Ewald Harndt (1901–1996) and His Relationship to National Socialism

RESEARCH ORIGINAL ARTICLE 131

Dominik Groß A complex case: Ewald Harndt (1901–1996) and his relationship to National Socialism

Introduction: Ewald Harndt (1901–1996) has shaped modern German den - tistry like hardly any other scientist: The leading national professional society (DGZMK) elected him its president (1957–1965), the Free University of Berlin appointed him its rector (1967–1969), and the German Dental Association (BZÄK) awarded him the Fritz-Linnert Badge of Honour (1991). He received similar awards and honours throughout the world.

Discussion: While Harndt‘s professional and academic achievements are un- disputed, there is still a lack of clarity regarding his role in the Third Reich: On the one hand, he was dismissed in 1945 due to his membership in the Nazi Party (NSDAP), on the other hand, more recent articles point out that Harndt was considered a political suspect in the Nazi state and thus place him close to an opponent or even victim of the Nazi regime. Against this back- ground, the present paper aims to illuminate Harndt’s relationship to National Socialism. The methodological basis is a comprehensive analysis of the available archival sources and contemporary printed material and a systematic re- evaluation of the secondary literature on Ewald Harndt.

Results: It can be shown that Harndt made a number of inconsistent, false or euphemistic statements, particularly in the denazification process. The source analysis leads to the conclusion that Harndt cannot be classified as a victim but as a political follower. He was undoubtedly not a “fervent” National So- cialist, but he served the regime as a member of various Nazi organizations and networks, as well as by endorsing Nazi “health policy” and using Nazi terms – notably in the fields of eugenics (“vererbt geistig minderwertige Kinder”, “Unfruchtbarmachung”, “Blutsverwandtschaft”) and religion (“deutschreli giös”).

Keywords: Third Reich; History of Dentistry; Eugenics

PRWTH Aachen University, Medical School, Aachen: Prof. Dr. Dr. Dr. Dominik Groß Citation: Groß D: A complex case: Ewald Harndt (1901–1996) and his relationship to National Socialism. Dtsch Zahnärztl Z Int 2020; 2: 131–141 Peer-reviewed article: submitted: 18.02.2020, revised version accepted: 17.03.2020 DOI.org/10.3238/dzz-int.2020.0131–141

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Introduction the life and work of Ewald Harndt bilitation on the subject of “Rho - The scientific and professional im- and his professional environment danide in Saliva” was completed, and portance of Ewald Harndt is beyond was carried out – with a specific focus in April 1938 he was appointed as a doubt: There is hardly any important on the issues outlined above. “Privatdozent” (private lecturer, com- position within the university hier- parable to associate professor) – also archy and hardly any honour in the Results in Berlin. One year later, he became a field of dentistry that he did not “Dozent neuer Ordnung” (lecturer of archive or receive. Even after his Ewald Harndt – a brief outline the new order) – which was a better death he remained in the collective of his life and work financial position –, and in 1944 he memory of the profession, as shown Ewald Albert Heinrich Harndt was became a “außerplanmäßiger Profes- by the “Ewald Harndt Medal” last born on January 22, 1901 in Berlin sor” (titular professor). awarded in 2018. (Fig. 1, [49]). His curriculum vitae is After the end of the Second World However, Harndt’s role in the very well documented [2, 16, 17, 20, War, Harndt was released from uni- Third Reich is much less contoured: 53, 62–64, 66, 68, 71, 74, 75]. He was versity service by registered mail from On the one hand, it is known that he the son of the Berlin merchant Adolf the occupying authorities (Fig. 2, belonged to the Nazi Party (NSDAP), Harndt and his wife Emma, née [60]). In 1946, however, things went and on the other hand, more recent Peege [2]. Harndt grew up in Berlin, uphill again: He then became (ini - essays claim that Harndt had been where he attended elementary tially provisional) head of the De - classified as a political suspect in the school (1907–11), secondary school partment of Dental Conservation at National Socialist state and had suf- (1911–16) and subsequently the “Kö- the Dental Institute of the University fered repression. nigstädter Oberrealschule”. There he of Berlin. In 1948, he was promoted But what are the historical facts? passed his Abitur in 1920 [60]. In the to the position of regular extraordi- What really distinguished his per - same year he began studying medi- nary professor and director of the De- sonality, what was his role in the cine and dentistry in Berlin. In 1924 partment for tooth conservation at Third Reich and how did his career he passed the dental examination – the Dental Institute of the former develop – before 1945, but also in the also in Berlin – and obtained his Friedrich Wilhelm University in East- post-war period? Was Harndt a perpe- license to practice dentistry. There he ern Berlin (since 1949: “Humboldt trator or a victim, or does he evade received his doctorate (Dr. med. University of Berlin”). In May 1950 such dichotomous categorization? dent.) in 1925 with a “histological- he became full professor (“Ordina- These are the core questions of this bacteriological study on periodontitis rius”) and director of the Dental Insti- paper. The first step is to trace the life chronica granulomatosa”. In 1926 he tute. Then Harndt decided to take a and work of Ewald Harndt. In the fol- passed the medical examination and momentous step: In November 1950 lowing, the focus will be on the years obtained his license as physician. he gave up his professorship in the 1933 to 1945 to examine Harndt‘s A year earlier, in 1925, he had East and moved to West Berlin, where relationship to National Socialism. already founded a dental practice in he initially worked as a dentist in a Subsequently, it will be clarified how a working-class district of Berlin, private practice. But already in 1951 Harndt‘s role in the Third Reich was which, however, “had only little he was offered a position at the newly perceived and evaluated after 1945 – popularity” [64], so that he looked founded Free University (Freie Uni- starting with the denazification pro- for alternatives. In 1926 he became a versität, FU) in West Berlin. Here he ceedings, through the laudations and volunteer at the Surgical Clinic of the started as a lecturer, became an hon- obituaries up to other more recent Friedrich Wilhelms University Berlin orary professor in 1954 and then full publications that deal with his bi- with August Bier and at the Medical professor (“Ordinarius”) for dentistry, ography. In the end, concise con- Clinic with Friedrich Kraus. In 1927 oral and maxillofacial surgery and clusions are drawn. he moved to the Dental Institute of head of the (newly established) poly- the University of Berlin as an assis - clinic of the same name in 1956. He Material and Methods tant, where he worked with the re- held these positions until his retire- The study is based on several archival nowned professors Wilhelm Dieck, ment in 1970. Several years of work source collections from the Federal Fritz Williger and Hermann in his own dental practice followed. Archives in Berlin and the Berlin Schroeder. There he gained a foot- Ewald Harndt died on October State Archives, some of which have hold: In 1929, he obtained his sec- 11, 1996 in Bad Pyrmont – at the been evaluated for the first time. ond doctorate (Dr. med.) on the blessed age of almost 96 years. Among them is also the denazifi- “Amalgam-Mercury Question”. In the At the end of his life Harndt could cation file of Ewald Harndt. year preceding the doctorate he had look back on a brilliant career with In addition, Harndt‘s publications married Frieda Gertrud Koepnik in many awards and outstanding offices, and reviews from 1933 to 1945, vari- Berlin who bore him 2 sons – Rai- which can only be addressed here in ous directories of dentists and the mund (1930–2010) and Thomas extracts: In early 1937 Harndt receiv- “Reichsarztregister” (German medical (*1932) [2]. In 1935 he became senior ed the Miller Prize of the “Deutsche register) were analyzed. Moreover, a assistant and closest collaborator of Gesellschaft für Zahn-, Mund- und systematic re-analysis of the relevant Dieck‘s successor Eugen Wannen- Kieferheilkunde” (German Associ- international research literature on macher. In June 1936, Harndt‘s ha- ation for Dental, Oral and Maxillofa-

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Figure 1 Ewald Harndt (1901–1996) Figure 2 Dismissal of Harndt from university (1945)

cial Medicine, DGZMK) – then as of the FU Berlin and in 1968 he be- Harndt, who would have turned 100 now the most important scientific came Rector of the university – this this very year. On this occasion, the prize in German dentistry. From 1947 step undoubtedly marked the height ”Zahnärztekammer Berlin“ (Berlin to 1968 he was an elected board of his career. After Oskar Römer Dental Council) established the member of the German “ARPA” (1928), Johannes Reinmöller (1933) “Ewald Harndt Medal” [16, 63]. (today: German Society for Periodon- and Heinrich Hammer (1958), Harndt‘s main areas of work and tology, DGParo) and from 1949 to Harndt was only the fourth German research were tooth preservation and 1969 a board member of the DGZMK, professor of dentistry to be elected endodontics, in particular pulpitis including 8 years (1957 to 1965) as rector. diagnostics and systematics as well as president. Harndt also was a success- This was followed in 1968 by the the principles of gangrene treatment. ful editor in the post-war period: as “Elmer S. Best Memorial Award” of In the German-speaking world he be- early as 1947 he was active in this the Pierre Fauchard Academy, in came the eponym of the “Harndts function for the DZZ (German Dental 1969 by the honorary membership of Pulpitis Schema” (Harndt‘s Pulpitis Journal – for the Berlin section, until the German ARPA and in 1972 by Scheme) [14]. In addition, he estab- 1964). In the same year he also be- that of the Association of University lished a system of gangrene treat- came editor-in-chief of the “Forum Lecturers in Dentistry, Oral and ment, whereby he considered the Parodontologicum”, and from 1955 Maxillofacial Medicine. In 1974 latter – contrary to the common to 1976 he published the popular Harndt received the “Goldene Ehren- opinion of his time – also promising “Deutscher Zahnärzte-Kalender” (Ger- nadel” (Gold Badge of Honor) of the for molars. Besides, he dealt with cast man Dentist Calendar). DGZMK, in 1985 the “Goldene fillings, the questionable toxicity of In 1954 he received the “Jahres- Ehrennadel” of the “Deutsche silver and copper amalgams, the (pro- bestpreis” (Annual Best Price) of the Zahnärzteschaft” (German Dental tective) role of saliva in cariology, DGZMK for his scientific work, in Association), in 1987 a further hon- gingival and periodontal diseases and 1957 the medal of the Association orary membership of the “Deutsche oral histobacteriology and patho- Générale des Dentistes de Belgique Gesellschaft für Zahnerhaltung” (Ger- physiology. Harndt was also very and in 1959 the honorary member- man Society for Tooth Preservation, much in favour of retaining high- ship of both the Italian Stomatolo - DGZ). quality amalgams in dentistry. Fur- gical Society and the Fédération While a jubilee publication had thermore, his animal experiments National Française. Honorary mem- been published for Harndt‘s 80th were widely recognized: Harndt fed berships in the Association of Aus- birthday [53], a ceremony was held at beagles with sugar in order to investi- trian Dentists (1961), ARPA Inter- the Charité in 1991 in honour of his gate possible tooth damage caused by nationale (1963), American College 90th birthday. Now, Harndt was sugar intake (“sugar dogs”). His ha- of Dentists (1964) and DGZMK awarded the “Fritz-Linnert-Ehren- bilitation study on “salivary rho - (1967) followed. zeichen” (Fritz-Linnert Medal of danide” also attracted a great deal of He also rose to the highest uni- Honor) of the German Dental Associ- attention – it was precisely this work versity positions: In 1961 he was ation. Finally, in 2001 a festive sym- that earned him the Miller Prize elected Dean of the Medical Faculty posium followed in memory of mentioned above [53].

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Figure 3 Allegation of disadvantages due to political unreliability Figure 4 Harndt‘s statement concerning NSDAP-membership

Harndt was regarded as an ex- well-known university professor and were immediately dismissed from tremely powerful and influential per- professional politicians. In his private their university positions, robbed of sonality and thus occasionally re- life Ewald Harndt was interested in their career prospects and – in many ceived criticism. In his autobi- philosophy, theatre, art and litera- cases – forced into emigration [34, ography, Carl-Heinz Fischer stressed ture. 58, 70]. that Harndt, as chairman of the Harndt was able to develop a re- Harndt, however, who was striv- DGZMK, “could not part with his markable posthumous fame that con- ing for an academic career and was presidency” [17] and that Harndt tinues to the present day: As men- able to provide the necessary proof of had managed to be made the suc- tioned, the “Ewald-Harndt Medal” “Aryan” descent, found favourable cessor to the emeritus Carl Ulrich was established in 2001. It was conditions in Berlin: On the one Fehr in Berlin in the mid-1950s – awarded over a period of 18 years – hand, the Berlin Dental Institute was against the explicit wish of the latter up to and including 2018 [21]. the most prestigious of its kind in the [17]. In addition, Fischer ambigu- Harndt has published more than German Reich, and on the other ously remarked that Harndt‘s rector- 130 papers in total. Especially worth hand, Harndt’s superior and mentor ate had attracted a lot of attention mentioning are: his 2 doctoral theses Eugen Wannenmacher was consider- [17]. In fact, his rectorate (1967 to on chronic periodontitis and the ed to be loyal to the line and politi- 1969) was in the public eye – es- amalgam issue [36, 37], his habili- cally influential. Born in 1897, Wan- pecially because it coincided exactly tation thesis [38], his monograph nenmacher had studied medicine with the time of the (West Berlin) “The Cast Filling” (Die Gußfüllung) and dentistry, completed a double student unrest. Harndt was subjected [41], which has been published sev- doctorate and qualified as a professor to strong personal criticism from the eral times since 1941, and his con- of dentistry at the University of Tü - general student committee, includ- tributions to endodontics [42, 43, 45, bingen in 1925. In 1929 he was ap- ing a polemical leaflet entitled “Stu- 48] and periodontology [44, 46, 47]. pointed extraordinary professor at dentenreform und Karies” (Student His most successful publication the Dental Institute in Tübingen, and Reform and Caries) [1]. On the other was, however, not related to dentistry: in 1934 he accepted a position as hand, the fact that Harndt, in coop- his book “Französisch im Berliner Jar- extraordinary professor at the much eration with the Technical University gon” (French in Berlin Slang), pub- larger and more prestigious Dental of Berlin, initiated the “founding of lished in 1977, became a bestseller Institute of the University of Berlin. an interdisciplinary ,Institute for and is still available in bookshops In April 1933 – just before the party Caries Research e.V.‘” (1964) was today [50]. ban on further membership was im- widely acknowledged [54]. posed – he had joined the NSDAP It is also worth mentioning that Ewald Harndt‘s relationship and initially became the training Harndt was highly appreciated by to National Socialism leader of the Nazi local group in Tü - many of his academic students [53]. (1933–1945) bingen [9, 13, 35]. He also joined the Among Harndt‘s habilitation candi- When Hitler came to political power “NS-Dozentenbund” (NS Lecturers‘ dates were Werner Hielscher (habili- in 1933, Harndt was just 32 years old Association), the “NS-Ärztebund” (NS tation 1960), Karl Eichner (1961), and thus belonged to the group of Medical Association), the “NS-Volks - Gerhard Haim (1962) and Gerhard young dental scientists. The con- wohlfahrt” (NS People‘s Welfare As- Frenkel (1963). His son, Raimund sequences of the change of power sociation), the “Reichsbund der Deut- Harndt (1930–2010), also habilitated were dramatic for Jewish and politi- schen Beamten Reich” (Association 1965 also in dentistry and became a cally oppositional colleagues: They of German Civil Servants), the “NS-

senior Nazi physician in the Third Reich and the appointment also repre- sented a political vote of confidence. In his much-cited encyclopaedia of persons in the Third Reich (“Das Per- sonenlexikon zum Dritten Reich”), Ernst Klee counted Wannenmacher among the “leading dentists of the Nazi era”, probably against the back- Figure 5 Proof and date of NSDAP membership including party number ground of his various Nazi-specific functions and offices [56]. Wannenmacher acted as Harndt‘s mentor in Berlin and accompanied his habilitation project, which was extremely successful: Harndt was admitted to the habilitation in 1936 and was able to complete the procedure without difficulty. Shortly thereafter he was awarded the prestigious Miller Prize by the DGZMK – explicitly for his habilitation study. Both successes are also particularly noteworthy because after 1945 Harndt stated in the archival documented denazification proceedings that he had suffered disadvantages in the Third Reich “because of political unreliability” [60]. As central evidence of this, he stated in a document entitled “Annex 2” that he was not appointed as a lecturer until 1939 (Fig. 3, [60]). He also claimed in a “Berufungsregistrierungsformular” Figure 6 Revised statement regarding NS memberships (appointment registration form) that his entry into the NSDAP had been forced (“unter Zwang”) [60]. On the official “Fragebogen” (Questionnaire) Lehrerbund” (NS Teachers‘ Asso - had been founded as an ideological of the military government, he ciation) and the “Reichsluft- “training castle” of the NS Medical further noticed (1) that he had only schutzbund” (Reich Air Defence As- Association and opened on June 1, been a party candidate (“Anwärter”), sociation) [4, 10]. Moreover, he be- 1935 [9, 11]. not a member, (2) that he applied for came a member of the SS (Schutzstaf- How much Wannenmacher admission to the party in 1938, (3) fel, No. 460.838), where he rose to shifted to the Nazi ideology is also that he had left the NSDAP in 1941 “SS Sturmbannführer” (storm ban shown by the fact that he left the and (4) that no party number had leader) in mid-September 1943. Wan- Catholic Church in 1936 and con- been assigned to him (Fig. 4, [60]). nenmacher also held an important fessed to being “gottgläubig” (believer To start with the information pro- position within the politically cen- in god) [9] – his wife did the same vided in the questionnaire: none of tralized dental profession: In 1933 he [10]. “Gottgläubig” was a self-desig- the four allegations was really cor- was appointed press officer of the nation of National Socialists who rect; according to the sources con- DGZMK, which had also been cen- were not atheists, but who had sulted, he was not merely a candidate tralized. As such, he was also editor of turned away from the church for but a member of the party (Fig. 5, the specialist journals “Deutsche political reasons. The term was con- [12, 60]. Nor had he applied for Zahn- Mund- und Kieferheilkunde” sidered a sign of a special ideological membership in 1938, but had already (German Dental, Oral and Maxillo - closeness to National Socialism. In joined the party in 1937. Besides, it facial Medicine) and “Deutsche 1944, Wannenmacher was appointed would not have been possible earlier: Zahnärztliche Wochenschrift” (Ger- to the “Beirat des Bevollmächtigten It was not until early summer 1937 man Dental Weekly). In addition, he für das Gesundheitswesen Karl that the membership ban imposed in was a lecturer at the Leader School Brandt” (Advisory Board of Karl May 1933 to prevent political oppor- (Führer Schule) of the German medi- Brandt, Plenipotentiary for Health tunists from joining the party was re- cal profession in Alt Rhese, which Care) – Karl Brandt was the most laxed. Harndt actually submitted the

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application on July 27, 1937 and was a Privatdozent. Some very positive as- promoted to (better paid) “Dozent admitted retroactively as of May 1, sessments of Harndt were joined by der neuen Ordnung” and in 1944 to 1937 – the earliest possible date [12]. criticism from the student and lec- titular professor. A short time later, This chronological sequence – turer leadership, according to which due to an illness of Wannenmacher, namely the prompt backdating car- Harndt (1) showed a “certain flippan- he was appointed provisional head of ried out by the party – also shows cy” “towards students and patients”, the department [66]. that his admission to the party appar- which would not correspond to the Remarkably, a curriculum vitae ently took place without reservations. (supposedly high) demands made on written by Harndt himself around However, precisely this would have a university teacher in the Third 1944 is documented, in which no been to be expected from a politically Reich, and (2) that he had a “well- mention is made of the later claimed unreliable applicant. The sources also functioning private practice”, which “political unpopularity” or discrimi- repeatedly document that Harndt – would or should not be allowed to as- nation. Rather, it states succinctly: contrary to his assertion – indeed was sistants and why he should not be “In May 1936, the medical faculty of given a party number: It was appointed as Privatdozent [3]. How- the Berlin University pronounced my 4,360,633 (Fig. 5). The statement that ever, these 2 arguments were contra- habilitation. In 1937 I attended the he had resigned from the party in dicted in several other statements – Lecturers‘ Academy in Kiel-Kietzeberg 1941 was also incorrect. Harndt tried among others by Eugen Wannen- for 3 weeks, whereupon I was ap- to “save” it by means of a later expla- macher himself, who emphasised pointed lecturer in dentistry on nation which stated that he had not that Harndt had “proven himself per- 19.4.1938” [3]. He thus documented paid membership fees since 1941 (“In fectly”. Earlier, Professor Hermann with his own hand that there were 1941 I stopped paying my member- Schröder had already pointed out not more than 3 but less than 2 years ship fees”) – which, if true, was quite that Harndt was “politically abso- between the habilitation and the ap- different from declaring one‘s with- lutely reliable”. It was also stressed pointment as Privatdozent. drawal from the party. In the NSDAP that the admissibility of a private On an undated questionnaire membership file there is indeed no practice in question was irrelevant to from around 1938, Harndt was asked mention of a party resignation – the assessment of Harndt‘s personal about a possible “political activity”. neither for the year 1941 nor for a suitability [3]. He did not negate the question, later date [12]. In other words: By Such disparate statements in but noted the following activities: means of four incorrect statements matters of promotion or appoint- “Sturm arzt i. NSKK, Arzt i. Hauptamt Harndt tried to reinterpret an 8-year ment were the order of the day in the f. Volksgesundheit, NSDAP” (Storm party membership (1937–1945) into Nazi polycracy – as well as internal doctor at NSKK, doctor at the General a 3-year candidacy (1938–1941). party power struggles and personal Office of Public Health, NSDAP) [3]. It is true that Harndt‘s appoint- profiling attempts at the expense of Harndt did not take too much ment as a Privatdozent was made others. Prominent cases from the care with other statements in the with a noticeable delay. However, field of dentistry include professors denazification proceedings either: here too, he came up with half- such as Guido Fischer [25] or Fried - While he stated in 1946 that he had truths: In fact, it was not a period of rich Proell [18] or the dentist Fried - only entered into a NSDAP candidacy “more than 3 years” as Harndt rich Krohn [67], all of whom were and an NSKK supporting member- claimed in the denazification pro- convinced National Socialists, but be- ship, he revised this statement one ceedings (Fig. 3, [60]), but less than came involved in internal party dis- year later in an addendum that he two years: The habilitation was putes and were discredited – never- submitted to the “Denazification awarded on June 10, 1936 with the theless, they were no political oppo- Commission” on April 3, 1947 (Fig. conferral of the Dr. med. habil., the nents, but representatives of Nazi 6, [60]): He now declared that he appointment as Privatdozent on April ideology. In most cases, such differ- might also have “got into” the mem- 19, 1938 – Harndt himself provided ences of opinion ultimately had bership lists of the NS Medical Associ- this information about his person be- no consequences – as in the case ation (NS-Ärztebund) and the NS Lec- fore 1945 in writing in a file card [2]. of Harndt: from 1936 onwards, he turers‘ Association (NS-Dozenten- Moreover, the reasons for the de- passed through a whole series of ca- bund). In the first case, he argued layed appointment were far less seri- reer stages that would not have been that there might have been an auto- ous and far less fundamental than possible for politically suspicious per- matic inclusion in the course of the Harndt later insinuated: Harndt was sons. Not only was he admitted to political centralization, in the second by no means per se considered politi- the habilitation procedure, as men- case, he conceded that he “possibly cally unreliable or suspect. The Nazi tioned above, and chosen as a Miller responded to a request” [to become a system had a polycratic structure, i.e. Prize winner by the politically cen- member]. In both cases, however, he it was characterized by a multitude of tralized professional society (1936 re- stated that he was not quite sure [12, responsible, often competitive per- spectively 1937), but he was also ac- 60]. sons and centres of power. This poly- cepted as a member of the NSDAP These “gaps in memory” are not cracy was also evident in the Harndt (1937) and subsequently – albeit be- plausible for the simple reason that case: As usual, various statements latedly – appointed as a Privatdozent Harndt himself filled out a university were obtained before appointment as (1938). In the following year, he was teachers‘ card in the Third Reich, in

Figure 7 Harndt‘s review of the publication by A. Frenzel (1937)

which he gave complete details in membership in view of his intended Dental, Oral and Maxillofacial Medi- the pre-printed column “Membership university career or that he himself cine) alone there are 10 reviews by in national associations”. There he realized that membership could be Harndt – “mainly from the category listed: “NSDAP, NSKK, N.S. Ärzte- helpful. There is no doubt that in of eugenics” [73]. Why Harndt found bund, N.S. Dozentenbund, Hauptamt many cases, party membership fa- himself willing to review such deli- für Öffentliche Gesundheit, Luft- vored careers. It is not without reason cate writings at all, and thus to take a schutzbund” [2]. that around 60 % of dental lecturers political position, is not evident from The half-truths, corrections and became NSDAP members in the the files. What is certain, however, is dramatizations mentioned above Third Reich – but that also meant that he did not in the least distance fundamentally undermine the credi- that 4 out of 10 university lecturers himself from the research approach bility of Harndt‘s statements in the did not join the party [32]. Besides, or content of the reviewed works. It is denazification proceedings. The latter the latter group also included repre- also conspicuous that he made com- also applies to his notice that his ap- sentatives who were well-esteemed in pletely uncritical use of NS terminol- plication for admission to the NSDAP the Third Reich, such as the profes- ogy. An example is Harndt‘s review of had been “forced” [60]. The member- sors Otto Loos [28] and Paul Adloff A. Frenzel‘s publication on the caries ship ban imposed from 1933 to 1937 [52] or the up-and-coming lecturers incidence in “infantile idiocy” (Die rather points to the opposite: the Karl Schuchardt and Richard Trauner. Kariesbereitschaft beim kindlichen party wanted to protect itself es- Concerning Trauner, no less than Schwachsinn) [19]. Harndt writes pecially against members who did 4 expert opinions by leading profes- about this literally (Fig. 7, [39]): not join out of inner conviction. In sors of the Third Reich are docu- “After first describing the diagnostic fact, there are several examples of ap- mented, who gave him a positive re- picture of the hereditary sick school plications for membership that were port around 1943/44 – despite his child, the work brings social-statis- rejected because the candidates were lack of party membership – and as- tical figures about the caries suscepti- considered politically suspect, such as sessed him as suitable for a chair [8]. bility of about one hundred biologi- the dentist Hans Hermann Rebel, di- In addition, there are other facts cally inferior children (biologisch min- rector of the Dental Institute of the that were not even mentioned in derwertigen Hilfsschülern).” He also University of Göttingen since 1925 Harndt‘s denazification proceedings, uses the Nazi phrases “geistig-seelisch [7], or Ferdinand Lehm, who was at but which raise all the more doubts minderwertige Kinder” and “vererbt times chairman of the Prussian Den- about Harndt‘s self-staging as a politi- geistig minderwertige Kinder” [39]. tal Association and was to become cally unpopular, disadvantaged lec- A second example is the review of head of the social welfare organi - turer: During the Third Reich Harndt a contribution by H. Eckhardt on the zation of the “Verband der Deut- repeatedly reviewed publications de- possible forced sterilization of pa- schen Zahnärztlichen Berufsvertre- voted to Nazi ideology and especially tients with cleft lip and palate ([15]. tungen” (Association of German to eugenics and so-called hereditary Harndt wrote his review in 1940, by Dental Professional Associations) in diseases. In the “Zentralblatt für die which time leading professors such as 1952 [6]. It is very likely, however, gesamte Zahn-, Mund- und Kiefer- Georg Axhausen, Wolfgang Rosen- that Harndt was advised to apply for heilkunde” (Central Gazette for all thal and Franz Ernst had long since

© Deutscher Ärzteverlag | DZZ International | Deutsche Zahnärztliche Zeitschrift International | 2020; 2 (4) GROSS: 138 A complex case: Ewald Harndt (1901–1996) and his relationship to National Socialism (Fig. 1–8: D. Groß) Figure 8 Harndt‘s review of the publication by H. Eckhardt (1940)

revealed a protective attitude towards Harndt was evaluated by 3 dental sidered anti-Semitic and politically their “cleft patients” and criticized university lecturers with regard to his permissive [65]. At this point, it forced sterilization as the wrong ap- ordinability – his suitability for ap- should not go unmentioned that the proach, while Martin Waßmund and pointment to a chair: Erwin Reichen- „denazification procedures“ were Reinhold Ritter, for example, took bach, Otto Hofer and Eugen Wan- handled very differently in the 4 oc- opposing positions [24, 26, 30, 33, nenmacher, all of them loyal NSDAP cupation zones. Overall, the hardest 72]. Harndt could therefore have members, unanimously classified action was in the “Soviet-occupied simply referred to the arguments of him as suitable [5]. Obviously Harndt zone” (SBZ), the later GDR including Axhausen et al. In Harndt‘s review, continued to have the support of in- West Berlin: Here thousands were im- however, there is nothing to be fluential dental professors. This ex- prisoned (partly in former concen- found of that criticism or of the en- plains why, as mentioned above, he tration camps) or sent to labour tire professional dispute about forced was appointed a titular professor in camps. However, the procedure in sterilization. He refers to the content 1944 and shortly afterwards as the the SBZ was also the most inconsis - of the publication without question- provisional head of the department. tent and least transparent: Often it ing the approach. Finally, he sums up was not only the entanglement in uncritically (Fig. 8, [40]): “Sterili - After 1945: Public perception the Nazi era that decided the verdicts, zation (Unfruchtbarmachung) for these and reception of Harndt‘s role but also factors such as “class affili- diseases will therefore depend on the in the Third Reich ation” or the potential benefit of the respective proof of heredity, i.e. the As mentioned, after 1945 Harndt person under review for the planned repeated occurrence of malforma- tried to emphasize his distance to the “construction of socialism”. In fact, tion (Mißbildung) in severe, mild or Nazi system, his political unreliability denazification ended mostly as a mildest form within the consanguin- and his political discrimination. As “farce” in the West and as “self-con- ity (Blutsverwandtschaft)” [40]. was customary in denazification pro- gratulation” in the East [23, 65]. Harndt‘s recourse to typical NS ceedings, he provided several char- Harndt‘s Hamburg colleague terms (“vererbt geistig minderwertige acter references that outlined him as Heinrich Fabian – an extraordinary Kinder”, “Unfruchtbarmachung”, anti-national socialist and as pro-Jew- Professor and a fervent National “Mißbildung”, “Blutsverwandschaft”) ish and confirmed that he was con- Socialist – provides an impressive case is not only found in his reviews. sidered politically suspect and there- for such developments: At that time On an undated questionnaire from fore had been disadvantaged. Affida- Hamburg was located in the British around 1938, for example, Harndt de- vits of that kind can be found in occupation zone, where politically in- scribed himself as “deutschreligiös” – countless denazification proceedings. active party members were sometimes this is, similar to the word “gottgläu- Such “Persil Certificates” ultimately exempted from punishment at an big”, a typical Nazi term to express had the effect that the overwhelming early stage. In 1949, the first Impu - the distance to the churches and the majority of the defendants were able nity Act also brought an amnesty for proximity to the (church-critical) to conclude their proceedings more most of those previously sentenced Nazi ideology [2]. or less unscathed [55]. This course of by the denazification authorities. Even for the last years of the events was particularly pronounced Fabian also profited from this devel- Third Reich, the available sources do in Bavaria. This was also due to the opment: After the war, the respon- not reveal any evidence that Harndt person of George S. Patton, who was sible denazification committee of the was in a political outsider role. On the first American military governor Hamburg University had initially as- the contrary: In the years 1943/44, after the end of the war and was con- sessed him as “no longer acceptable”

as a doctor, which meant he was ship: “‘Political unreliability‘ had were also to be found in Harndt‘s im- banned from his profession. One year caused this delay” [66]. mediate professional environment: later, the responsible authorities at This assertion was hardly ques- Konrad Cohn, Konrad Lipschütz [57] least allowed him to work in a medi- tioned, on the contrary. How power- and Hans-Jacques Mamlok [61] were cal practice, while he was still banned ful this dictum was became apparent Berlin colleagues – they did fell out of from teaching. However, Fabian was in 1991 – i.e. another 30 years later – favour with the National Socialists not yet satisfied and reacted with re- on the occasion of Harndt‘s 90th and lost their professional and ulti- quests for revision (appeals), which birthday. Here it was said with regard mately their life perspective. aimed at further rehabilitation. His to Harndt‘s party membership: “We Harndt is neither a Nazi perpetra- persistence brought the desired suc- know [...] that making compromises tor nor a victim. Rather, he shows the cess: while one appeal in May 1948 with the politically powerful is a characteristics of a classic follower: still failed, another one was accepted question of existence” [64]. In the He made use of the professional net- in May 1949. The new examination same context, Harndt was described works – which, in addition to Wan- now suddenly revealed that Fabian as a political suspect and thus nenmacher, also included experts had “put up strong resistance” to the brought close to being a Nazi victim. such as Hofer and Reichenbach – and Nazi regime. It was therefore decided There it was said in abbreviation of he served the Nazi system by joining in the end to “classify him in cat- the real facts: “Clear expressions of Nazi organizations, by agreeing to egory V with the lifting of all profes- mistrust also affected the then senior write uncritical reviews of morally sional restrictions”. Thus Fabian was assistant Harndt [...] a teacher who questionable writings propagating considered to be completely “exon- was not welcome in the NS state” Nazi eugenics, and by using Nazi ter- erated” and was able to continue his [64]. A similar comment can be minology in various contexts. Never- work as a professor [29]. found for 1993 [62]. theless, after 1945, he succeeded in Thanks to the system of “Persil In contrast, Künzel offered a more embellishing his role in the Third Certificates”, even ardent National realistic commentary: In 2018 he Reich – not least by stating numerous Socialists overcame the supposed criticized the attempts of the afore- half-truths and by deliberate hurdles of denazification, and the mentioned authors to ascribe a politi- omissions. He thus achieved a far- ruling chambers became true “fol- cal “victim role” to Harndt. Künzel reaching political “cleansing”, which lower factories” (Mitläuferfabriken) calls the aforementioned “expressions in turn sustainably facilitated his im- [65] at the latest in the appeal proof mistrust”, which Harndt had ex- pressive post-war career. ceedings. Even blatant Nazi perpetra- perienced in 1936 after his habili- However, not only Harndt, but tors such as Hugo Blaschke, SS Gen- tation, merely “a temporary mishap also his former mentor Eugen Wan- eral and Hitler‘s personal dentist, or which he was able to clear up shortly nenmacher found his way back to Karl Pieper, “Reichsdozentenführer” afterwards by joining the NSDAP” success in post-war Germany. Like (Leader of the Reich Lecturers) of the [59] – an overall assessment that is Harndt, he was first dismissed from dental profession and holder of the much better in line with the sources. service by the Allies in 1945 – at that Blood Order, were denazified as mere time in the position of an extraordi- “followers”. The same applies to Paul Conclusions nary professor. Wannenmacher ini - Reutter, who, as “leading dentist”, Harndt was certainly not a “fervent”, tially had to set up his own practice. was responsible for all dental matters ideologically convinced National So- However, the time factor was also in the concentration camps until cialist. Unlike his mentor Wannen- helpful here: In 1955 the University 1943 [23]. In the end, only about macher, he did not seek political of- of Münster appointed him full pro- 1.4 % of those affected in the dena- fices and functions. But he did not fessor of dental, oral and maxillo - zification proceedings were classified distance himself from the Nazi re- facial surgery and director of the uni- as (significantly) burdened [65]. gime, he was by no means – apart versity clinic of the same name – Harndt, too, took this hurdle un- from individual voices – perceived as which meant that Wannenmacher scathed: Although his denazification politically unreliable or suspect. ultimately succeeded in further devel- dragged on until January 1948, it Therefore, it does not seem justified oping his career compared to the ended with the discontinuation of to place him in the vicinity of Nazi Nazi era. [51]. In 1971 he even be- the proceedings [60]. Harndt‘s dic- victims. Such a reading would do in- came an honorary member of the tum in the denazification proceed- justice to those who actually became DGZMK – exactly 4 years after his ings that he had been politically sus- victims: by being dismissed from uni- former protégé Ewald Harndt [31]. pect to those in power in the Third versity service, prevented from com- Reich and had therefore suffered re- pleting their habilitation, excluded pression, proved to be extremely per- from professional networks, driven sistent. For example, Erwin Reichen- into emigration or fearing for their Conflicts of interest bach – also a former party and SA lives. Such professors and lecturers The author declares that there is no member [69] – noted in a laudation also existed in dentistry at many uni- conflict of interest within the on the occasion of Harndt‘s 60th versities – Alfred Kantorowicz [27] meaning of the guidelines of the birthday (1961) that the latter had to and Hans Moral [22] are certainly the International Committee of Medical wait longer than usual for his lecture- most prominent examples. But they Journal Editors.

© Deutscher Ärzteverlag | DZZ International | Deutsche Zahnärztliche Zeitschrift International | 2020; 2 (4) GROSS: 140 A complex case: Ewald Harndt (1901–1996) and his relationship to National Socialism

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