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Disease and the Diabolical in Grünewald's Temptation of St

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Disease and the Diabolical in Grünewald's Temptation of St Touch of Evil: Disease and the Diabolical in Grünewald’s Temptation of St. Anthony Jerry Marino From the ninth century to as recent as the 1950s, a mysterious Differing from St. Roch, who was believed to have suffered illness swept periodically through Northern Europe, ravaging from Bubonic plague and survived, or from St. Sebastian, entire villages and afflicting both population and livestock.1 whose arrow-pierced body came to represent transcendence Eye-witness accounts, sometimes horrific in detail, described over infectious disease, St. Anthony did not initially have the the devastation and posited a variety of infernal names for makings of a plague saint.6 However, throughout much of the ailment: ignis sacer (holy fire), ignis infernalis (hell fire), late-medieval France and Germany, his legend was reinter- and ignis occultus (hidden fire).2 Outbreaks of this fiery illness preted and his image was refashioned into that of a plague were especially virulent in the late fifteenth century, such as saint.7 He was invested with the power both to cure and to those documented in Strasbourg in 1466 and in Augsburg in inflict his eponymous disease upon humanity, at will.8 He 1488.3 Contemporary accounts make repeated mention of was also included among the pantheon of plague saints, the now familiar ignis sacer, in addition to two other names often appearing in altarpieces alongside St. Sebastian as co- of relatively later coinage, mal des ardents (the burning illness) intercessor for the afflicted.9 Finally, and most essential to his and feu de Saint Antoine (Saint Anthony’s Fire).4 meteoric fame among the sick and dying, he was appointed The latter term has long been a conundrum since St. An- patron saint of the Hospital Order of St. Anthony, a monastic thony Abbot, the third-century Egyptian hermit, scarcely had order specializing in the treatment of St. Anthony’s Fire and any biographical reason to be associated with this disease.5 other so-called plagues of the skin.10 1 A complete chronology of Northern European outbreaks is provided 6 Extensive bibliographies on Roch and Sebastian as plague saints are by Elisabeth Clementz, Les Antonins d’Issenheim, Essor et dérive d’une provided by: Irene Vaslef, “The Role of St. Roch as a Plague Saint: vocation hospitalière à la lumière du temporel (Colmar: Société Savante A Late Medieval Hagiographic Tradition,” diss. (Washington, DC: d’Alsace, 1998) 29-37. For the journalistic account of ergot poisoning Catholic U of America P, 1984) and by Louise Marshall, “Waiting on in France in 1951, see John Fuller, The Day of St. Anthony’s Fire (New the Will of the Lord: The Imagery of the Plague,” diss. (Philadelphia: York: The Macmillan Company, 1969). U Pennsylvania P, 1989). 2 An especially helpful guide to disease nomenclature is provided by 7 Elements of St. Anthony’s iconography are enumerated and explained Ernest Wickersheimer, “‘Ignis Sacer’—The History of a Name,” CIBA in Louis Réau, Iconographie de l’Art Chretien (Paris: Presses Univer- Symposium, 8.4 (October 1960): 160-9. Indispensable to the cultural sitaires de France, 1958) 101-115. history of St. Anthony’s Fire is Eugène Louis Backman, Religious Dances in the Christian Church and in Popular Medicine (London: Allen & Un- 8 Backman 299; Clementz 54. win Press, 1952) 295-328, and with regard to the visual arts, Laurinda Dixon, “Bosch’s St. Anthony’s Triptych—An Apothecary’s Apotheosis,” 9 This saintly pairing can be found in: The Beaune Altarpiece (1445- Art Journal 44 (Summer 1984): 119-131. 48) by Rogier van der Weyden, The Dresden Triptych (c.1496) by Albrecht Dürer, and The Isenheim Altarpiece (c.1516) by Matthias 3 The Strasbourg account (Backman 299) underscores the severity of Grünewald. the disease, stating that “more offerings than usual were made to Anthony, because he was angry.” The 1488 outbreak in Augsburg is 10 How St. Anthony’s name became associated with disease is a matter of meticulously described and illustrated in Hartmann Schedel’s Liber surmise. He died roughly five hundred years before the first outbreak chronicarum, published in 1493. of ignis sacer was recorded in Northern Europe (Xantan on the Rhine, in 857). His bodily remains were removed from Constantinople to the 4 German equivalents include Antoniusfeuer and Kribbelkrankheit. See Dauphiné by the Seigneur de la Mothe-Saint-Didier in the year 1070, Adalbert Mischlewski, “Das Antoniusfeuer in Mittelalter und Früher and it is probable from the high repute of the saint that his aid was Neuzeit in Westeuropa,” Maladie et Société (XIIe-XVIIIe siècles) Actes early sought on all occasions. The common story line is that a gentle- du Colloque de Bielefeld (Paris: Éditions du CNRS, 1989): 249-68, man of the Dauphiné, Gaston de Vienne, attributed the recovery of and Wickersheimer 164-165. his son from the feu sacrée to the fervent prayers addressed by him to St. Anthony on his son’s behalf. He vowed to devote his future life to 5 St. Anthony was born in Coma, Egypt, in 251 and lived most of his the relief of those afflicted with the disease. He founded a hospital at long life (105 years old at his death) in the desert as a hermit. He is Vienne in 1092, which was formally recognized by Pope Urban II on considered the first Christian monk as well as the founder and organizer June 28, 1095. For a thorough history of the Anthonites, see Henry of ascetic monasticism. The epithet Abbot (from the Greek Abbas for Chaumartin, Le Mal des Ardents et le Feu de Saint Antoine (Paris, father) refers to his monastic ties and differentiates him from the likes 1946). of St. Anthony of Padua (1195-1231), the Portuguese disciple of St. Francis. ATHANOR XXVI JERRY MARINO In modern terms, St. Anthony’s Fire was not technically innovative therapies was in the small town of Isenheim, plague but rather ergotism, a non-communicable disease of near Colmar in the Alsace region of France. Here, from alimentary origin.11 Only late in the sixteenth century, how- around 1510 to 1516, Matthias Grünewald worked on the ever, was it discovered that ergot, a fungal growth on rye, Isenheim Altarpiece, a monumental polyptych which once was the culprit, and that an entire village or city could be stood majestically in the choir of this hospital church (Figure decimated by this insidious fungus entering the grain supply 2).16 It served as the backdrop for the celebration of Mass (Figure 1).12 Ergot, usually consumed in the form of bread, and was used by the brotherhood, patients, and pilgrims seriously impaired, if not destroyed, the nervous and circu- in their daily prayers.17 For its intended audience, those af- latory systems.13 Victims experienced violent seizures, vivid flicted with St. Anthony’s Fire, the altarpiece was foremost a hallucinations, and a painful burning sensation throughout therapeuticum, a healing agent, fortifying through faith that the body. In more extreme cases, skin blisters proliferated and aspect most embattled by the pain and suffering, the human gangrene ensued: limbs would turn black and shrivel up or soul.18 Although the Isenheim Altarpiece is today exhibited else require immediate amputation.14 The only recourse for at the Musée d’Unterlinden, miles away from the hospital the sufferers was in pilgrimage to the hospitals and shrines church at Isenheim (now destroyed), its original setting is of St. Anthony where hospice care, religious rites, and only not altogether forgotten.19 The hospital context has proven occasionally a cure could be administered.15 indispensable to deciphering much of Grünewald’s otherwise One such hospital renowned for its wealth, size, and elusive imagery. 11 In pre-modern disease nomenclature, “plague” can refer to a wide were more coincidental than strictly clinical. A most nuanced discus- array of diseases, including Bubonic plague. As food-borne illness, sion of Anthonite healing practices is offered by Andrée Hayum, The ergotism was not infectious per se. Superficially, however, it might have Isenheim Altarpiece, God’s Medicine and Painter’s Vision (Princeton: resembled other diseases such as leprosy (for the loss of limbs), erysip- Princeton UP, 1989) 13-52. elas (for inflammation of the skin) or even syphilis (for red blotches, sores, ulcers) which is believed to spread in Europe after Columbus’ 16 Clementz (Les Antonins, 93) also suggests that Grünewald painted the return from the New World. Confusion of ergotism with diseases of panels in situ; she writes, “… it is difficult to imagine how Grünewald similar etiologies is mentioned by Dixon 128 n.6. Syphilis as a Euro- could have conceived of and created his monumental work without pean import is discussed in Alfred Crosby, The Columbian Exchange: having looked directly into the eyes of those patients suffering from Biological and Cultural Consequences of 1492 (Westport: Greenwood St. Anthony’s Fire.” The contract for the Isenheim Altarpiece is not Publishing Company, 1987). For the bold (albeit problematic) assertion extant, but the panels were probably completed before Guido Guersi that Grünewald represented the crucified Christ as a syphilitic, see (prior of the Anthonite Order at Isenheim and Grünewald’s patron) Eugene Monick, Evil, Sexuality, and Disease in Grünewald’s Body of died in 1516. Guersi’s coat of arms is included in the panel of the Christ (Dallas: Spring Publications, 1993). Meeting of Saints Anthony and Paul beneath the seated St. Anthony who is widely regarded as a portrait of the patron; see Hayum 24, 12 In 1597 the medical facility at Marburg, Germany, deduced that Fig. 11. Grünewald’s panels were affixed to a pre-existing sculpted blighted rye was the cause of St. Anthony’s Fire.
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