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DOWNLOAD the Redefinition of Japan's National Security Policy Educating Minds and Hearts to Change the World A publication of the University of San Francisco Center for the Volume VIII ∙ Number 1 June ∙ 2008 Pacific Rim Copyright 2008 Jack London Reporting from Tokyo and Manchuria: The Forgotten Role of an Editors Influential Observer of Early Modern Asia Joaquin Gonzalez >>...........................................................Daniel A. Métraux 1 John Nelson Gender Ideology Crossing Borders: A ‘Traditional’ Spouse in the U.S. Editorial Consultants International Migration Context Barbara K. Bundy Hartmut Fischer >>............................................................Suzanne M. Sinke 7 Patrick L. Hatcher The Redefinition of Japan’s National Security Policy: Security Threats, Domestic Editorial Board Uldis Kruze Interests, and a Realist-Liberal Approach Man-lui Lau >>............................................Elena Atanassova-Cornelis 17 Mark Mir Noriko Nagata Stephen Roddy The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO): An Asian NATO? Kyoko Suda Bruce Wydick >>........................................................................Loro Horta 30 America, Don’t Count on Our ‘Followership’ >>.....................................................Masahiro Matsumura 36 Asia Pacific: Perspectives Asia Pacific: Perspectives is a peer-reviewed journal published at least once a year, usually in April/May. It Center for the Pacific Rim welcomes submissions from all fields of the social sciences and the humanities with relevance to the Asia Pacific 2130 Fulton St region.* In keeping with the Jesuit traditions of the University of San Francisco, Asia Pacific: Perspectives com- San Francisco, CA mits itself to the highest standards of learning and scholarship. 94117-1080 Our task is to inform public opinion by a broad hospitality to divergent views and ideas that promote cross-cul- Tel: (415) 422-6357 Fax: (415) 422-5933 tural understanding, tolerance, and the dissemination of knowledge unreservedly. Papers adopting a compara- [email protected] tive, interdisciplinary approach will be especially welcome. Graduate students are strongly encouraged to submit their work for consideration. * ‘Asia Pacific region’ as used here includes East Asia, Southeast Asia, South Asia, Oceania, and the Russian Far East. Downloaded from http://www.pacificrim.usfca.edu/research/perspectives USF Center for the Pacific Rim Asia Pacific: Perspectives ∙ June 2008 overseas security role is largely limited to the bilateral alliance and is far from the threat or use of force. The purpose of this article is to examine the redefinition The Redefinition of Japan’s of Japanese national security policy after the Cold War by National Security Policy: taking into account the role of domestic interests, particularly political ones, in the process of policy formulation. Rather Security Threats, Domestic than excluding international variables the article seeks to combine them with domestic ones, and thereby offer insight Interests and a Realist- into the complex relationship between the changed interna- Liberal Approach tional security environment, the policy preferences of Japa- nese decision-makers, and the country’s security policy. By By Elena Atanassova-Cornelis, Ph.D. suggesting a combined realist-liberal perspective, this article will promote an “eclectic” approach (Suh et al. 2004; see also, Abstract Kim 2004), which has recently gained prominence in studies This article examines the redefinition of Japanese national security after on Asian politics and security. the Cold War by emphasizing the role of domestic political interests in The above considerations limit the scope of analysis. The security policy-making. It also analyzes the combined impact of interna- focus of this article is the conventional military dimension of tional and domestic variables on the process of policy formulation. Japan’s security policy and its evolution from the perspective The article suggests a realist-liberal perspective and argues that although of the U.S.-Japan alliance rather than in a multilateral context. Japanese national security policy has been underpinned by the goal of Indeed, the changes in this dimension in recent years have led “survival” in the anarchic international system, this policy has served the primary interest of the dominant decision-makers to maintain their some observers to describe Japan as “normalizing.” However, power. With the emergence of non-conventional security threats after the not only has Japan chosen to confine its military security Cold War, ensuring national security has gradually turned into a tool for policy to the U.S.-Japan security framework, since the Cold strengthening the policy-making power of political actors and hence for War it has also applied a “comprehensive” and largely non- a steady expansion of Japan’s security role. However, seeking to avoid military approach to national security, which has included the jeopardizing their policy-making position, Japanese leaders have pursued 1 policies within the scope of the Japanese public’s anti-militaristic accep- promotion of “human security.” It is clear that the military tance of their country’s expanded security presence. dimension of Japan’s security policy deserves attention. The following discussion will first explore Japan’s na- tional security policy during the Cold War by demonstrating Introduction how both international and domestic factors shaped the coun- Japan’s position in the international arena has changed try’s approach to national security. Second, the discussion will substantially after the Second World War. From a defeated examine the post-1989 changes both in the Japan’s strategic and occupied country Japan turned into a major economic environment and the domestic security climate, and address power. From an aggressor it became a pacifist state. Under the ways in which Japan has redefined its security role. Fi- the protective security “shield” of its U.S. ally Japan en- nally, the article summarizes findings from several theoretical joyed peace and economic expansion during the Cold War. perspectives and concludes by suggesting a combined realist- By contrast, the low profile of its foreign policy gave Japan liberal approach to understanding Japanese post-Cold War labels such as a “passive” and “reactive” state, which had national security policy. to respond to gaiatsu/beiatsu, i.e. to foreign and U.S. pressure (Calder 1988; Lincoln 1993; Kuriyama 2000). The Yoshida Doctrine and the Norm of Anti- In the beginning years of the 21st century, Japan’s Militarism anomaly of being a so-called “economic giant” and “political Japanese national security policy during the Cold War fol- pygmy” appears to belong to the past. Indeed, after 1989, the lowed a path which Prime Minister Shigeru Yoshida launched country has been taking on a new international role for itself, in 1951 with the signature of the original U.S.-Japan Security particularly in the military security area. Japan has modern- Treaty. What later became known as the “Yoshida Doctrine” ized its military capabilities and expanded its presence in meant economic development, pursuit of minimal military overseas security missions, ranging from the United Nations rearmament, and alignment with the U.S., with the main Peace-Keeping Operations (UN PKO) to the fight against goal being Japan’s post-war rebuilding. Yoshida’s policy was international terrorism. This change from passivity to activ- formulated in close collaboration with the U.S.-led occupa- ity seems to be a vindication to the neo-realist expectations tion authorities and evolved with the increasing threat from that Japan would sooner or later move towards becoming a communist expansion in East Asia. Indeed, a large number “great” power, by means of acquiring massive military capa- of post-war, conservative Japanese politicians and members bilities (including nuclear weapons) and acting as an assertive of the economic elite regarded alignment with the U.S. as the power (Kahn 1970; Layne 1993; Waltz 1993). Nevertheless, best option for Japan’s economic recovery and, equally im- Japan’s anomaly in neo-realist terms appears to be continu- portant, for provision of defense assistance. The need for U.S. ing. Indeed, it has not engaged in autonomous defense, it has protection against the Soviet threat strengthened the domestic deepened its security partnership with the U.S. (including legitimacy of the Yoshida Doctrine and ensured the centrality continuing reliance on nuclear protection), and its “active” of the Security Treaty in Japan’s national security policy. http://www.pacificrim.usfca.edu/research/perspectives Japan’s Security Policy / Atanassova-Cornelis ∙ 17 USF Center for the Pacific Rim Asia Pacific: Perspectives ∙ June 2008 In 1960, the treaty was revised to make clear the division policy-making, which, in turn, would prevent the revival of of allies’ roles: the U.S. would provide for Japan’s defense centralized and powerful military establishments. (Article 5), while Japan would provide bases and host-nation MOFA’s central role in the decision-making process, on support to the U.S. military forces, which would contribute to the other hand, was facilitated by the weak position of the Japan’s security and to stability in the Far East (Article 6). The chief executive and the Cabinet. Despite being vested by the asymmetrical arrangements under the revised treaty permit- Constitution with significant policy-making powers over ted Japan to minimize its defense spending, forego significant the three government
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