Japan's Security Policy
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Remarks at the Fukuda Doctrine Memorial Plaque Unveiling Ceremony Yasuo Fukuda, Former Prime Minister of Japan October 1, 2018 Manila Hotel, Manila, Philippines
Remarks at the Fukuda Doctrine Memorial Plaque Unveiling Ceremony Yasuo Fukuda, Former Prime Minister of Japan October 1, 2018 Manila Hotel, Manila, Philippines 1. Opening His Excellency Mr. Francis C. Laurel, President of the Philippines-Japan Society, H. E. Ginandjar Kartasasmita, Chairman of the Indonesia-Japan Friendship Association (PPIJ), Ladies and Gentlemen, As just introduced, I am Yasuo Fukuda. Before I begin my remarks, I must express my deepest condolences to the victims in the northern Philippines who suffered from the terrible devastations of Typhoon Ompong two weeks ago. Many precious lives were lost and many people went missing. And on Sept. 28, huge earthquakes and tsunami caused enormous destructions to Sulawesi Island in Indonesia. I offer my sincere condolences to the Indonesian victims. Japan, like the Philippines and Indonesia, is a country that suffers from frequent natural disasters. Living in a similar disaster-prone environment, it is especially heart-wrenching to see the devastation following the typhoon. Japan has cooperated in a variety of ways with these countries in the area of disaster prevention, and I hope that further close collaboration will be planned in the future. I would like to express my heartfelt gratitude for the great honor of speaking to you on this day, when the memorial plaque of the "Fukuda Doctrine" announced by my father, Takeo Fukuda, was just installed at this illustrious Manila Hotel. A short while ago, the plaque was unveiled by H. E. Mr. Francis C. Laurel and other representatives from the Philippines, and the following persons from Japan witnessed the memorable ceremony: My siblings -- in other words sons and daughters of Takeo Fukuda -- his grandchildren, Ambassador Tanino who took part in drafting the Fukuda Doctrine, former Minister of Justice, Mr. -
Japan and the United Nations (PDF)
Japan and the United Nations Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Japan Japan's Contribution to the International Community at the UN Foundation of the UN and Japan's Accession to the UN The United Nations (UN) was founded in 1945 under the pledge to prevent the recurrence of war. Eleven years later, in 1956, Japan joined the UN as its 80th member. Since its accession, Japan has contributed to a diversity of fields in UN settings. For example, as of 2014, Japan had served ten times as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council (UNSC). Also, as the only country that has ever suffered from the devastation of atomic bombings, Japan has taken every opportunity to call the importance of disarmament and non-proliferation to the attention of the international community, gaining appreciation and trust from many countries. Today, the international community faces a number of new challenges to be addressed, such as a rash of regional and ethnic conflicts, poverty, sustainable development, climate change, and human rights issues. These global challenges should be addressed by the United Nations with its universal character. For nearly three decades, Japan has been the second largest contributor to the UN's finances after the United States, and Japan is an indispensable partner in the management of the UN. ⓒUN Photo/Mark Garten 1 Japan's Contributions at the UN In cooperation with the UN, Japan contributes to international peace and stability through exercising leadership in its areas of expertise, such as agenda-setting and rule-making for the international community. A case in point is human security. -
On the Afternoon of Wednesday, March 10, 2021, the Security Studies Unit of the Institute for Future Initiatives (IFI) at the Un
On the afternoon of Wednesday, March 10, 2021, the Security Studies Unit of the Institute for Future Initiatives (IFI) at the University of Tokyo (UTokyo) held an online workshop involving three panelists, entitled “The Functions and Policies of the Japanese National Security Council.” The three panelists were Nobushige Takamizawa, former Assistant Chief Cabinet Secretary (Deputy Secretary General of the National Security Secretariat) and Visiting Professor at UTokyo’s Graduate School of Public Policy; Yasuhiro Matsuda, Professor at UTokyo’s Institute for Advanced Studies on Asia; and Masayasu Tsuzuki, former Deputy Counsellor of the National Security Secretariat and Project Researcher at IFI. As the workshop was held under the Chatham House Rule, the summary of the discussion below does not specify which speakers made particular comments. This workshop was held as part of a research project subsidized by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan entitled US-China Competition and Securitization of Critical and Emerging Technologies: Evaluating Policy-making Process and Impacts on Globalized Economy. 1. Background to Establishment of the Japanese National Security Council (NSC) When the partial amendment of the Act for Establishment of the Security Council of Japan was approved in December 2013, it was the second attempt following an earlier attempt in 2006. The main differences between the situations in 2006 and 2013 were that it had become clearer than ever that Japan faced an extremely challenging national security environment, while from a domestic point of view, the experience of the Great East Japan Earthquake on March 11, 2011, had prompted nonpartisan groups to recognize the need for a “national control tower” that would function during emergencies. -
POSITION NAME HR/HC PARTY Honorary Chair Mr. Yasuo FUKUDA
POSITION NAME HR/HC PARTY Honorary Chair Mr. Yasuo FUKUDA Former Prime Minister Chair Mr. Sadakazu TANIGAKI H.R. LDP Senior Vice-Chair Mr. Ichiro AISAWA H.R. LDP Vice-Chair Mr. Ichiro AISAWA H.R. LDP Vice-Chair Mr. Naokazu TAKEMOTO H.R. LDP Vice-Chair Mr. Masayoshi YOSHINO H.R. LDP Vice-Chair Mr. Teruhiko MASHIKO H.C. DPJ Vice-Chair Mr. Hiroyuki NAGAHAMA H.C. DPJ Vice-Chair Ms. Tomoko ABE H.R. INDP Vice-Chair Ms. Yuriko KOIKE H.R. LDP Vice-Chair Mr. Tetsuo SAITO H.R. Komei Executive Director Mr. Keizo TAKEMI H.C. LDP Deputy �Executive Director Mr. Kenya AKIBA H.R. LDP Deputy �Executive Director Ms. Toshiko ABE H.R. LDP Deputy �Executive Director Mr. Tetsuro FUKUYAMA H.C. DPJ Director Mr. Ichiro TSUKADA H.C. LDP Director Mr. Issei KITAGAWA H.C. LDP Director Mr. Yoshimasa HAYASHI H.C. LDP Director Mr. Ryuhei KAWADA H.C. JRP Director Mr. Asahiko MIHARA H.R. LDP Secretary-General Ms. Aiko SHIMAJIRI H.C. LDP Deputy� Secretary-General Mr. Masahiro ISHIDA H.C. LDP COMMITTEES International Cooperation Chair Mr. Keizo TAKEMI H.C. LDP Vice-Chair Mr. Tatsuo FUKUDA H.R. LDP Domestic Measures Chair Mr. Tetsuo SAITO H.R. Komei Vice-Chair Mr. Issei KITAGAWA H.C. LDP Vice-Chair Ms. Emiko TAKAGAI H.C. LDP Gender Issues Chair Ms. Toshiko ABE H.R. LDP Vice-Chair Ms. Aiko SHIMAJIRI H.C. LDP Vice-Chair Ms. Karen MAKISHIMA H.R. LDP Global Issues Chair Ms. Yuriko KOIKE H.R. LDP Vice-Chair Mr. -
Shinzo Abe and Japan's Strategic Reset
Shinzo Abe and Japan’s Strategic Reset The Rise of the Kantei and Why It Matters to the UK Integrated Review Dr Alessio Patalano Foreword by Rt Hon Jeremy Hunt MP Introduction by Nobukatsu Kanehara Photo Credit: Courtesy of Japan Ministry of Defence Shinzo Abe and Japan’s Strategic Reset The Rise of the Kantei and Why It Matters to the UK Integrated Review Dr Alessio Patalano Foreword by Rt Hon Jeremy Hunt MP Introduction by Nobukatsu Kanehara Policy Exchange is the UK’s leading think tank. We are an independent, non-partisan educational charity whose mission is to develop and promote new policy ideas that will deliver better public services, a stronger society and a more dynamic economy. Policy Exchange is committed to an evidence-based approach to policy development and retains copyright and full editorial control over all its written research. We work in partnership with academics and other experts and commission major studies involving thorough empirical research of alternative policy outcomes. We believe that the policy experience of other countries offers important lessons for government in the UK. We also believe that government has much to learn from business and the voluntary sector. Registered charity no: 1096300. Trustees Diana Berry, Alexander Downer, Pamela Dow, Andrew Feldman, David Harding, Patricia Hodgson, Greta Jones, Edward Lee, Charlotte Metcalf, David Ord, Roger Orf, Andrew Roberts, George Robinson, Robert Rosenkranz, William Salomon, Peter Wall, Simon Wolfson, Nigel Wright. Shinzo Abe and Japan’s Strategic Reset About the Author Dr Alessio Patalano is a Senior Fellow of the Britain in the World Programme, Policy Exchange, and Reader in East Asian Warfare & Security at the Department of War Studies, King’s College London (KCL). -
Asia and Japan in the 21St Century—The Decade of the 2000S
This article was translated by JIIA from Japanese into English as part of a research project to promote academic studies on Japan’s diplomacy. JIIA takes full responsibility for the translation of this article. To obtain permission to use this article beyond the scope of your personal use and research, please contact JIIA by e-mail ([email protected]). Citation: Japan’s Diplomacy Series, Japan Digital Library, http://www2.jiia.or.jp/en/digital_library/japan_s_diplomacy.php Asia and Japan in the 21st Century —The Decade of the 2000s* Taizo Miyagi Once characterized by war, conflict, and poverty, Asia had transformed itself into a region of remarkable economic growth and development by the end of the 20th century. This in fact was what Japan had hoped and striven for Asia throughout the postwar period. However, the emergence of China and other devel- opments have eclipsed Japan’s presence in Asia, so that Japan can no longer claim an unchallenged posi- tion even in economic matters. While 21st century Asia stands proud as the growth center for the world economy, there are undeniable signs that this region is becoming the stage for a new power game that is now unfolding. How is Japan to live and prosper in this environment? In the final analysis, the 21st cen- tury signifies the advent of a new age that can no longer be understood in terms of the “postwar” construct. I. The Koizumi Cabinet and Asia 1. Breaking Free of Conventional Wisdom with Bold Actions Before assuming the post of prime minister, Junichiro Koizumi was long considered to be a maverick within a Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) dominated by the Keiseikai Group (Takeshita Faction), which claimed the postal business lobby as a powerful source of support. -
Japan's Political Turmoil in 2008: Background and Implications for The
Order Code RS22951 September 16, 2008 Japan’s Political Turmoil in 2008: Background and Implications for the United States Mark E. Manyin and Emma Chanlett-Avery Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Summary On September 1, 2008, Japanese Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda stunned observers by resigning his post, saying that a new leader might be able to avoid the “political vacuum” that he faced in office. Fukuda’s 11-month tenure was marked by low approval ratings, a sputtering economy, and virtual paralysis in policymaking, as the opposition Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) used its control of the Upper House of Japan’s parliament (the Diet) to delay or halt most government proposals. On September 22, the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) will elect a new president, who will become Japan’s third prime minister in as many years. Ex-Foreign Minister Taro Aso, a popular figure known for his conservative foreign policy credentials and support for increased deficit spending, is widely expected to win. Many analysts expect that the new premier will dissolve the Lower House and call for parliamentary elections later in the fall. As a result, Japanese policymaking is likely to enter a period of disarray, which could negatively affect several items of interest to the United States, including the passage of budgets to support the realignment of U.S. forces in Japan and the renewal of legislation that authorizes the deployment of Japanese navy vessels that are refueling ships supporting U.S.-led operations in Afghanistan. This report analyzes the factors behind and implications of Japan’s current political turmoil. -
Japan Under the DPJ
Japan Center for International Exchange Vol. 4 No. 3 | September 2009 Japan under the DPJ Hitoshi Tanaka, Senior Fellow, JCIE Despite widespread predictions of a Liberal Demo- was primarily due to widespread voter dissatisfac- cratic Party (LDP) defeat, the result of the August tion with LDP rule. In other words, the election 30 general election in Japan was nevertheless stun- result does not necessarily indicate strong voter ning. Not only is the LDP no longer the dominant support for the DPJ’s policy platform or confi- party in the Diet for the first time since the party’s dence in its ability to govern. Since popular for- establishment in 1955, its seat total in the Lower mer Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi stepped House plunged from 300 (out of a total of 480) be- down in 2006, Japanese voters have become dis- fore the election to 119 after. In stark contrast, the illusioned with a series of ineffectual LDP prime Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ)—the perennial ministers. Shinzo Abe and Yasuo Fukuda both opposition party in the Lower House—raised its resigned their posts less than a year after taking presence there by a remarkable 191 seats, for a total office, while outgoing Prime Minister Taro Aso is of 308. Together with its plurality (109 of 242 seats) not considered by many to be a solid leader. In ad- in the Upper House, this means that the DPJ now dition to an absence of strong leadership within controls 417 (or roughly 58 percent) of 722 seats the party, the LDP government was also seen as in the Diet. -
The Politics of Seeking a Permanent Seat on the United Nations Security Council: an Analysis of the Case of Japan Jose E. Guzzar
The Politics of Seeking a Permanent Seat on the United Nations Security Council: An Analysis of the Case of Japan Jose E. Guzzardi Masters Candidate, University of Arkansas Clinton School of Public Service Mark J. Mullenbach University of Central Arkansas The membership and structure of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) have been among the most controversial and intractable issues considered by UN member-states since the establishment of the organization in the mid- 1940s. A number of emerging global and regional powers throughout the world–including Japan, Germany, India, Brazil, Indonesia, Nigeria, South Africa, and Egypt—have sought permanent seats on the UNSC during the past few decades. In this article, we examine the politics of UNSC restructuring from the perspective of an aspiring permanent member. We focus on the following questions: (1) Which factor, or sets of factors, influences the strategy choices of aspiring permanent members, as well as changes in the strategies of aspiring permanent members of the UNSC?; and (2) Which factor, or set of factors, is a relatively stronger influence on the strategy choices of aspiring permanent members of the UNSC? We hypothesize that a combination of factors from the international, regional, and domestic political systems influence the choice of strategies, as well as changes in the choice of strategies, of aspiring permanent members. Analyzing the case of Japan, we find compelling evidence that global factors, particularly the distribution of power in the international political system, have significantly impacted Japanese foreign policy, including Japan’s strategy for pursuing a permanent seat on the UNSC, since the end of the Second World War. -
Japan's National Security Policy Infrastructure
INTRODUCTION | i JAPAN’S NATIONAL SECURITY POLICY INFRASTRUCTURE CAN TOKYO MEET WASHINGTON’S EXPECTATION? Yuki Tatsumi November 2008 ii | JAPAN’S NATIONAL SECURITY POLICY INFRASTRUCTURE Copyright ©2008 The Henry L. Stimson Center ISBN: 0-9770023-9-X Photos by the Ministry of Defense in Japan and the Japan Ground Self-Defense Force Cover design by Rock Creek Creative. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without prior written consent from The Henry L. Stimson Center. The Henry L. Stimson Center 1111 19th Street, NW 12th Floor Washington, DC 20036 phone: 202-223-5956 fax: 202-238-9604 www.stimson.org YUKI TATSUMI | iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Acronyms............................................................................................................ iv Preface ................................................................................................................ vi Acknowledgements............................................................................................ vii INTRODUCTION.................................................................................................... 1 CHAPTER 1: EVOLUTION OF JAPANESE NATIONAL SECURITY POLICY .............. 11 CHAPTER 2: CIVILIAN INSTITUTIONS ................................................................ 33 CHAPTER 3: UNIFORM INSTITUTIONS................................................................ 65 CHAPTER 4: THE INTELLIGENCE COMMUNITY.................................................. 97 CHAPTER -
Japanese Panel Calls for Power Shift to Regions Decentralization Process Picks up Momentum Federations
SPECIAL SECTION : DecentraLIZatiON and DevOLutiON in NON-federaL COuntries J apan Japanese panel calls for power shift to regions Decentralization process picks up momentum Federations 1 2008 LY JUNE | JU N O W ae J Lee : REUTERS/ : redit C Japanese Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda faces demands for more powers from the country’s mayors and local governments. BY Purnendra Jain demands for decentralization have grown louder than ever. The need for change is manifest. he need for decentralization has Become A hot In April 2008, a Japanese government panel recommended political issue in Japan these days. dismantling the centrally governed state that has existed since Yet political and bureaucratic complexity, hand the restoration of the Meiji Dynasty in 1867. The proposal would in hand with competing and irreconcilable political limit the central government to 16 competencies including interests, hinder the devolution of power to lower diplomacy, national security and trade policy. All other powers units of government in Japan’s still strongly unitary would go to the regions or municipalities. Under the plan, Tstate. regional governments would also have responsibility for areas So strong that the Economist magazine commented in a such as public works and industrial promotion. recent article that, “more than any big rich democracy, Japan But nothing will be rushed. The recommendations are part concentrates political power and financial resources at the of an interim report. The panel is expected to take another two centre.” years to table its final recommendations. Japan’s local governments have struggled for years to secure With one of the most rapidly greying populations in the both financial independence and political autonomy. -
J-Current, Volume 13, Issue 1
J-Current, Volume 13, Issue 1 Fall 2009 J-Current reports on the achievements and activities Their Majesties The Emperor and Empress of Japan visit Hawai‘i of UHM Japanese Studies This summer marked the fiftieth Nainoa faculty and students as well anniversary of the Crown Prince as Japan related events, Thompson research, scholarships and Akihito Scholarship. To celebrate presents a overseas programs. this historic occasion, Emperor replica model Akihito and Empress Michiko of the voyag- Please send materials for visited Hawai‘i from July 14-16. ing canoe submission to: The scholarship was created as a Hokulea as Paul Christensen wedding gift in 1959 when then Their Majes- J-Current Editor ties rise to Crown Prince Akihito wed Mi- Center for Japanese Studies view it. Photo 1890 East-West Road, chiko Shoda. Since then 129 stu- courtesy of Moore 216 University of dents from Hawai‘i and Japan Shinji Uozumi Hawai‘i at Mānoa have been awarded the scholar- and the Japan- Honolulu, HI 96822 ship to pursue a wide range of America Jour- academic topics. nal. E-mail: [email protected] Tel: (808) 956-2667 While in Hawai‘i the Emperor and Fax: (808) 956-2666 Empress engaged in various ac- mately 1,500 people attended the Award for her work with the Web: www.hawaii.edu/cjs banquet, including many past Crown Prince Akihito Scholarship tivities around O‘ahu, including a Copyright © 2009 visit to Kapiolani Park. The Impe- Scholarship recipients. In atten- Foundation and alumni. In addi- Center for Japanese Studies. rial Couple visited the shower tree dance were Governor Linda tion to her work on the fiftieth All rights reserved.