronald Egan, treaties on the aesthetics of plant cultivation, rather than their nutritive value or pharmaceutical use, were rare before the Northern Song.47 And the literature devoted to flower cultivation and connoisseurship that flourished in the later Song period seldom included images.48

Most importantly, Song Boren clarified that it was not his intention to create a conventional botanical treatise on plum blossoms. What Song Boren did for making the Register could be summarized into three steps: One, he visualized the plum’s life cycle in one hundred images; two, he titled each image based on the shape it resembles; and three, he composed regulated five-character quatrains to match the titles. Song Boren also urged his readers not to conflate the printed images with the ink plum, which needs to be executed with “the methods of a particular master’s style” (jiafa ).49 In short, Song Boren altered the compositional strategy for conventional illustrated register to meet his unique agenda:

46 Shimada Shūjirō , “Kaidai Asano hon Shosai baifu nit suite” , in Shosai baifu (Hiroshima: Hiroshima shiritsu chuo toshokan, 1988), 11–13. 47 Egan, The Problem of Beauty, 109. 48 The extant Song dynasty treaties on peonies, bamboo, chrysanthemum and plum are Luoyang mudan ji 、 (1030s), Ouyang Xiu ; Chenzhou mudan ji , Zhang Bangji ; Mudan rongru zhi , Qiu Daoyuan ; Yinjiang zhoushi Luoyang mudan ji 、 (1082), Zhou Shihou ; Tianpeng mudan ji , Lu You ; Liushi jupu (1104), Liu Meng ; Shishi jupu (1151?), Shi Zhengzhi ; Fancun jupu (1174), Fancun meipu , Fan Chengda . Most of these treaties were collected in the Baichuan xuehai 》 (Comp. by Zuo Gui , Song Dynasty), Shuo fu (Comp. by Tao Zongyi , Ming Dynasty), and Siku quanshu (Comp. by imperial court of the Qing Dynasty). None of them are illustrated. 49 For the comprehensive study of the ink plum tradition, see Maggie Bickford, Ink Plum: The Making of a Chinese Scholar Painting Genre (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1996).

Intending to share it (the Register) with plum-loving gentlemen, I ventured to have it

carved and printed… So that they could not pass a day without seeing plum blossoms,

and they will never forget the meaning of plum blossoms throughout their life.50

…

Song Boren wanted his printed images to serve as substitutes for real flowers when those flowers were not accessible. Furthermore, his claim makes a connection between the visual experience and cognitive process: it is crucial to understand the relationship between one hundred visual analogs and the “meaning of plum blossoms.”

But what could Song Boren possibly mean by the “meaning of plum blossoms?” In the next section of the preface, he seemed to provide a quick answer to that question. He conjured up an interlocutor who questioned whether or not he realized the moral significance embedded in the plum blossom. In response, he highlighted the last poem in the Register. Titled “Seasoning the Shang Tripod” (shangding cuigeng ), the poem alludes to one of the Confucian

Classics, the Book of Documents (Shangshu ). According to the allusion, an impartial minister should maintain political harmony at court as if making soup with different ingredients.

Since dried plum was commonly used for seasoning food, citing this allusion in poetry cultivated an alternative image of the plum blossom as a socially responsible agent, in contrast to feminine beauty and solitary reclusion.51 During the Song dynasty, indulging oneself in aesthetic appreciation and connoisseurship elicited moral anxiety among the literati, who were eager to find new ways in which modes of refinement and attention to sensuous beauty could be reconciled with the moralistic discourse that emphasized severe rectitude and didacticism

50 Song Boren, “zixu,” in Meihua xishenpu, 8–9. 51 Maggie Bickford, “Stirring the Pot of State,” 192–195.

17 towards all aspects in life.52 For eminent literati such as Mi Fu (1051–1107), Ouyang Xiu

(1007–1072) and Su Shi (1037 – 1101), aesthetic expression and pursuits in art collecting needed to be justified as the fundamental source of value and identity in a person’s life in different ways.53 As such, the moral justification provided in Song Boren’s preface should not be used as evidence for attributing an expressly didactic function to the Register. On the contrary, it demonstrates Song Boren’s attempt to reconcile “plum obsession” as a source of literati value.

The Reception of the Register

The two Song dynasty postscripts included in the 1261 edition of the Register offer us an opportunity to explore the historical reception of Song Boren’s book. The first one, written by

Xiang Shibi (?–1261), praised Song Boren’s rectitude and associated his moral character with the plum blossom.54 Xiang Shibi also commented on the nature of the Register:

Alas! Is it not the case that the plum to Song Boren is butterfly to Zhuang Zhou?55 People

of the past said: a single plum blossom holds the whole of the Heaven and Earth. To

break away with plum obsession and develop genuine interest in the principle (li), that is

what Song Boren has been devoted to.56

52 Egan, The Problems of Beauty, 375. 53 Egan, The Problems of Beauty, 376–382. 54 Xiang Shibi earned jinshi degree in 1231 and served official posts in Huaidong 」 (Modern time Jiangsu Province) and Huaixi 」 areas (modern time Anhui Province). He was executed in 1261 on the orders of his political rival Jia Sidao (1213–1275). For his biography, see Tuo tuo, Songshi, juan 175, 12477–12478. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1982. 55 Zhuang Zhou , also known as Zhuangzi , was a prominent philosopher living in 4th century BC. He is credited as the author of Zhuangzi, in which he reflected on issues of particularity and universality, nature of knowledge and language, metaphysical implication of moral value, and understanding of the self. In the chapter two of Zhuangzi, there is a story that he once dreamed himself as a butterfly. After awakening, he realized that he could not tell the distinction between reality and illusion, subject and object. See William Theodore De Bary and Irene Bloom, “Transformation and Transcendence in the Zhuangzi,” in vol. 1 of Source of Chinese Tradition: from Earliest Time to 1600 (New York: Columbia University, 1999), 103. 56 Xiang Shibi , “Meihuapu houxu” , in Meihua xishenpu , 127–129.

The term li , usually translated as “principle” or “coherence”, played a significant role in the

Chinese history of thought.57 Peter Bol pointed out that the principle served both a descriptive and normative function in the Song dynasty Learning of the Way framework. On one hand, the principle was used as a descriptive term to refer to how something worked, the logic, reasoning, or coherence of a statement, and the pattern or system of relationship that held the parts together; on the other hand, it was used as a normative term, meaning the standard according to which something ought to function and which ensured that all parts would work together.58 The principle was also understood as universal, meaning that there was no distinction for all principles guiding the creation of life and its operation. Thus, the principle inherited in every single thing is part of the principle of the universe as an integrated system in which all principles are held together.59 The notion that “a single plum blossom holds the whole of the Heaven and

Earth” expressed this unitary characteristic of the principle. According to Xiang Shibi’s comment, the Register was not only seen as a declaration of personal interest, but a serious intellectual commitment to the understanding of the principle.

The second postscript was written by Ye Shaoweng (ca. thirteenth century), a scholar-official and historian serving in the Southern Song court. Ye Shaoweng was also friend of Zhen Dexiu (1178–1235), a prominent advocate of the Learning of the Way. Although

57 The translation of li as “principle” was generally agreed among sinologists. However, Willard Peterson forcefully argues that by translating li as “coherence,” it could better convey the sense of unity in the Cheng Yi and Zhu Xi ’s usage. See Willard Peterson, “Another Look at Li ,” in The Bulletin of Sung-Yuan Studies 18 (1986), 14. 58 Peter Bol, Neo Confucianism in History (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2008), 162–163. 59 Bol, Neo Confucianism in History, 166.

19 there is no record showing the relationship between Ye Shaoweng and Song Boren, the good- natured banter in his comment suggests that they were close:

Song Jing was of course your ancestor, but not the “heart of iron and bowels of stone.”

His grandchild was not made of iron and stone, thereupon being bothered by plum. If that

is the case, please take a moment away from this, come outside to the great river and

laugh it off.60

–

In this comment, Ye Shaoweng not only confirmed Song Boren’s reference to the distant past, but also made another connection with Huang Tingjian (1045–1105), a well-known literary figure from the near past. On the one hand, he playfully appropriated the last couplet of

Huang’s poem to mock Song Boren’s obsession with the flowers.61 On the other hand, he implicitly reminded Song Boren not to forget the larger picture of his laborious project.

According to Wang Yugen, the metaphor of water figured prominently in Huang Tingjian’s poetics. In his letter to He Jingweng , Huang compared the process of learning to the water of the Yangtze river, which gains greater momentum as it merges with thousands of small streams.62 If the river in Huang’s line is a metaphor for greater knowledge, then by citing “come outside to the great river and laugh it off” (chumen yixiao dajiangheng ), Ye was expressing his concern that Song Boren was too absorbed in categorizing plum blossoms

60 Ye Shaoweng , “Meihuapu houxu” , in Meihua xishenpu, 131–132. 61 Huang Tingjian’s original couplet reads “Sitting across the flower and becoming bothered by it, come outside to the great river and laugh it off” . See Huang Tingjian (1045–1105), “Wang Chongdao sent me fifty narcissus as gift. I accepted with pleasure and composed a poem for him” , in vol. 1 of Huang tingjian quanji , annotated by Liu Lin , Li Yongxian , and Wang Rongui (Chengdu: Sichuan daxue chubanshe, 2001), 114. 62 Wang Yugen , Ten Thousand Scrolls: Reading and Writing in the Poetics of Huang Tingjian and the Late Northern Song (Cambridge: Harvard University, 2011), 132.

20 and forgot the larger significance. But did Song Boren really get carried away by the trivialities in cataloguing plum blossoms? It is more likely that he wanted to remind his readers to transcend the plum obsession and reach a higher realm of understanding.

Re-thinking the Meaning of the Plum Blossoms

In noticing that the Register had been uncritically treated as a painting manual in the traditional scholarship, Maggie Bickford interpreted this book as a documentary evidence that reflects the changes in the political culture of the late Song dynasty.63 In 1233, after the death of chief councilor Shi Miyuan (1164–1233), Emperor Lizong (r. 1224–1264) carried out a series of reforms, which resulted in a growing tolerance of political criticism.64 Focusing on the allusions used in the matching poems, Bickford argued that Song Boren’s main purpose for making the Register was to express his opinions on the recent political events. For instance, she pointed out that the picture titled “helmet” (zhou ) could refer to Han Tuozhou (1152–

1207), who led the military campaign to recover the north in 1206.65 In another case, the title

“Twin Lychee” (shuangli ) is a reference to Li Quan (d. 1231), a Shandong irredentist who opposed the Jurchen encroachment. In literary tradition, lychee has long been associated with Yang Yuhuan (719–756), the beloved consort of Emperor Xuanzong (r. 712–756).

During the An Lushan Rebellion (755–763), Emperor Xuanzong was forced to order Yang’s death sentence. Since Li Quan was later executed by the Song court, the theme of betrayal seems to resonate with the allusion of Yang’s lychee.

63 Bickford points out the three features that differentiate the book from conventional painting manual: 1) its picture-poetry format 2) the use of historical and classical allusion in the poem 3) unsynchronized visual and textual sequence. See Bickford, “Stirring the Pot of State,” 171–172. 64 Bickford, “Stirring the Pot of State,” 213. 65 Bickford, “Stirring the Pot of State,” 210.

In Bickford’s analysis, the printed images in the Register do not embody particular meaning in themselves, but instead serve as evidence for the codification of ink plum (momei) aesthetics. In her later book Ink Plum (1996), Bickford traced the development of this genre by demonstrating how different modes of painting plum blossoms were fused into the orthodox school favored by the literati artists. The turning point was when Zhong Ren’s (d. 1123) spontaneous ink splashed flowers inspired by Chan Buddhism fell out of favor in contrast to

Yang Wujiu ’s (1097–1171) calculated calligraphic style, which made it easy for the literati artist to appreciate and emulate.66 After the fourteenth-century Mongol conquest, the ink plum was perceived as the convergence of literati aesthetics and political symbolism. Bickford regarded Song Boren’s printed plum blossoms as the sign of the codifications of this genre. On the one hand, she identified several instances where the printed plum blossoms in the Register imitate Yang Wujiu’s brush effect.67 On the other hand, she suggested a connection between the

Register’s picture-poem format and Wang Mian’s (1287–1359) ink plum painting, where politically provocative poetic inscription unites with bold pictorial representation.68

Thanks to Bickford’s insightful approach, we are able to situate Song Boren’s book in the lineage of ink plum aesthetics. But we should still ask ourselves if it is productive to continue focusing on Song Boren’s Register through the lens of ink plum? If Song Boren intended to express his political opinions through wordplay and rebus, why associate them with a hundred images of plum blossoms? To answer this question, we should re-think the explanatory capacity of Bickford’s framework. Fitting the Register into an overarching narrative, such as the codification of ink plum, does not necessarily explain why the book was made. Also, it does not

66 Bickford, Ink Plum, 144–146. 67 Bickford, “Stirring the Pot of State,” 173–175. 68 Bickford, “Stirring the Pot of State,” 225.

22 provide a coherent explanation of why Song Boren disassociated his work from “ink plum” in the preface. More importantly, as a physical object, the Register does not exist merely as a link in one causal chain, which was charged with political meanings. The Register was conceptualized, designed, and manufactured through complex processes, and it was capable of generating its own meaning in various contexts. Rather than confining the Register within a singular interpretative framework informed mainly by text, this thesis will unleash the potentialities of Song Boren’s book by making the printed images the point of departure in understanding the “meaning of the plum blossom.”

SECTION TWO

PLUM BLOSSOMS AS VISUAL ANALOGS

The Register consists of one hundred schematic representations of plum blossoms, which were organized into eight sequential categories based on the plant’s biological phases. It differs from the conventional botanical treaties in two main respects: first, it does not specify any particular species of the plum tree; second, it illustrates the flower in various forms and associates them with other things.69 Noticeably, over half of the printed plum blossoms are analogized to ritual paraphernalia, flora, or fauna.70 The formal counterparts of these plum blossoms could be found in coeval illustrated books, such as the commentaries on the classics, antiquarian catalogs, medical manuals, and encyclopedias etc. In the previous studies, the printed plum blossoms were regarded primarily as the codification of the ink plum aesthetics, while the significance of this correspondence was left unexplained. In this section, I will first demonstrate how Song Boren’s plum blossoms were made to resemble other things, by comparing the flowers with their formal counterparts. Then, I will examine the historical perception of printed illustration during the Song Dynasty, with particular attention paid to its perceived role in facilitating the learning process. It is not my intention to claim any direct link between the

Register and any particular illustrated book. Rather, the goal is to understand the visual environment that habituated various printed images, including the plum blossom visual analogs, from the Song dynasty perspective.

69 In the preface, Song claims that his book is different from the regular treaties and painting manuals, even though it appears like one. Please see Section 1 for more detail. 70 According to my calculation, 50 percent of titles are related to flora and fauna, and 12 percent of titles are associated with ritual paraphernalia. The rest of titles are artifacts (21%), historical figure (7%), drama terminology (6%), natural phenomena (2%), and landscape (2%). See Appendix 4.

The Metamorphosis of Plum Blossoms

Most of the plum blossoms analogized as ritual vessels can be identified through three books: the Illustrated Three Ritual Classics (Sanlitu , dated 961, compiled by Nie

Chongyi “), the Comprehensive Records of Things (Shilin guangji , initially compiled by Chen Yuanjing in late thirteenth century), and the Shaoxi Illustrated

Handbook for Worshiping Confucius in the Prefectures (Shaoxi zhouxian shidianyitu

, dated 1194, compiled by Zhu Xi ).71 This group of analogs deserve special attention for two reasons: first, there was no precedent for associating plum blossom with ritual paraphernalia; second, the visual form of ancient ritual vessels was subjected to intensive study during the Song dynasty.

Let us begin by looking at the sixth picture (Fig. 2.1) in the “large buds” (darui ) category. The bold line stretching diagonally represents a twig. At its lower-left corner, there is a semi-closed square made of discrete curves, signifying a bud. On top of the square, there are three vertical short lines, resembling pistils and stamen. At the bottom of the bud, there is a pair of teardrops that represent the sepals. This picture is titled “Zhu” and inscribed with a poem to its left side, which reads:

Sides and depth accord to fixed the dimensions;

struck it sets the tune.

Tap the yu to stop the music;

start and finish have their cues.72

71 These fourteen plum blossom titles are you , zhu , bian , jue , gui , zan , yi , fu , qiqi , xuanzhong , ding , yong , se , gu . 72 Song Boren , “Zhu” , in Meihua xishenpu, 50. My translation of the poem is adapted from Bill Porter and Maggie Bickford’s translations with modification. See Sung Po-Jen, trans. Bill Porter, Lo Ch’ing, Guide to Capturing a Plum Blossom (Port Townsend, Washington: Copper Canyon Press, 2013); Bickford, “Stirring the Pot of State,” 169–225.

According to the Comprehensive Records of Things, zhu is an ancient percussion instrument designed for court ritual music:

The Zhu, is shaped like a lacquer barrel, with a diameter of two chi four cun and depth of

one chi eight cun. In the middle there is a stick, move it to strike the bottom, in that way

the tune is set.73

, ü

Song’s poem echoes the description of zhu by mentioning the dimension and the function of the musical instrument. Comparing the illustrations of zhu in the Comprehensive Records of Things and the Illustrated Three Ritual Classics (Fig. 2.2 and Fig. 2.3) with the printed plum blossom, it is not difficult to identify the formal resemblance: the flower’s protruding pistil corresponds to the vertical striking rod; the bud resembles the base structure of the musical instrument. A viewer who is familiar with the shape of zhu should recognize its form in the plum blossom picture immediately.

In another plum blossom picture (Fig. 3.1), a group of disjointed lines curves outward to form the contour of a bud, while another group of lines curves inward to enclose a space for stamen and pistils. The picture was titled “Bian” , and the matching poem reads:

Weaving verdant bamboo and jade branch across each other;

making its shape similar to a dou vessel.

What does it contain at the sacrifice;

dried peaches, meat, and grain.74

73 Chen Yuanjing , et al., “Zhu” , Xinbian zuantu zenglei qunshu leiyao shilin guangji (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2002), 381. 74 Song Boren , “Bian” , in Meihua xishenpu , 51.

，

According to the Comprehensive Records of Things, the bian is described as a food-containing basket made of woven bamboo:

It is made of bamboo, with rattan lip. The shape is similar to dou vessel. Its volume is

four sheng. It is used to hold dried foods.75

，

Again, Song Boren paraphrased the description of bian by presenting the similar information in the format of regulated verse. In the meantime, the illustrations of bian in the Comprehensive

Records of Things and the Illustrated Three Ritual Classics (Fig. 3.2 and 3.3) and the printed plum blossom share a similar formal structure—a circular bowl supported on a short stem rises from a flaring base.

The formal correspondence between the plum blossom and the ritual vessel were complicated by the fact that the reconstruction of the correct form of ancient ritual paraphernalia was a contested issue during the Song dynasty.76 On the one hand, the illustrations recorded in the earlier ritual manuals, such as the Illustrated Three Ritual Classics, were dismissed as corrupted by careless scribes over generations. On the other hand, the growing interest in the studies of the excavated materials provided new evidence for reconstructing the appropriate form of ritual paraphernalia. In catalogs such as the Illustrations for the Study of Antiquity (Kaogutu

, dated 1092, compiled by L Dalin ) and the Illustrated Catalog of Antique

Treasures from the Xuanhe Hall (Xuanhe bogutu , dated 1123, compiled by Wang

75 Chen Yuanjing, “Bian” , Xinbian zuantu zenglei qunshu leiyao shilin guangji, 376. 76 The Illustrations to the Three Ritual Classics was challenged as being a legitimate source of historical truth by scholars who relied on excavated material rather than transmitted images. See Jeffrey Moser, “Recasting Antiquities: Ancient Bronzes and Ritual Hermeneutics in the Song Dynasty,” (PhD diss. Harvard University, 2010), 16.

Fu and others), the excavated objects and the inscription they bear on the body were perceived as unmediated sources that provide access to the distant past.

The fifth picture (Fig. 4.1) in the “opening” (dakai ) category demonstrates the interpretive tension regarding the correct form of ancient ritual vessels. The contour of the bud is indicated with four disjointed curved lines. At the bottom of the bud, there is a pair of tear- shaped sepals. Besides the stamen and pistils, the top part of the flower is attached to a pair of wing-like structures, which may resemble the newly opened petals. The picture is titled gui and the matching poem reads:

The ancients do not take ritual vessels lightly;

this one is used to hold the millet.

Inside square and outside round;

wouldn’t that be the uniqueness of this vessel?77

According to the Illustrations to the Three Ritual Classics, the gui was a food container with a lid on top:

The Gui, is the vessel to hold millet. It has lid resembling turtle. With the square interior

and round exterior, it fits the regulation ...78

, …

The part “resembling turtle” (xiangguixing ) is a point of disagreement between early visual exegesis and later reconstruction. In the Illustrations to the Three Ritual Classics and

Comprehensive Record of Things, the term was visualized as a zoomorphic design (Fig. 4.2 and

77 Song Boren , “Gui” , in Meihua xishenpu, 57. 78 Nie Chongyi “, Xinding sanlitu , juan 13, p.6 (Beijing: Tsinghua daxue chubanshe, 2006), 422–423.

4.3). While in the Illustrated Ritual Handbook for the Prefecture during the Shaoxi Reign, the term was understood as referring to a geometric pattern rather than the actual shape of the turtle

(Fig. 4.4).79 In the Register, Song’s poem omits the zoomorphic description, while leaving the rest of description intact. In the meantime, the newly opened petals share more likeness with the mountain-shaped lid rather than the turtle.

Besides ritual vessels, flora and fauna are also common titles for the printed plum blossoms. The counterparts of these analogs can be found in the extant edition of the Zhenghe

Period Revised Classified Practical Materia Medica from the Classics and Histories (Chongxiu zhenghe jingshi zhenglei beiyong bencao に, hereafter the Materia

Medica).80 For instance, the ninth picture (Fig. 5.1) in the “small buds” (xiaorui ) category resembles the shape of a pomegranate (Fig. 5.2) illustrated in the Materia Medica. Upon close examination, the area from which the stamen and pistils emerge echoes the crack on the fruit’s skin that exposes the seeds inside. In another example, the third picture (Fig. 6.1) in the “large buds” (darui ) category, titled “clam shell” (bangke ), demonstrates formal similarity to the the illustration in the Materia Medica (Fig. 6.2): the oval silhouette of the flower resembles the shell, while the overlaying petals look like the soft tissue hidden inside. The plum blossom titled “gibbon’s arm” (yuanbi ) (Fig. 7.1) corresponds to the illustration of “gibbon” (yuan

79 The discrepancy in the visualization of gui was further discussed in Hsu Ya-hwei and Hiseh Ming-liang’s studies. See Hsu Ya- hwei , “Xuanhe bogutu de ‘jianjie’ liuchuan: yi Yuandai Saiyin Chidahu mu chutu de taoqi yu Shaoxi zhouxian shidianyi tu wei li” , Meishushi yanjiu jikan 14 (March, 2003): 1–26; Hsieh Ming-liang , “Beifang bufen diqu yuanmu chutu taoqi de quyuxing guancha cong zhangxian wangshixian jiazumu chutu taoqi tanqi” — , Gugong xueshu jikan, 19:4 (2002): 143–168. 80 During the twelfth century, there were two revised editions of Tang Shenwei’s pharmacopoeia (zhenglei bencao ) sponsored by the state: Pharmacopeia of the Daguan Reign (Daguan bencao ) compiled by Ai Cheng in 1108 and Pharmacopeia of the Zhenghe Reign (Zhenghe bencao ) compiled by Cao Xiaozhong in 1116. The earliest extant imprint of Zhenghe bencao is dated to 1249. See Lin Zhenyue , “Menggu shiqi pingyang zhangchunhui huimingxuan keshu kaolue” ？, Banben muluxue yanjiu 5 (2014): 533–534.

) (Fig. 7.2) in the Newly Compiled Illustrated Four-word Glossary (Xinbian xiangdui siyan

), a primer initially printed in late Southern Song.81 The elongated petal rests at the same angle as the gibbon’s out-reaching arm.

Some of the fauna and flora visual analog in the Register were given four-character titles, such as “Dusky sparrow returning to a grove” (muque toulin ), “Wintry bird sitting on a tree” (hanniao yishu ), “Dragonfly about to take landing” (qingting yuli ), and “Mantis striving to fly” (tanglang nufei ). This kind of title echoes a Song dynasty naming convention for painting that conveys particular mood like poetry.82 The epitome of this tradition is the pictorial genre of the Eight Views of Xiaoxiang Rivers (Xiaoxiang bajing

), which demonstrates a series of dreamy landscape in highly suggestive brushwork.83 In the

Xuanhe Painting Catalog (Xuanhe huapu ), paintings of bird and flower were also given four-character titles.84

81 The earliest extant edition of the Newly Compiled Illustrated Four-word Glossary , originally published in late Southern Song, is a reprint made in 1436, now in the Columbia University Library. See Aurthor W. Hummel, “Annual Reports on Acquisitions: Orientalia,” in Quarterly Journal of Current Acquisition, 3.2 (1946): 16–22; Tang Xiaoyun , “Meiguo geda dongya guancang xinbian xiangdui siyan banben ji liuchuan kaoshu” , Tushuguan zazhi 34, no. 9 (2015): 105–109. 82 Alfreda Murck, Poetry and Painting in Song China: The Subtle Art of Dissent (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2000), 70. 83 In the Brush Talks from Dream Brook (Mengxi bitan ), an encyclopedia published in 1090, Shen Gua (1031– 1095) attributed the invention of this genre to the Northern Song painter Song Di (ca. 1015–1080), who exceled in painting landscape in the style of “level distance” (pingyuan ). Shen also provided a list of Song’s titles: “Geese Descending to Level Sand” (pingsha luoyan ); “Sailing Returning from Distant Shore” (yuanpu fangui ); “Mountain Market, Clearing Mist” (shanshi qinglan ”); “River and Sky, Evening Snow” (jiangtian muxue ); “Autumn Moon over Dongting Lake” (dongting qiuyue 。); “Night Rain on Xiaoxiang” (xiaoxiang yeyu ); “Evening Bell from Mist- Shrouded Temple” (yansi wanzhong ); “Fishing Village in the Evening Glow” (yucun luozhao ). 84 Xuanhe Painting Catalog (Xuanhe huapu ) was produced under the imperial patronage of Emperor Huizong (r. 1100– 1126). It incorporates artistic discourses, artists’ biographies, and titles of painting in the imperial collection. See “Huaniao xulun ,” in Xuanhe huapu , juan 15. of vol. 813 of Siku quanshu (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1987). For a thorough analysis of the cataloguing of Huizong’s painting collection, see Patricia Ebrey, “Collecting and Cataloguing Painting,” in Accumulating Culture: The Collection of Emperor Huizong (Seattle: Washington University Press, 2011), 257–310.

Besides ritual vessels, flora, and fauna, some plum blossoms were titled after commonplace object and natural phenomena, such as “Zither pick” (qinjia つの), “Pestle”

(yaochu ), and “Canopus” (laorenxing ). Additionally, titles like “Pondering the next step” (gubu ), “Removing the make-up” (yanzhuang ), “Dancing sleeves” (wuxiu

), and “Twirling whiskers” (nongxu ) allude to gestures in drama performance. However, it is impossible to recover all the visual counterparts for the Register, since only a small portion of the Song dynasty illustrated books survive. Instead, this research focuses primarily on the visual analogs with identifiable sources in the extant illustrated books. Rather than proposing direct links between the Register and any particular book, I intend to demonstrate that the very possibility of making the visual analogs in the Register was predicated upon the circulation of printed images.

Illustrated Books in the Age of Woodblock Printing

Once the central plain and southern China were unified in the late tenth century, the Song imperial court commissioned large-scale printing projects to disseminate the classics, dynastic histories, commentaries and encyclopedias throughout the country. Printing was also carried out by a vast lower-level bureaucracy outside the capital, to supply their own needs and to raise revenue. Beside government-run printing, there were also commercial and private publishers, which mainly targeted civil service examination candidates who were looking for exam aids.

Despite the growing prevalence of the new medium, not every text was available in printed form by the end of eleventh century. Manuscripts remained important and were produced in significant quantity, especially for elite readership. During the advent of book printing, manuscript copying gained new significance in terms of demonstrating one’s commitment to

31 book learning.85 The attitude toward printing technology gradually changed during the twelfth century. Once peace was restored in the South after the Jurchen invasion, book printing increased dramatically to recover the great losses of book collections caused by warfare and the relocation of the capital. In local regions, Confucian scholars became the dominant participants in book collecting and formed a dispersed network of learning based on individual and family holdings.86

According to Joseph McDermott’s case study, the book collectors of the Jiangxi region sought to institutionalize their books by opening private academies (shuyuan ) or community libraries.

By doing so, they transformed their collections into a respectable social base that enabled them to function as powerful local agents.87

Although imprints did not replace the manuscript as the principle form of books during this era, woodblock printing facilitated the de-centralized transmission of knowledge and fostered new social relationships in local regions. 88 In contrast to copying by hand, imprints suffer less from corruption during the transmission process, and thus preserves most of the information in the original. The print medium also changed the distribution of images and words in terms of quantity and pace. However, due to a lack of reliable statistics on book production and collection during this era, it is a challenge to evaluate the historical impacts of the printing technology quantitatively. For an alternative approach, could Song Boren’s plum blossom visual analogs serve as a potential proxy for understanding the profound influence of printing?

85 Ronald Egan, “To Count Grains of Sand on the Ocean Floor: Changing Perceptions of Books and Learnings in the Song Dynasty,” in Knowledge and Text Production in an Age of Print, 41. 86 Joseph McDermott, “Book Collecting in Jiangxi during the Song Dynasty,” in Knowledge and Text Production in an Age of Print, 67. 87 Joseph McDermott, “Book Collecting in Jiangxi during the Song Dynasty,” 95. 88 Ronald Egan, “To Count Grains of Sand on the Ocean Floor: Changing Perceptions of Books and Learnings in the Song Dynasty,” in Knowledge and Text Production in an Age of Print, 41; Hilde De Weerdt, “Continuities between Scribal and Print Publishing in Twelfth-Century Song China: The Case of Wang Mingqing’s Serialized Notebooks,” East Asian Publishing and Society 6 (2016): 54–83.

In the preceding discussion, I argued that the making of these visual analogs was closely associated with the proliferation of illustrated books. Because of the carving procedure, the print medium featured uniformly schematic representations that could be compared easily against each other. Thus, the interrelation between visual forms became salient in the printed images. In the

“Brief Account of Illustrated Register” (Tupu lüe ), Zheng Qiao (1104–1162) compiled a lengthy bibliography including both the extant and lost illustrated books and manuscript of his own time. The list covers a broad range of subjects including astrology, geography, classics, linguistics, law, administration, mathematics, ritual, history, medicine, music, ethics, religions, and fine arts.89 Zheng also emphasized the significance of combining the illustration (tu ) and the text (shu ) in learning:

Illustrations are condensed; texts are ample. Thus, one should seek for easiness in

illustrations, while seek difficulties in texts. The ancient scholars captured the essence of

learning: they placed illustrations on the left side while texts on the right side, seeking for

schema in illustrations, and principle in texts…90

…

According to Zheng, the importance of illustration lies in its capacity to visualize schema (xiang

).91 In the Learning of the Way framework, schema could be understood as the innate principle

89 Zheng Qiao, “Tupu lüe,” 837–840. For the list of the extant illustrated books published during the Song Dynasty, see Appendix 3. 90 Zheng Qiao , “Tupu lüe” , vol. 71, Tongzhi , in Guoxue jiben congshu sibanzhong (Taipei: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1968), 837–840.My translation is based on Charles Hartman’s version with modification. See Maggie Bickford, “Tu and Shu: Illustrated Manuscripts in the Great Age of Song Printing,” in The History of the Book in East Asia, ed. Cynthia Brokaw and Peter Kornicki (London: Ashgate, 2013), 56. 91 Rather than adopting the conventional translation of xiang as “figure,” “image,” or “semblance,” I use Jeffrey Moser’s translation of xiang as “schema” because it better conveys the sense of xiang being an outline of a plan that awaits unfolding. However, it should be noticed that the translation of xiang as “schema” is not universally applicable, but contingent upon particular cases. See Jeffrey Moser, “The Cauldron: Hypotyposis and Hexagrammatical Signification in Northern Song Thought” (Paper presented for the Harvard University Conference on Middle Period China, 800–1400, Cambridge, Boston, June 5–7,

33 according to which all things take form and evolve. The manifested form varies in things, but they all cohere as a unified body due to the same innate schema.92 The term “seeking for schema” (suoxiang ) indicates a reverse-engineering process—to deduce invisible abstract schema through the visible substantial form.93 This ability is recognized by Zheng as indispensable skill in learning, and it can only be acquired through illustration.

In conclusion, this section demonstrates how the printed plum blossoms were transformed into visual analogs of ritual vessels, flora, and fauna. Tracing their potential sources in illustrated books, I demonstrate that the very possibility of making these analogs was predicated upon the accumulation and circulation of printed images. During the thirteenth century, the advent of woodblock printing accelerated replication and distribution of pictures, and thus providing the material basis for a growing formal consciousness for the Song dynasty viewers. In the following Section, I will discuss how the visual analogs in the Register served to explore the interconnectedness between forms and their innate coherence within the body of plum blossom through the Learning of the Way framework.

2014). 92 Peterson, “Another Look at Li”, 18; Bol, Neo-Confucianism in History, 201. 93 The significance of the concept “seeking for schema” (suoxiang ) or “retrieving schema” (quxiang ) in picturing plum blossom will be discussed more thoroughly in the Section 3 of this thesis.

SECTION THREE

SCHEMATIZING PLUM BLOSSOMS

Although Song Boren does not openly endorse any philosophical statement in his preface, his contemporary readers, such as Xiang Shibi and Ye Shaoweng, showed interest in associating his plum appreciation with the pursuit of the principle (li).94 Given the widespread influence of the Learning of the Way ideology during the thirteenth century, how should we understand the claim “a single plum blossom holds the whole of the Heaven and Earth” (yi meihua ju yi qiankun)? Furthermore, how could the schematized plum blossoms in the Register evoke pleasure in literati viewers, and what bridged the realms of vision and cognition?

Intending to answer these questions, this section will introduce the development of the Learning of the Way during the Song Dynasty. Then, I will examine a Song dynasty discourse on picturing plum blossom, with particular attention to the concept of “retrieving schema” (quxiang ) and its connection with the visual analogs in the Register.

Learning of the Way

The Learning of the Way emerged in a transformative era in Chinese history. In the early eleventh century, literati officials at the court disagreed with each other over the issue of State

Reform. The ideological conflict quickly escalated into political purges. Factions were formed on each side to battle for control of the imperial government. In the meantime, the regime faced military threats from neighbor states, which were ruled by non-Chinese ethnic groups.95 After

94 Xiang and Ye’s postscripts are discussed in Section 1 of this thesis, 19–22. 95 After the collapse of Tang Dynasty (618–907), the empire disintegrated into several autonomous states that were modeled after similar political system in the Tang period. When the central plain and south-eastern regions were unified under the Northern Song regime, the northern and north-western regions were under the control of non-Chinese ethnic groups such as Khitan,

35 being defeated by the Jurchen army, the Song court ceded its northern territory and relocated its capital to Lin’an, which marked the beginning of the Southern Song dynasty (1127–1279).

Though short-lived, this period witnessed burgeoning cultural and commercial activities in urban districts, rapid technological advancement, and growing maritime trade with the Islamic world.

A significant socio-political shift also took place when the central government retreated from the public sphere, allowing local elites act as active agents in community building. 96 Regarding belief systems, Buddhism and Daoism gained increasing popularity, which posed serious challenges to the Confucian social ideal.

Facing a volatile world, a group of Confucian scholars attempted to propose a moral philosophy compatible with a coherent cosmology. On the one hand, they defended the

Confucian classics as the valid source of understanding the world. On the other hand, they revised earlier interpretation of the classics to respond to Buddhist and Daoist doctrines. One of their central concerns was to unify the morality in the human world and the Way (dao ) of the natural world. The term Daoxue , commonly translated as “Learning of the Way” or “Neo-

Confucianism,” began to be used in intellectual and political discourse from the eleventh century. Depending on the context, the meaning of the term varies.97 First of all, it referred to the transformative process induced by learning (jiaohua ), with which the literati differentiated themselves from other social classes. In politics, it was used to identify those literati-officials who advocated particular agenda during the factional dispute. As an intellectual movement, it

Tangut, Jurchen, Tibetians and Mongols. Warfare between these political entities continued until the unification by the Yuan Dynasty (1271–1368). 96 In general, scholars reached consensus that demographic, political and social transformations have taken place since late tenth century China. Nevertheless, the contributing factors for these transformations and their degree of influence are still under debate. For the review of international scholarship on the Tang-Song transition, see Luo Yinan, “A Study of the Changes in the Tang- Song Transition Model,” Journal of Song Yuan Studies 35 (2005): 99–127. 97 Hilde De Weerdt, Competition over Content: Negotiating Standards for the Civil Service Examinations in Imperial China (1127–1279) (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2007), 28–34.

36 denoted the metaphysics and moral philosophy derived from the re-interpretation of the

Confucian classics.

According to Zhu Xi (1130–1200) and his followers, the premise of the Learning of the Way is that the practice of the True Way had lapsed after Mencius (385?–312? B.C.E.) until its re-discovery in the eleventh century. Zhu synthesized the writings of the Northern Song

Confucian scholars into a coherent system and established the genealogy of the “transmission of the True Way” (daotong ). 98 According to Zhu’s Reflections on Things at Hand (Jinsi lu

), the fundamental goal is to integrate human nature (xing ) with a cosmological infrastructure of principle (li ) and energy-matter (qi ), thereby reaffirming the morally and socially responsive self and consistency of human value.99 Built upon the cosmological theories of earlier writers such as Zhou Dunyi (1017–1073) and Zhang Zai (1020–1077),

Zhu elevated the importance of the principle as the unchanging law that determines how things unfold within themselves and through their interactions with one another.100 Through consistently practicing the “investigation the phenomenon” (gewu ), one could ultimately achieve the unity of the principle of inner mind and the external world. Zhu also defined the goal of learning as self-cultivation rather than utilitarian purposes. Instead of focusing on succeeding at the civil examination (keju ) and advancing to the central government, he advocated serving the local community and improving the moral standard of the populace.

98 According to Zhu Xi’s synthesis, the foundation of the Learning of the Way are established by Zhou Dunyi (1017– 1073), Zhang Zai (1020–1077), Cheng Hao (1032–1085) and Cheng Yi (1033–1107). Shao Yong (1011– 1077)’s writings were added to the Learning of the Way canon in later periods. For a brief introduction of the Learning of the Way lineage, see Peter K. Bol, “Re-conceptualizing the Order of Things in Northern and Southern Sung,” in Cambridge History of China, ed. John W. Chaffee and Denis Twitchett (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015), 665–726. 99 William Theodore De Bary and Irene Bloom, vol. 1 of Source of Chinese Tradition: from Earliest Time to 1600 (New York: Columbia University, 1999): 688. 100 De Weerdt, Competition over Content, 33.

After the death of Zhu in 1200, his teachings were disseminated throughout the country, and his followers became increasingly politically active. As the major Learning of the Way proponents, Zhen Dexiu (1178–1235) and Wei Liaoweng (1178–1237) reframed

Zhu’s ontological model to make the Learning of the Way more relevant for solving practical problems from historical and institutional perspectives.101 As officials, Zhen and Wei disagreed with the chief counselor Shi Miyuan (1164–1233) on political issues, and were exiled from the court.102 After the death of Shi, Emperor Lizong (r. 1224–1264) re-habilitated

Zhen and Wei in the court and implemented several projects that reflect a commitment to the

Learning of the Way.103 In the mid-thirteenth century, the Learning of the Way obtained moral and political authority within the court. Scholars identified within the Learning of the Way genealogy were worshiped in the imperial Confucian temples (taimiao ). Their teachings, as well as commentaries on classics, were incorporated into the national curriculum for civil examination.

Retrieving Schema in Plum Blossoms

From its inception to institutionalization, the fundamental values of the Learning of the

Way permeated into various cultural fields. In his studies of the shift in the Southern Song poetics, Michael Fuller forcibly demonstrates how Zhu’s philosophical system reshaped the nature of aesthetic experience.104 However, the Learning of the Way’s influence on visual art has

101 Fuller, Drifting among Rivers and Lakes, 404. 102 Wiliam Theodore de Bary, “Chen Te-hsiu and Statecraft,” in Ordering the Word: Approaches to State and Society in Sung Dynasty China, eds. Robert P. Hymes and Conard Schirokauer (Berkeley:University of California Press, 1993), 349–379. 103 Michael A. Fuller, Drifting among Rivers and Lakes: Southern Song Dynasty Poetry and the Problem of Literary History (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2013), 394. 104 Michael Fuller, “Aesthetics and Meaning in Experience: A Theoretical Perspective on Zhu Xi's Revision of Song Dynasty Views of Poetry,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 65 (2005): 351–354.

38 not been fully addressed in the previous scholarship. In an attempt to initiate a new dialogue, I will examine the concept of “retrieving schema” (quxiang) in the Plum Manual of Huaguang

(Huaguang meipu , hereafter the Plum Manual) and consider its implications for the design of the Register.

Conventionally attributed to the founders of ink plum (momei ) tradition, Zhongren

(d. 1123) and Yang Wujiu (1096–1171), the Plum Manual consists of mnemonic rhymes, theoretical discussions, and technical treatises on picturing plum blossoms. Due to the heterogeneous nature of these texts, it is likely that the Plum Manual was a collection of writings compiled by anonymous authors. The earliest appearance of the Plum Manual is in the Pine

Studio Plum Manual (Songzhai meipu ), a comprehensive collection of writings and illustrations on the subject of plum blossom compiled by Wu Taisu in 1351. 105 It is possible that the Plum Manual was circulating during the late Southern Song dynasty—the same period when the Register was made.

The first chapter of the Plum Manual, “retrieving schema,” articulates the correspondence between the manifested form of flower and its abstract schema derived from the

Book of Changes.106 This process is predicated upon the premise that a plum’s constituent energy-matter (qi) is derived from its innate schema (xiang):

105 The Pine Studio Plum Manual includes instructions on ink plum painting, typological and botanical manuals, anthologies of plum poetry, and biographies of painters associated with ink plum. Although no printed edition survives, Shimada Shūjirō managed to reconstruct its textual history and main content based on manuscript editions and seventeenth-century bibliographic records. Shimada considers the most reliable extant edition to be the Asano edition, a Muromachi manuscript copy dated to early sixteenth century. Shimada believed the source text was probably brought to Japan by Zen monks returning from China during the second half of the fourteenth century. See Shimada Shūjirō , “Shosai baifu teiyo” , Bunka 20, no. 2 (1956): 96–118. 106 For the translation of the “Deriving Schema” section of the Plum Manual, please see Appendix 2. My translation is based on Susan Bush and Shih Hsiao-yen’s translation with modification. See Susan Bush and Shih Hsiao-yen eds., Early Chinese Texts on Painting (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1985), 281–283.

A plum tree has schema, and thereby gives dimension to its constituent energy-matter.

The flowers are yang and schematize heaven. The branches are yin and schematize earth.

Since both could be divided into five sub-categories, changes and variations take place

based on the distinction between odd and even numbers. 107

For Zhu Xi, the energy-matter constitutes all things and serves as the basis for their interactions with one another.108 Depending on specific context, the schema could be understood as the symbolic association between the substantial thing, its functionality, and its assigned trigram in the Book of Changes.109 For Zhang Zai and Zhou Dunyi, the yin-yang transformative process of energy-matter was used to explain the Way (dao) of heaven-and-earth, as well as the Nature

(xing) of human beings.110 Change becomes possible and is expected, since all things possess the seed of their antithesis within themselves. In the case of plum growth, change was initiated and sustained by the same principle:

A stem, from which a flower derives, is schema for the “Supreme Ultimate” and thus has

“One Speck.” An ovary, from which a flower manifests itself, is schema for “Three

Realms” and thus has “Three Dots” …Roots, from which a branch originates, is schema

107 Attributed to Zhongren (d. 1123), “Huaguang meipu” , in Zhongguo hualun leibian , ed. Yu Jianhua (Beijing: Renmin meishu chubanshe, 1986), 1041. 108 Bol, Neo-Confucianism in History, 65. 109 See Kidder Smith Jr., “The I Ching Prior to Sung,” in Sung Dynasty Uses of the I Ching, ed. Kidder Smith Jr., Peter K. Bol, Joseph A. Adler, and Don J. Wyatt, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990), 17; In the study of the conceptualization of ding cauldron as both substantive object and abstract schema, Jeffrey Moser demonstrated how the Manifold Antiquities Illustrated (Bogutu ) catalog functioned as systematic control over the phenomenal world. Jeffrey C. Moser, “The Cauldron: Hypotyposis and Hexagrammatical Signification in Northern Song Thought” (Paper presented for the Harvard University Conference on Middle Period China, 800–1400, Cambridge, Boston, June 5–7, 2014). 110 Bol, “The Sung Context: From Ou-Yang Hsiu to Chu Hsi,” in Sung Dynasty Uses of the I Ching, 46; Bol, Neo-Confucianism in History, 160–162.

for “Two Modes” and have “Two Bodies.” The trunk, from which a branch develops

itself, is schema for “Four Seasons” and thus have “Four Directions”… 111

…

The first schema, “Supreme Ultimate” (taiji ), constituted the foundation of the Learning of the Way cosmology. The Supreme Ultimate acknowledged that unity was the source of yin and yang, the state of myriad things, and the root of heaven-and-earth. It allowed us to see the world as a coherent and inclusive system, while in the meantime recognizing the existence of difference. In Zhu Xi’s synthesis, although all things possess the same unity of coherence, each entity operates according to its coherence since “the principle is one but its manifestations are many” (liyi fenshu ).112 Therefore, different parts of a plum tree could take form according to its inherited schema, while still driven by the same yin-yang transformative process.

The schema-form sequence of plum blossom unfolds itself according to a numerological order, ranging from one and ten.113 This arrangement echoes Shao Yong (1011–1077)’s notion on “contemplating the thing as the thing itself” (yiwu guanwu ). In The Book of the Supreme Principles Ordering the World (Huangji jingshi shu ), Shao uses number to establish a mathematic framework that orders the myriad things under heaven-and- earth, through which the phenomenal world becomes conceptually accessible.114 Shao’s goal of using a numerological system is to transcend human subjectivity and thereby be unified with the

111 Zhongren, “Huaguang meipu,” 1041–1042. 112 Bol, Neo-Confucianism in History, 201. 113 The schema of odd numbers are “supreme polarity” (taiji ), “three realms” (sancai ), “five phases” (wuxing ), “seven luminaries” (qizheng ), “nine variations” (jiubian ). These are corresponded to the formal characters of the flower category. The schema of even numbers are “two modes” (eryi ), “four seasons” (sishi ), “six combination” (liuyao ), “eight hexagram” (bagua ), “full number” (zushu, ). 114 Kidder Smith Jr. and Don Wyatt, “Shao Yung and Number,” in Sung Dynasty Uses of I Ching, 126.

41 world as the sages were. In the case of plum blossom, the systematic approach informed by numbers allows one making further differentiation on observable details, as long as same categorizing principle is used:

Thus, each part derives its schema based on its own. Is this process not so-by-itself? The

learned should infer by means of category.115

–

Understanding things in their mode of ziran , commonly translated as “nature,”

“spontaneity,” or “so-by-itself,” is crucial for the investigation of things (gewu)—an accumulative process of illuminating the coherence between external world and inner mind.

According to the Learning of the Way framework, the acknowledgement of things’ nature is inseparable from the realization of one’s own nature.116

Thinking in Visual Analogues

The overall design of the Register visualizes the notion of form-schema correspondence discussed in the Plum Manual. In the first place, the one hundred visual analogs were arranged following the natural cycle of the plum. Explained in the Plum Manual, the schema-form sequence develops in parallel with the growth of a plum tree, which was ultimately driven by the yin-yang transformative process. Due to the butterfly binding method, the visual analogs in the

Register always appear in pairs that belong to the same category. For instance, the plum blossom titled “ding tripod” was positioned with the one named after “yong bell,” and the “antlers” is

115 Attributed to Zhongren (d. 1123), “Huaguang meipu” in Zhongguo hualun leibian , ed. Yu Jianhua . (Beijing: Renmin meishu chubanshe, 1986), 1041-1042. My Translation is based on Susan Bush and Shih Hsiao-yen’s edition with modification, See Susan Bush and Shih Hsiao-yen, “Hua-kuang mei-p’u”, Early Chinese Texts on Painting (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1985), 280–282. 116 Bol, Neo-Confucianism in History, 173.

42 paired up with the “gibbon’s arm.”117 This parallel organization echoes the Plum Manual’s form- schema sequence, which follows the numerological order and yin-yang categories.

Most importantly, the plum blossom visual analogs were designed based on the logic of image making, which prioritizes formal resemblance. Examining the Illustration of the Three

Ritual Classics, an illustrated commentary on ritual implementation compiled by Nie Chongyi in the early tenth century, Jeffrey Moser argues that the logic of image-making overrides the textual exegesis in Nie’s compositional strategy.118 Specifically, Moser points out that Nie disregarded of the interpretative possibilities engendered by the text, and used pictures to construct a coherent set of ritual implement according to the principle of name-form correspondence.119 The usurpation of the image in the Illustration of the Three Ritual Classics manifested the profound influence of visual thinking during this period, which directs viewer’s attention to the interrelation of forms. In the late thirteenth century, this growing formal consciousness converged with the prevailing model of associative thinking informed by the Learning of the

Way doctrines. Under the premise that the “Superior Ultimate” is the root in the development of all things, formal variation was regarded as different manifestation of the same innate principle.

Plum blossoms, ritual vessels, flora, and fauna are different in terms of their manifested form, but they cohere as a unified body due to their shared schema. If visual analog aims at demonstrating the interrelation between forms, the notion of retrieving schema consolidates that formal connection.

During the late thirteenth century, the vocabulary and key value of Learning of the Way had permeated into the cultural sphere. Michael Fuller argued that the members of the “Rivers

117 This pattern is consistent throughout the book. For the list of all visual analogs in the Register, please see Appendix 4. 118 Jeffrey Moser, “Authority in Visual Exegesis,” Literature and Aesthetics 22 (2012): 72–86. 119 Moser, “Authority in Visual Exegesis,” 80.

43 and Lakes Poet Group” created a cultural network based on consensually accepted assumptions and values informed by the Learning of the Way principle.120 Their poetry and poetics attempted to account for the enduring meaning of experience as the revelation of the self, through which a weakness in the Learning of the Way ideology was addressed and ratified.121 Since Song Boren published his poetry anthology through Chen Qi, one of the central figures in promoting the

“Rivers and Lakes Poet Group,” it is plausible that he was involved in the group and shared a common cultural vision. However, the Register operates under a logic of visual analog, which regards formal resemblance as the primary locus of meaning and the ontological basis for interpretation. The matching poems, while allowing allegorical readings, do not serve as the ultimate source of meaning for Song Boren and his ideal readers.

120 Fuller, Drifting among Rivers and Lakes, 406. 121 Fuller, Drifting among Rivers and Lakes, 407.

CONCLUSION

This thesis attempts to understand the significance of the printed images in the Register of

Plum Blossom Portraits. Section 1 focused on the book’s textual history and its authorship.

Through examining the preface and postscripts, I reconsidered Song Boren’s compositional strategy, particularly the one hundred visual analogs created for plum-appreciation. Section 2 situated the Register in relation to other illustrated books printed during the Song dynasty. By demonstrating the formal resemblance between printed plum blossoms and their counterparts, I suggested that the very possibility of the Register’s design was predicated upon the broad dissemination of image-words enabled by woodblock printing. Section 3 investigated the logic of visual analog and its conceptual foundation in the Learning of the Way framework. I argued that the printed images in the Register helped Learning of the Way proponents explain the culture they cared about in a way that was intellectually consistent with the Learning of the Way principles.

Beyond the case study, this thesis intends to expose the train of thought that follows from the recognition of plum blossom as visual analog, and thereby recognize the other interpretative possibilities engendered by the very logic. Initiated from the early Song dynasty antiquarian studies, the obsession with depicting the correct form of substantial things permeated into various artistic practices. Influenced by Emperor Huizong’s (r. 1100–1126) agenda, the imperial painting academy prioritized verisimilitude (xingsi ) as a way to realize the symbolic power in things.122 Extant paintings attributed to Emperor Huizong, such as Picture of

122 Wang Cheng-Hua , “Tingqintu de zhengzhi yihan: huizongchao huayuan fengge yu yiyi wangluo” つ「: , Meishushi yanjiu jikan 5 (1998): 99–101.

45 the Auspicious Dragon Stone (xianglongshi tu ) and Picture of Five-Colored Parakeet

(wuse yingwu tu ), demonstrate close attention in delineating the form with unambiguous brushwork. The attitude toward capturing the substantial form was carried on in the later Southern Song painting academy, manifested in a popular painting genre known as

“knickknack peddler” (huolang tu ). 123 It usually demonstrates a peddler carrying a large assortment of household utensils, tools for craftwork, medicines and children’s toys (Fig. 8).124

In some cases, the number of objects is inscribed on the painting, luring the viewers to differentiate individual things from the hodgepodge of schematic line-drawing.125

By implication, this thesis provides a double-root explanation for the growing interest in representing the constituent form of things during the thirteenth century. From the technological perspective, the advent of woodblock printing and the circulation of printed images enabled an innovative understanding of visual form. Thanks to the reprographic technology, pictures could be compared conveniently against each other and could be seen by multiple viewers simultaneously. This accumulation of printed images heightened the Song dynasty viewer’s awareness of visual form and their interrelations. The obsession over the essential form of things was also supported by the Learning of the Way principles, particularly the dialectic between manifested form and innate schema. The very possibility of identifying and categorizing

123 Instead of regarding the genre as documentary evidence of the commercial activity in real life, Huang Xiaofeng argued that the painting reflected the staged performance associated with the Shangyuan Festival (shangyuan jie ). See Huang Xiaofeng , “leshi haitong wanzhongxin huolangtu jiedu” –, Gugongbowuyuan yuankan 2 (2007): 114. 124 There are four extant versions of Knickknack Peddler, all attributed to the Southern Song court painter Li Song (active 121030). The four paintings are in the collection of the National Palace Museum (Taipei), Beijing Palace Museum, Cleveland Museum of Art, and Metropolitan Museum of Art. For detailed formal comparison, see Chang Chia-zun , “Cong shidanyingxi zhong huolang danshang huowu tantao huolang de duochong shenfen” , Shuhua yishu xuekan 14 (2013):389–416. 125 In the Taipei National Palace Museum and Beijing Palace Museum versions, an inscription “five hundred objects” (wuban jian ) and “three hundred objects” (sanban jian ) were inserted into the picture.

46 different forms was predicated upon the premise of conceptual coherence ensured by the omnipresence of principle (li).

In conclusion, the Register was a symptom of the convergence between the impacts of printing technology and the Learning of the Way worldview. The plum blossom analogs, as a product of the accumulation of printed images during the Song dynasty, visualized the notion of interconnectedness among things in the world.

APPENDIX

1. “Preface,” in the Register of Plum Blossom Portraits (Meihua xishenpu )

Having excessive fondness for plum blossoms, I cultivated a garden in which to plant them; built a pavilion from which to view them; published the Collection of the Pure and Lean

(Qingquji ) with which to eulogize them. Nevertheless, I often regretted my inability to fathom all the subtleties of the plum blossoms. Is this not similar to the case of His Excellency

Song Jing て (663–737), who also cannot explore the full characteristics of plum blossoms with his Rhapsody from the Heart of Iron and Bowels of Stone (Tieshi xinchang fu ), and entrusted his offspring wholeheartedly?

When the plum blossoms bloom, my vitals are suffused with pure frost and my shoulders are covered in cold moonlight. Insatiably, I pace around the bamboo fence and thatched cottage, smelling the stamens while blowing the petals, rubbing the fragrant parts while chewing the pollen, attentively appreciating the flower’s multiplicity of attitudes – lying low or stretching high, bending down or facing up, branching out or joining together, and folding up or opening wide. Their chilly manners reveal qualities of extraordinary purity and antiquity, uncontaminated by a single touch of worldliness. How are they different from the two gentlemen of Guzhu

(guzhu erzi ), the four hoary-headed hermits of Mount Shang (shangshan sihao

), the six recluses of Zhuxi (zhuxi liuyin ), the eight immortals of wine-drinking

(yinzhong baxian ), the nine venerable old gentlemen of Luoyang (luoyang jiulao 、

), and the eighteen scholars of Yingzhou (yingzhou shiba xueshi い). All of them are free from the constrain of the physical-self as if they eat nothing of mortal food. Such

48 people resemble those described in the Rhapsody of Peach Blossom (Taohua fu ) and

Rhapsody of Peony (Mudan fu ), which have nothing in common with the ordinary.

I therefore made sketches of plum blossoms, from their buddings to their full blooms, and from their florescence to their decay. Altogether, I accumulated over two hundred of them. After some time, I edited out those common types with only size difference, keeping only one hundred sketches. I titled the pictures individually based on their formal resemblance and matched them with poems composed in regulated verses. Together, they were entitled an “Plum Blossoms

Register” (meihua pu ). The depiction of plum blossoms resembles that of peony, bamboo, and chrysanthemum, which are depicted in their respective registers (pu ). In that sense, my book could be called a “register.” However, it is not exactly what my book is about.

Intending to share it with plum-loving gentlemen, I ventured to have it carved and printed. Using my leisure time on unimportant work, I might be asked what it will do for the world? I might just be ridiculed for producing something worthless.

Still, how can there not be some like-minded gentleman who, when plum blossoms are not yet in bloom, look at my book in their leisure time, while imagining the "horizontal and slanted of Mount Gu" (gushan hengxie ) and "loneliness of Yangzhou" (yangzhou jimo

)? So that they could not pass a day without seeing plum blossoms, and they will never forget the meaning of plum blossom throughout their life. This book is not made for ink plum, which needs to be executed with the masters’ style of Zhongren and Yang Wujiu that is beyond my ability.

A guest laughed and said: "this flower, [either be called] ‘preserving the whiteness,’

‘collecting fragrance,’ ‘transmitting yellow,’ and ‘blooming red,’ can satisfy the thirst of three armies and season the pottage in the golden tripod. How can the making of this book not impel

49 people who are loyal to the lord and concerned about the state’s welfare, so that they can go out to serve as generals or enter the court to serve as ministers, as they straighten their girdles and hold erect their tablets to make all under heaven as peaceful as Mount Tai? Now, you focus on

‘In the garden grove after snow, just then see half a tree; by the bamboo fence at the water’s edge, suddenly horizontal branches.’ Only [using plum blossom] for chanting verses in the cold, is it not shunning essentials and pursing trivialities?

I rose and thanked him, saying: “At the end of this register, there is [a poem titled]

‘Brining on the Pottage for the Shang Tripod’, which expresses what you just mean.” The guest clapped his hands and said joyfully: “if that is the case, this register is not made in vain, and this is not ‘using leisure time on unimportant work and doing nothing helpful to the world. It should be disseminated widely.” I therefore compiled and edited this book, for the benefit of those to come. I, Song Boren, wrote this with respect.126

：

–?

！

、い《

126 Song Boren, “zixu,” in Meihua xishenpu, 3. My translation is based on Maggie Bickford, Susan Bush and Shih Hsiao-yen’s translation with modification. See Bickford, “Stirring the Pot of State,” 186–190; Susan Bush and Shih Hsiao-yen, “Mei-hua hsi- shen p’u (Album of the Appearances of Plum Blossoms) preface,” in Early Chinese Texts on Painting (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1985), 283–284.

の

–

2. “Retrieving Schema,” in Huaguang Plum Manual (Huaguang meipu )

A plum tree has schema (xiang), and thereby gives dimension to its constituent energy- matter (qi). The flowers are yang and schematize heaven. The branches are yin and schematize earth. Since both could be divided into five sub-categories, changes and variations take place based on the distinction between odd and even numbers.

A stem, from which a flower derives, is schema for the “Superior Ultimate” and thus has

“One Speck.” An ovary, from which a flower manifests itself, is schema for “Three Realms” and thus has “Three Dots.” A calyx, from which a flower divides itself, is schema for “Five Phases”

51 and thus has “Five Leaves.” A stamen, from which a flower take forms, is schema for “Seven

Luminaries” and thus has “Seven Stalks.” Withering, in which a flower realizes its end, is repeated by “Ultimate Number” and thus could be rendered with “Nine Variations.” All the schema from which a flower derives are yang, and they are manifested in odd numbers.

Roots, from which a plum tree originates, is schema for “Two Modes” and thus has “Two

Bodies.” The trunk, from which a plum tree develops itself, is schema for “Four Seasons” and thus could be rendered with “Four Directions.” Branches, from which a plum tree forms itself, is schema for “Six Combinations” and thus has “Six Parts.” Twigs, from which a plum tree prepares itself, is schema for “Eight Hexagrams” and could be represent in “Eight Knots.” The tree, in which a plum completes itself, is schema for “Full Number” and could be rendered with

“Ten Kinds.” All the schema from which a plum tree derives are yin, and they are manifested in even numbers.

Furthermore, the forward-facing blooming flower has the shape of a gui, which signifies the schema for “Perfect Circle.” The backward-facing blooming flower has the shape of a ju, which signifies the schema for “Perfect Square.” The drooping branch has the shape of a lowered head, which signifies the schema for “Covering Things.” The ascending branch has the shape of a raised head, which signifies the schema for “Supporting Things.” Same applies for stamens.

The blooming flower signifies the schema for major yang and it has seven stamens. The fading flower signifies the schema for major yin and it has six stamens. The half-blooming flower signifies the schema for minor yang and it has three stamens. The half-fading flower signifies the schema for minor yin and it has four stamens. The flower bud signifies the schema of undivided heaven and earth. Though its body and stamen have not formed, its principle has already manifested. It is rendered with “One Speck and Two Dots” without the third dot. That is because

52 the heaven-and-earth are not separated, and the human realm has not been established. The calyx is the schema for the initial settlement of the heaven-and-earth. Thus, each part derives its schema based on its own. Is this process not so-by-itself? The learned should infer by means of category.127

–

127 Attributed to Zhongren (d. 1123), “Huaguang meipu” in Zhongguo hualun leibian , ed. Yu Jianhua . (Beijing: Renmin meishu chubanshe, 1986), 1041-1042. My Translation is based on Susan Bush and Shih Hsiao-yen’s edition with modification, See Susan Bush and Shih Hsiao-yen, “Hua-kuang mei-p’u”, Early Chinese Texts on Painting (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1985), 280–282.

3. Extant Illustrated Book Published during Song period (960–1279)

ILLUSTRATED BOOKS IN THE SONG DYNASTY TITLE VOL AUTHOR INITIAL EARLIEST COLLECTION PUBLISHING EXTANT DATE EDTITION Illustrated and Cross- 20 Xun Kuang Ca. 1210 ca. 1210 National Library Annotated Master (3rd century BC); ; of China; Xun annotated by Yang National Palace Jing (8th Museum century) Academia Sinica Illustrated and Cross- 20 Annotated by Mao 960–1127 960–1127, National Palace nd Annotated Book of Heng (2 Museum Poems century BC), Zheng Xuan (127– 200) and Lu Deming (550–630) Illustrated and Cross- 20 Annotated by Zheng 960–1127 960–1127, National Palace Annotated Records of Xuan (127– Museum Rites 200) Illustrated an Cross- 10 Yang Xiong 960–1127 1206–1644, National Palace Annotated Model (53–18); annotated Museum; Words by Master by Li Gui , Liu Harvard Yen- Yang Zongyuan , Ching Library; Academia Song Xianzhong Sinica , Wu Mizhong , Sima Guang

Annotations on Book 20 Annotated by Kong 960–1127 1115–1234, National Library of Documents Anguo (2nd of China Century BC) and Kong Yingda (574–648) Book of Music 200 Chen Xiangdao 1101 1347, National Library (1053–1093) of China

Book of Ritual 3 Chen Xiangdao 960–1127 1347, National Library (1053–1093) of China Illustrated Six 6 Yang Jia (ca. 1165 Late 13th century, National Palace Classics 1110–1184) Museum Illustrations for 6 Yang Jia (ca. 960–1127 1662, Harvard Yen- Studies of the Six 1110–1184) Ching Library Classics Illustrations to the 10 Yang Fu (ca. 1228 1312, National Palace Book of Etiquette and 12th century) Museum; Ceremonials National Library of China; Harvard Yen- Ching Library Illustrated Guide to 1 Li Liwu National Palace the Doctrine of Means (ca. 13th century) 1831, Museum Illustrated 16 Tang Zhongyou 1201 1773–1782, National Palace Compendium of (1136–1188) Museum Emperor's Statecraft Collected 20 Nie Chongyi 961 1175, National Library Commentaries to the (ca. 10th century) of China Illustrations to Three

Ritual Classics, New Edition Drawings and lists of 30 Wang Fu 1123 1308–1311, National Palace all the antiques known (1079–1126) et al. Museum; at the Xuanhe period. Academia Revised edition Sinica Illustrations for the 10 Lv Dalin 1092 1299, National Palace study study of (ca. 1044–93) () Museum; antiquity Harvard Yen- Ching Library Sequel to the 5 Zhao Jiucheng 1879, National Palace Illustrations for the (ca. 12th – 13th ; Musem; study of antiquity century) National Library of China; Harvard Yen- ching Library Illustrated 1 Zhu Derun 1506–1521, National Taiwan Investigation of (1294–1365) Library; Collection of Harvard Yen- Antiquity Ching Library; Academia Sinica Catalog with drawings 50 Long Dayuan 1174–1189 1779, National Palace of ancient jade (d.1168) Museum Annotations on 2 Lin Xiyi 1317, National Taiwan Treaties on Crafts (1235-1262 or 1193- Library 1271) Illustrated Studies of 1 Wang Bai 1509, National Palace the Abstruse (1197–1274) Museum Knowledge

Shaoxi Illustrated 1 Zhu Xi (1130- c. 1194 1773–1782, National Palace Handbook for 1200) Museum Worshiping Confucius in the Provinces Copies of inside and 20 Xue Shangong 1144 1633, National Palace outside inscriptions on (? -aft. 1144) Museum bells, tripods, cups and vessels throughout the history of China Illustrated 1 Cheng Hui 1184 1647, National Library Interpretation of (ca. 12th century) Taiwan Three Instruments Comprehensive 10 Zhao Ji (1101- 1118 1297-1307, National Library record of the sagely 1125); Wu Ti of China beneficence Classified emergency 30 Tang Shenwei 1082 1211, National Library materia medica from (?-aft.1108) of China the classics and histories Classified Daguan Ai Sheng (? - 1108 1214, National Library Reign Period materia aft. 1108) of China medica from the Classics and Histories Revised Zhenghe Zhang Cunhui 1249, National Library Reign Classified (ca. 12-13th of China Emergency Materia century) Medica from the Classics and Histories New and Enlarged 5 Wang Weiyi 1026 1186, National Library Edition of the Book or Wang Weide of China on the Charts of Tract (? - aft. 1027)

of the Bronze Man for Acupuncture and Moxibustion Manual on 36 Li Jie (1035- 1103 1145, National Taiwan Architecture 1108 or ca.1065- () Library 1110) Register of Plum 2 Song Boren 1238 1261, Shanghai Blossoms Portraits (ca. 1199-1261) Museum

Revised Register of 2 Jia Sidao 1368–1644, National Palace Autumn Insects with (1213–1275) Museum Newly Made Illustrations Miscellaneous 2 Kong Chuan 1134, Shanghai Records of the (ca. 12th century) Museum Eastern Family

Essentials of the 40 Zeng Gongliang 1044 1599, National Library Military Classics (998–1078); of China Ding Du (990–1053) Newly Edited and 26 Chen Yuanjing Ca. 1233 1330-1333, National Palace Illustrated Enlarged (ca. 1200-1266) Museum Compilation in All Matters of Things Book of the Three 1 Yuan Tiangang Late 13th century, National Place Ages Calculated and (?-627) Museum: Illustrated by Animal Peking University Library

A Expanded record of 12 Kong Yuancuo 1242, National Library the Kong Lineage (1182–1152) of China

Illustrations of 2 Lou Chou 1210 1676, National Library Husbandry and (1090–1162); Lou of China; Weaving Hong (1462) National Palace Museum;

Illustrated Manual of 1 Li Qingzhao 1511 National Palace Dama (chess) (1081–1041) Museum; National Library of China; Harvard Yen- Ching Library; Academia Sinica Illustrated Register of 1 Lin Hong (ca. 1511 Harvard Yen- the Things Used for 12th century) Ching Library the Study

Expansion on the 1 Luo Xiandeng 1511 Harvard Yen- Illustrated Register of (ca. 13th century) Ching Library the Things Used for the Study

Illustrated Register of 1 Shenan laoren 1269 1506–1521, Academia Tea Vessels (ca. 12th–13th Sinica century)

Illustrated Register of 1 Wang Houzhi 1506–1521, National Palace Seal of the Han and (1131–1204) Museum; Jin Dynasties Academia Sinica

Collection of One 1 Zheng Sixiao 1872, Harvard Yen- Hundred and Twenty (1241–1318) , Ching Library Illustrated Poems

Efficacious Lots of 1 1208–1224, National Library Tianzhu of China Expanded Account on 3 Zhu Changwen 1099 1134, National Library the Map of Wujun (1039–98) () of China Region Explanation of 24 Attributed to Shao 1636, National Palace Various Dreams Yong (c. 10th Museum Century); Chen Shiyuan (1516–1597) Handy Geographical 4 Shui Anli 1098–1100 1368–1644, National Palace Maps throughout the (?1098–1100); Zhao Museum; Age Liangfu (c. National Library 12th Century) of China The Ceremony of the 6 Yang E (ca. 1228 – 1233 Ca. 14th century, Princeton Heaven and Earth, 11th century); Zong University Day and Night, Water Yixiang (ca. Library and Land Feast 11th century) Analysis of Writings 27 Hong Shi 1168 1777–1778, National Palace in Clergy Script (1117–1184) Museum

Newly Compiled 1 Ca. 13th 1436, Columbia Illustrated Four-Word century , University Glossary Primer Library Illustrated Account of 6 Deng Mu National Palace the Cavernous (1247–1306) 1786, Museum; Empyreans Harvard Yen- Ching Library Finger-and-palm 1 Attributed to Si Ca. 12th – 13th 1230, National Library Charts to the Cut Maguang century of China Rhymes System (1019–1086) Illustrated Register of 1 Huang Bosi 1507–1521, Harvard Yen- Furniture (1079–1118) ching Library; Academia Sinica Illustrated Register of 1 Attributed to Si 1507–1521, Academia Sinca, Chess Game in Maguang Harvard Yen- Ancient Time (1019–1086) ching Library

4. Image-titles in the Register of Plum Blossom Portraits

# Title Section Category 1 Maiyan Wheat Eyes Covered Buds Four Flora Branches 2 Liuyan Willow Eyes Covered Buds Four Flora Branches 3 Jiaoyan Pepper Eyes Covered Buds Four Flora Branches 4 Xieyan Crab Eyes Covered Buds Four Fauna Branches 5 Dingxiang Cloves Small Buds Sixteen Flora Branches

6 Yingtao Cherry Small Buds Sixteen Flora Branches 7 Laorenxing Canopus Small Buds Sixteen Natural phenomena Branches 8 Fodingzhu Buddha's Crown Jewel Small Buds Sixteen Artefact Branches 9 Guwenqian Ancient Coin Small Buds Sixteen Artefact Branches 10 Baolaomei Bao the Elder's Eyebrows Small Buds Sixteen Artefact (theatre puppet) Branches 11 Tuchun Rabbit Lips Small Buds Sixteen Fauna Branches 12 Huji Tiger Tracks Small Buds Sixteen Fauna Branches 13 Shiliu Pomegranate Small Buds Sixteen Flora Branches 14 Guzi Arrowhead Small Buds Sixteen Flora Branches 15 Muguaxin Quince Heart Small Buds Sixteen Flora Branches 16 Hai'ermian Baby face Small Buds Sixteen people Branches 17 Li Plum Small Buds Sixteen Flora Branches 18 Gua Melon Small Buds Sixteen Flora Branches 19 Beiluo Conch Shell Small Buds Sixteen Fauna Branches 20 Kedou Tadpole Small Buds Sixteen Fauna Branches 21 Qinjia Zither Pick Large Buds Eight Artefact Branches

22 Yaochu Pestle Large Buds Eight Artefact Branches 23 Bangke Clam Shell Large Buds Eight Fauna Branches 24 Guanzui Stork Beak Large Buds Eight Fauna Branches 25 You You (Ritual Paraphernalia) Large Buds Eight Ritual vessel Branches 26 Zhu Zhu (Ritual Paraphernalia) Large Buds Eight Ritual vessel Branches 27 Bian Bian (Ritual Paraphernalia) Large Buds Eight Ritual vessel Branches 28 Jue Jue (Ritual Paraphernalia) Large Buds Eight Ritual vessel Branches 29 Chunweng Jug of Spring Perfume Opening Eight Four-Character; artefact fuxiang Branches 30 Hangang tuyan Flame from a winter Opening Eight Four-Character; artefact brazier Branches 31 Wojiao Snail Horns Opening Eight Fauna Branches 32 Ma'er Horse Ears Opening Eight Fauna Branches 33 Gui Gui (Ritual Paraphernalia) Opening Eight Ritual vessel Branches 34 Zan Zan (Ritual Paraphernalia) Opening Eight Ritual vessel Branches 35 Jinyin Golden Seal Opening Eight Artefact Branches 36 Yudou Jade Dipper Opening Eight Artefact Branches 37 Yi Yi (Ritual Paraphernalia) Fullly Opened Ritual vessel Fourteen Branches

38 Fu Fu (Ritual Paraphernalia) Fullly Opened Ritual vessel Fourteen Branches 39 Qiqi Tilting Bowl (Ritual Fullly Opened Ritual vessel Paraphernalia) Fourteen Branches 40 Xuanzhong Hanging Bell (Ritual Fullly Opened Ritual vessel Paraphernalia) Fourteen Branches 41 Shan Fan Fullly Opened Artefact Fourteen Branches 42 Pan Basin Fullly Opened Artefact Fourteen Branches 43 Xiangri Facing the Sun Fullly Opened Flora Fourteen Branches 44 Qinlu Collecting Dew Fullly Opened Flora Fourteen Branches 45 Ding Tripod (Ritual Fullly Opened Ritual vessel Paraphernalia) Fourteen Branches 46 Yong Yong (Ritual Fullly Opened Ritual vessel Paraphernalia) Fourteen Branches 47 Mijiao Antlers Fullly Opened Fauna Fourteen Branches 48 Yuanbi Gibbon Arm Fullly Opened Fauna Fourteen Branches 49 Pinmei Pinched Eyebrows Fullly Opened Facial expression Fourteen Branches 50 Cemian Profile Fullly Opened Facial expression Fourteen Branches 51 Kaijing Open Mirror Radiant Twenty- Artefact Eight Branches 52 Fubei Overturned Cup Radiant Twenty- Artefact Eight Branches 53 Mian Crown Radiant Twenty- Artefact Eight Branches

54 Zhou Helmet Radiant Twenty- Artefact Eight Branches 55 Bingtao Pair of Peaches Radiant Twenty- Flora Eight Branches 56 Shuangli Pair of Lychees Radiant Twenty- Flora Eight Branches 57 Fengchaotian Phoenix Facing the Heaven Radiant Twenty- Fauna Eight Branches 58 Zhuguawang Spider Hanging on a Web Radiant Twenty- Fauna Eight Branches 59 Yuli Fisherman's Hat Radiant Twenty- Artefact Eight Branches 60 Xiongzhang Bear Paw Radiant Twenty- Fauna Eight Branches 61 Feichong cihua Flying Insect Stings a Radiant Twenty- Four Character; fauna Flower Eight Branches 62 Guhong jiaoyue Lone Goose Calling to the Radiant Twenty- Four Character; fauna Moon Eight Branches 63 Guizu Turtle Feet Radiant Twenty- fauna Eight Branches 64 Longzhua Dragon claws Radiant Twenty- fauna Eight Branches 65 Linji paiyu Rooster in the Woods Flaps Radiant Twenty- Four Character; fauna its Wings Eight Branches 66 Songhe litian Crane on a pine Crying to Radiant Twenty- Four Character; fauna Heaven Eight Branches 67 Xinhe jianyu New Lily Pads in Pouring Radiant Twenty- Four Character; flora Rain Eight Branches 68 Laoju pishuang Old Chrysanthemum with Radiant Twenty- Four Character; flora Coat of Frost Eight Branches 69 Se Zither (Ritual Radiant Twenty- Artefact Paraphernalia) Eight Branches

70 Gu Drum (Ritual Radiant Twenty- Artefact Paraphernalia) Eight Branches 71 Fengyao Bee's waist Radiant Twenty- Fauna Eight Branches 72 Yanwei Swallowtail Radiant Twenty- Fauna Eight Branches 73 Jingou zhenyi Frightened Gull Flaps its Radiant Twenty- Four Character; fauna wings Eight Branches 74 Yehu fanshen Wheeling Hawk Radiant Twenty- Four Character; fauna Eight Branches 75 Gubu Pondering the Next Step Radiant Twenty- Action; drama Eight Branches 76 Yanzhuang De-applying Makeup Radiant Twenty- Action; drama Eight Branches 77 Qingkong Crescent Moon in a Clear Radiant Twenty- Four Character; landscape guayue Sky Eight Branches 78 Yaoshan moyun Clouds Sweeping Distant Radiant Twenty- Four Character; landscape Mountains Eight Branches 79 Huixingbian Star-Lined Hat Fading Sixteen Artefact Branches 80 Lujiujin Wine-straining bandanna Fading Sixteen Artefact Branches 81 Baoyechan Cicada Clinging to a Leaf Fading Sixteen fauna Branches 82 Chuanhuadie Butterfly among Flowers Fading Sixteen fauna Branches 83 Muque toulin Dusky Sparrow Returning Fading Sixteen Four Character; fauna to the Grove Branches 84 Hanniao yishu Wintry Bird Sitting on a Fading Sixteen Four Character; fauna Tree Branches 85 Wuxiu Dancer's Sleeves Fading Sixteen Action; drama Branches

86 Nongxu Twirling Whiskers Fading Sixteen Action; drama Branches 87 Yingzhiliu Oriole Flying through Fading Sixteen fauna Willows Branches 88 Echengfeng Osprey Riding the Wind Fading Sixteen fauna Branches 89 Dingxue Snowcap Fading Sixteen Artefact Branches 90 Qifeng Windblown Fading Sixteen Natural phenomena Branches 91 Qingting yuli Dragonfly about to Take Fading Sixteen Four Character; fauna Landing Branches 92 Tanglang nufei Mantis Trying to Fly Fading Sixteen Four Character; fauna Branches 93 Xique yaozhi Magpie Rocking on a Fading Sixteen Four Character; fauna Branch Branches 94 Youyu chuishui Fish Spitting Water Fading Sixteen Four Character; fauna Branches 95 Juzhong sihao Four Worthies of Forming Fruit Six Four Character; people Zhongnan Branches 96 Wujiang sangao Three High-minded Forming Fruit Six Four Character; people Gentlemen of Wujiang Branches 97 Ershu Two Shu (historical Forming Fruit Six people figures) Branches 98 Dudiao Fishing Alone Forming Fruit Six people Branches 99 Mengjia luomao Mengjia's Falling Cap Forming Fruit Six people Branches 100 Shangding Seasoning the Shang Forming Fruit Six people cuigeng Tripod Branches

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ILLUSTRATION

Figure 1. Illustration of Butterfly Binding (hudie zhuang )

Figure 1.1 Tripod” (ding ), facsimile of the of Figure 1.2 Tripod” (ding ), facsimile of Plum Blossom Portrait (Meihua xishen pu the Register of Plum Blossom Portrait , d. 1238), Special Collection of Mount (Meihua xishen pu , d. 1238), 1261 edition, 45.

Wanwei (Wanwei biecang ) edition (d. 1813–1820).

Figure 2.1 Zhu , facsimile of the Register of Figure 2.2 Zhu , in the Newly Plum Blossom Portrait (Meihua xishen pu Annotated Illustrations to the Three , d. 1238), 1261 edition, 26. Ritual Classics (Xinding sanlitu , d. 961), 1673 edition, 46.

Figure 2.3 Zhu , facsimile of the Illustrated and Figure 3.1 Bian , facsimile of the Expanded edition of Comprehensive Records of Register of Plum Blossom Portrait Things (Xinbian zuantu zenglei qunshu leiyao (Meihua xishen pu , d. 1238), shilin guangji , 1261 edition, 27. th th d. 12 century), 14 century edition, 132.

Figure 3.2 Bian , in the Newly Annotated Figure 3.3 Bian , facsimile of the Illustrations to the Three Ritual Classics (Xinding Illustrated and Expanded edition of sanlitu , d. 961), 1673 edition, 101. Comprehensive Records of Things (Xinbian zuantu zenglei qunshu leiyao shilin guangji , d. 12th century), 14th century edition, 113.

Figure 4.1 Gui , facsimile of the Register of Figure 4.2 Gui in the Newly Annotated Plum Blossom Portrait (Meihua xishen pu Illustrations to the Three Ritual Classics , d. 1238), 1261 edition, 33. (Xinding sanlitu , d. 961), 1673 edition, 100.

Figure 4.3 Gui , facsimile of the Illustrated and Figure 4.4 Gui , facsimile of the Shaoxi Expanded edition of Comprehensive Records of Illustrated Handbook for Worshiping Things (Xinbian zuantu zenglei qunshu leiyao Confucius in the Prefectures (Shaoxi shilin guangji , zhouxian shidian yitu d. 12th century), 14th century edition, 113. , d. 1194), 18th century edition, 41.

Figure 5.1 Pomegranate (Shiliu ), facsimile Figure 5.2 Pomegranate (an shiliu of the Register of Plum Blossom Portraits ), facsimile of the Revised Zhenghe (Meihua xishenpu , d. 1238), 1261 Reign Classified Emergency Materia edition, 13. Medica from the Classics and Histories (chongxiu jingshi zhenglei zhenghe bencao ), 1249 edition, 476.

Figure 6.1 Clam Shell (Bangke ), facsimile of Figure 6.2 Clam (bangge ) facsimile the Register of Plum Blossom Portraits (Meihua of the Revised Zhenghe Reign Classified xishenpu , d. 1238), 1261 edition, 23. Emergency Materia Medica from the Classics and Histories (chongxiu jingshi zhenglei zhenghe bencao ), 1249 edition, 442.

Figure 7.1 Gibbon’s arm (yuanbi ), facsimile Figure 7.2 Gibbon (yuan ), in the of the Register of Plum Blossom Portraits Newly Compiled Illustrated Four-word (Meihua xishenpu , d. 1238), 1261 Glossary (xinbian xiangdui siyan — edition, 48. , d. thirteenth century), 1436 edition.

Figure 8. Knicknack Peddler (huolang tu ), unidentifed artsit, formly attributed to Li Song (c. 1190–1260), fan mounted as an album leaf, ink and color on silk, 26.4 x 26.7 cm, Metropolitan Museum of Art.