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Remarks at the Fukuda Doctrine Memorial Plaque Unveiling Ceremony Yasuo Fukuda, Former Prime Minister of Japan October 1, 2018 Manila Hotel, Manila, Philippines
Remarks at the Fukuda Doctrine Memorial Plaque Unveiling Ceremony Yasuo Fukuda, Former Prime Minister of Japan October 1, 2018 Manila Hotel, Manila, Philippines 1. Opening His Excellency Mr. Francis C. Laurel, President of the Philippines-Japan Society, H. E. Ginandjar Kartasasmita, Chairman of the Indonesia-Japan Friendship Association (PPIJ), Ladies and Gentlemen, As just introduced, I am Yasuo Fukuda. Before I begin my remarks, I must express my deepest condolences to the victims in the northern Philippines who suffered from the terrible devastations of Typhoon Ompong two weeks ago. Many precious lives were lost and many people went missing. And on Sept. 28, huge earthquakes and tsunami caused enormous destructions to Sulawesi Island in Indonesia. I offer my sincere condolences to the Indonesian victims. Japan, like the Philippines and Indonesia, is a country that suffers from frequent natural disasters. Living in a similar disaster-prone environment, it is especially heart-wrenching to see the devastation following the typhoon. Japan has cooperated in a variety of ways with these countries in the area of disaster prevention, and I hope that further close collaboration will be planned in the future. I would like to express my heartfelt gratitude for the great honor of speaking to you on this day, when the memorial plaque of the "Fukuda Doctrine" announced by my father, Takeo Fukuda, was just installed at this illustrious Manila Hotel. A short while ago, the plaque was unveiled by H. E. Mr. Francis C. Laurel and other representatives from the Philippines, and the following persons from Japan witnessed the memorable ceremony: My siblings -- in other words sons and daughters of Takeo Fukuda -- his grandchildren, Ambassador Tanino who took part in drafting the Fukuda Doctrine, former Minister of Justice, Mr. -
Growing Democracy in Japan: the Parliamentary Cabinet System Since 1868
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Kentucky University of Kentucky UKnowledge Asian Studies Race, Ethnicity, and Post-Colonial Studies 5-15-2014 Growing Democracy in Japan: The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868 Brian Woodall Georgia Institute of Technology Click here to let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Thanks to the University of Kentucky Libraries and the University Press of Kentucky, this book is freely available to current faculty, students, and staff at the University of Kentucky. Find other University of Kentucky Books at uknowledge.uky.edu/upk. For more information, please contact UKnowledge at [email protected]. Recommended Citation Woodall, Brian, "Growing Democracy in Japan: The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868" (2014). Asian Studies. 4. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/upk_asian_studies/4 Growing Democracy in Japan Growing Democracy in Japan The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868 Brian Woodall Due to variations in the technical specifications of different electronic reading devices, some elements of this ebook may not appear as they do in the print edition. Readers are encouraged to experiment with user settings for optimum results. Copyright © 2014 by The University Press of Kentucky Scholarly publisher for the Commonwealth, serving Bellarmine University, Berea College, Centre College of Kentucky, Eastern Kentucky University, The Filson Historical Society, Georgetown College, Kentucky Historical Society, Kentucky State University, Morehead State University, Murray State University, Northern Kentucky University, Transylvania University, University of Kentucky, University of Louisville, and Western Kentucky University. All rights reserved. Editorial and Sales Offices: The University Press of Kentucky 663 South Limestone Street, Lexington, Kentucky 40508-4008 www.kentuckypress.com Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Woodall, Brian. -
From Rhetoric to Reality: Japanese Foreign-Policy Making Under The
From Rhetoric to Reality Foreign-Policy Making under the Democratic Party of Japan April 2012 The Institute for Foreign Policy Analysis From Rhetoric to Reality Foreign-Policy Making under the Democratic Party of Japan April 2012 Weston S. Konishi A publication of The Institute for Foreign Policy Analysis Contents Introduction and Acknowledgments iii Executive Summary v Main Findings v From Rhetoric to Reality: Foreign-Policy Making under the Democratic Party of Japan 1 Internal Challenges 4 Intra-party Divisions 4 The Complexities of Coalition Politics 7 Institutional Reforms: Toward Politician-Led Decision-Making 11 The DPJ’s Foreign Policy: Competing Visions 15 Realists 16 Pacifists 17 Centrists 17 Neo-Autonomists 18 Caveats 20 Prime Minister Hatoyama: An Agenda for Change 23 External Constraints on the Hatoyama Administration 27 The Kan Administration: Political Transition and Crisis Management 30 The Noda Administration: Shifting to the Center? 40 Findings and Implications 45 The Impact of Structural Obstacles on DPJ Foreign-Policy Making 45 Continuity versus Change 46 The DPJ: A Hawkish Party? 47 Bilateralism vs. Multilateralism 49 Competing Schools of Thought 51 Conclusion 54 APPENDIX A: Impact of Major Events on Cabinet Approval Ratings 56 FROM RHETORIC TO REALITY I APPENDIX B: The 2010 NDPG Process 59 APPENDIX C: Survey Data of DPJ Foreign Policy Viewpoints 62 APPENDIX D: Profiles of Key DPJ Politicians 63 APPENDIX E: Chronology of Major Events under DPJ Governments 79 Bibliography 86 About the Author 103 II FROM RHETORIC TO REALITY Introduction and Acknowledgments After more than fifty years of one-party dom- ister Kan Naoto, presided over Japan’s most chal- inance under the Liberal Democratic Par- lenging crisis since World War II—the March ty (LDP), Japan’s political landscape changed 11, 2011, Great East Japan Earthquake—before dramatically with the victory of the Democratic succumbing to his own political fate as a result Party of Japan (DPJ) in parliamentary elections of his inconsistent leadership. -
Brazil, Japan, and Turkey
BRAZIL | 1 BRAZIL, JAPAN, AND TURKEY With articles by Marcos C. de Azambuja Henri J. Barkey Matake Kamiya Edited By Barry M. Blechman September 2009 2 | AZAMBUJA Copyright ©2009 The Henry L. Stimson Center Cover design by Shawn Woodley Photograph on the front cover from the International Atomic Energy Agency All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without prior written consent from The Henry L. Stimson Center. The Henry L. Stimson Center 1111 19th Street, NW 12th Floor Washington, DC 20036 phone: 202-223-5956 fax: 202-238-9604 www.stimson.org BRAZIL | 3 PREFACE I am pleased to present Brazil, Japan, and Turkey, the sixth in a series of Stimson publications addressing questions of how the elimination of nuclear weapons might be achieved. The Stimson project on nuclear security explores the practical dimensions of this critical 21st century debate, to identify both political and technical obstacles that could block the road to “zero,” and to outline how each of these could be removed. Led by Stimson's co-founder and Distinguished Fellow Dr. Barry Blechman, the project provides useful analyses that can help US and world leaders make the elimination of nuclear weapons a realistic and viable option. The series comprises country assessments, published in a total of six different monographs, and a separate volume on such technical issues as verification and enforcement of a disarmament regime, to be published in the fall. This sixth monograph in the series, following volumes on France and the United Kingdom, China and India, Israel and Pakistan, Iran and North Korea, and Russia and the United States, examines three countries without nuclear weapons of their own, but which are nonetheless key states that would need to be engaged constructively in any serious move toward eliminating nuclear weapons. -
POSITION NAME HR/HC PARTY Honorary Chair Mr. Yasuo FUKUDA
POSITION NAME HR/HC PARTY Honorary Chair Mr. Yasuo FUKUDA Former Prime Minister Chair Mr. Sadakazu TANIGAKI H.R. LDP Senior Vice-Chair Mr. Ichiro AISAWA H.R. LDP Vice-Chair Mr. Ichiro AISAWA H.R. LDP Vice-Chair Mr. Naokazu TAKEMOTO H.R. LDP Vice-Chair Mr. Masayoshi YOSHINO H.R. LDP Vice-Chair Mr. Teruhiko MASHIKO H.C. DPJ Vice-Chair Mr. Hiroyuki NAGAHAMA H.C. DPJ Vice-Chair Ms. Tomoko ABE H.R. INDP Vice-Chair Ms. Yuriko KOIKE H.R. LDP Vice-Chair Mr. Tetsuo SAITO H.R. Komei Executive Director Mr. Keizo TAKEMI H.C. LDP Deputy �Executive Director Mr. Kenya AKIBA H.R. LDP Deputy �Executive Director Ms. Toshiko ABE H.R. LDP Deputy �Executive Director Mr. Tetsuro FUKUYAMA H.C. DPJ Director Mr. Ichiro TSUKADA H.C. LDP Director Mr. Issei KITAGAWA H.C. LDP Director Mr. Yoshimasa HAYASHI H.C. LDP Director Mr. Ryuhei KAWADA H.C. JRP Director Mr. Asahiko MIHARA H.R. LDP Secretary-General Ms. Aiko SHIMAJIRI H.C. LDP Deputy� Secretary-General Mr. Masahiro ISHIDA H.C. LDP COMMITTEES International Cooperation Chair Mr. Keizo TAKEMI H.C. LDP Vice-Chair Mr. Tatsuo FUKUDA H.R. LDP Domestic Measures Chair Mr. Tetsuo SAITO H.R. Komei Vice-Chair Mr. Issei KITAGAWA H.C. LDP Vice-Chair Ms. Emiko TAKAGAI H.C. LDP Gender Issues Chair Ms. Toshiko ABE H.R. LDP Vice-Chair Ms. Aiko SHIMAJIRI H.C. LDP Vice-Chair Ms. Karen MAKISHIMA H.R. LDP Global Issues Chair Ms. Yuriko KOIKE H.R. LDP Vice-Chair Mr. -
Documento De Apoyo
DOCUMENTO DE APOYO CON MOTIVO DEL PROCESO DE RATIFICACIÓN DEL H. SENADO DE LA REPÚBLICA, AL NOMBRAMIENTO DE LA C. MELBA MARÍA PRÍA OLAVARRIETA COMO EMBAJADORA EXTRAORDINARIA Y PLENIPOTENCIARIA DE MÉXICO EN JAPÓN Abril de 2019 Japón Abril de 2019 1 Japón Abril de 2019 Contenido I. Introducción ......................................................................................................... 3 II. Características de la adscripción ..................................................................4 a. Datos básicos......................................................................................................................... 4 b. Panorama político y social ........................................................................................... 4 c. Panorama económico.................................................................................................... 13 III. Relación bilateral ...............................................................................................16 a. Relación con México en la actualidad.................................................................16 b. Comercio.................................................................................................................................27 c. Inversiones.............................................................................................................................30 d. Oportunidades de negocios ...................................................................................... 31 e. Cooperación ........................................................................................................................ -
Asia and Japan in the 21St Century—The Decade of the 2000S
This article was translated by JIIA from Japanese into English as part of a research project to promote academic studies on Japan’s diplomacy. JIIA takes full responsibility for the translation of this article. To obtain permission to use this article beyond the scope of your personal use and research, please contact JIIA by e-mail ([email protected]). Citation: Japan’s Diplomacy Series, Japan Digital Library, http://www2.jiia.or.jp/en/digital_library/japan_s_diplomacy.php Asia and Japan in the 21st Century —The Decade of the 2000s* Taizo Miyagi Once characterized by war, conflict, and poverty, Asia had transformed itself into a region of remarkable economic growth and development by the end of the 20th century. This in fact was what Japan had hoped and striven for Asia throughout the postwar period. However, the emergence of China and other devel- opments have eclipsed Japan’s presence in Asia, so that Japan can no longer claim an unchallenged posi- tion even in economic matters. While 21st century Asia stands proud as the growth center for the world economy, there are undeniable signs that this region is becoming the stage for a new power game that is now unfolding. How is Japan to live and prosper in this environment? In the final analysis, the 21st cen- tury signifies the advent of a new age that can no longer be understood in terms of the “postwar” construct. I. The Koizumi Cabinet and Asia 1. Breaking Free of Conventional Wisdom with Bold Actions Before assuming the post of prime minister, Junichiro Koizumi was long considered to be a maverick within a Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) dominated by the Keiseikai Group (Takeshita Faction), which claimed the postal business lobby as a powerful source of support. -
Japan's Political Turmoil in 2008: Background and Implications for The
Order Code RS22951 September 16, 2008 Japan’s Political Turmoil in 2008: Background and Implications for the United States Mark E. Manyin and Emma Chanlett-Avery Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Summary On September 1, 2008, Japanese Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda stunned observers by resigning his post, saying that a new leader might be able to avoid the “political vacuum” that he faced in office. Fukuda’s 11-month tenure was marked by low approval ratings, a sputtering economy, and virtual paralysis in policymaking, as the opposition Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) used its control of the Upper House of Japan’s parliament (the Diet) to delay or halt most government proposals. On September 22, the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) will elect a new president, who will become Japan’s third prime minister in as many years. Ex-Foreign Minister Taro Aso, a popular figure known for his conservative foreign policy credentials and support for increased deficit spending, is widely expected to win. Many analysts expect that the new premier will dissolve the Lower House and call for parliamentary elections later in the fall. As a result, Japanese policymaking is likely to enter a period of disarray, which could negatively affect several items of interest to the United States, including the passage of budgets to support the realignment of U.S. forces in Japan and the renewal of legislation that authorizes the deployment of Japanese navy vessels that are refueling ships supporting U.S.-led operations in Afghanistan. This report analyzes the factors behind and implications of Japan’s current political turmoil. -
Japan-Republic of China Relations Under US Hegemony: a Genealogy of ‘Returning Virtue for Malice’
Japan-Republic of China Relations under US Hegemony: A genealogy of ‘returning virtue for malice’ Joji Kijima Department of Politics and International Studies, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy November 2005 ProQuest Number: 10673194 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 10673194 Published by ProQuest LLC(2017). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 Abstract Japan-Republic of China relations under US hegemony: A genealogy of ‘returning virtue for malice’ Much of Chiang Kai-shek’s ‘returning virtue for malice’ (yide baoyuan ) postwar Japan policy remains to be examined. This thesis mainly shows how the discourse of ‘returning virtue for malice’ facilitated Japan’s diplomatic recognition of the Republic of China (ROC) on Taiwan during the Cold War era. More conceptually, this study re- conceptualizes foreign policy as discourse—that of moral reciprocity—as it sheds light on the question of recognition as well as the consensual aspect of hegemony. By adopting a genealogical approach, this discourse analysis thus traces the descent and emergence of the ‘returning virtue for malice’ trope while it examines its discursive effect on Tokyo’s recognition of Taipei under American hegemony. -
Appendix SCAPIN 919, “Removal and Exclusion of Diet Member”
Appendix SCAPIN 919, “Removal and Exclusion of Diet Member” May 3, 1946 a. As Chief Secretary of the Tanaka Cabinet from 1927 to 1929, he necessarily shares responsibility for the formulation and promulgation without Diet approval of amendments to the so-called Peace Preservation Law which made that law the government’s chief legal instrument for the suppression of freedom of speech and freedom of assembly, and made possible the denunciation, terror- ization, seizure, and imprisonment of tens of thousands of adherents to minor- ity doctrines advocating political, economic, and social reform, thereby preventing the development of effective opposition to the Japanese militaristic regime. b. As Minister of Education from December 1931 to March 1934, he was responsible for stifling freedom of speech in the schools by means of mass dismissals and arrests of teachers suspected of “leftist” leanings or “dangerous thoughts.” The dismissal in May 1933 of Professor Takigawa from the faculty of Kyoto University on Hatoyama’s personal order is a flagrant illustration of his contempt for the liberal tradition of academic freedom and gave momentum to the spiritual mobilization of Japan, which under the aegis of the military and economic cliques, led the nation eventually into war. c. Not only did Hatoyama participate in thus weaving the pattern of ruth- less suppression of freedom of speech, freedom of assembly, and freedom of thought, hut he also participated in the forced dissolution of farmer-labor bodies. In addition, his indorsement of totalitarianism, specifically in its appli- cation to the regimentation and control of labor, is a matter of record. -
Japan Under the DPJ
Japan Center for International Exchange Vol. 4 No. 3 | September 2009 Japan under the DPJ Hitoshi Tanaka, Senior Fellow, JCIE Despite widespread predictions of a Liberal Demo- was primarily due to widespread voter dissatisfac- cratic Party (LDP) defeat, the result of the August tion with LDP rule. In other words, the election 30 general election in Japan was nevertheless stun- result does not necessarily indicate strong voter ning. Not only is the LDP no longer the dominant support for the DPJ’s policy platform or confi- party in the Diet for the first time since the party’s dence in its ability to govern. Since popular for- establishment in 1955, its seat total in the Lower mer Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi stepped House plunged from 300 (out of a total of 480) be- down in 2006, Japanese voters have become dis- fore the election to 119 after. In stark contrast, the illusioned with a series of ineffectual LDP prime Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ)—the perennial ministers. Shinzo Abe and Yasuo Fukuda both opposition party in the Lower House—raised its resigned their posts less than a year after taking presence there by a remarkable 191 seats, for a total office, while outgoing Prime Minister Taro Aso is of 308. Together with its plurality (109 of 242 seats) not considered by many to be a solid leader. In ad- in the Upper House, this means that the DPJ now dition to an absence of strong leadership within controls 417 (or roughly 58 percent) of 722 seats the party, the LDP government was also seen as in the Diet. -
Do Development Minister Characteristics Affect Aid Giving?
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Fuchs, Andreas; Richert, Katharina Working Paper Do Development Minister Characteristics Affect Aid Giving? Discussion Paper Series, No. 604 Provided in Cooperation with: Alfred Weber Institute, Department of Economics, University of Heidelberg Suggested Citation: Fuchs, Andreas; Richert, Katharina (2015) : Do Development Minister Characteristics Affect Aid Giving?, Discussion Paper Series, No. 604, University of Heidelberg, Department of Economics, Heidelberg, http://dx.doi.org/10.11588/heidok.00019769 This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/127421 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von