DOCSLIB.ORG

Governing in Bosnia, Macedonia, and Northern Ireland

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Governing in Bosnia, Macedonia, and Northern Ireland Power- Sharing Executives NATIONAL AND ETHNIC CONFLICT IN THE 21ST CENTURY Brendan O’Leary, Series Editor Power- Sharing Executives GOVERNING IN BOSNIA, MACEDONIA, AND NORTHERN IRELAND Joanne McEvoy UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA PRESS PHILADELPHIA Copyright © 2015 University of Pennsylvania Press All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations used for purposes of review or scholarly citation, none of this book may be reproduced in any form by any means without written permission from the publisher. Published by University of Pennsylvania Press Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19104- 4112 www .upenn .edu /pennpress Printed in the United States of America on acid- free paper 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data McEvoy, Joanne. Power-sharing executives : governing in Bosnia, Macedonia, and Northern Ireland / Joanne McEvoy. — 1st ed. p. cm. — (National and ethnic confl ict in the 21st century) ISBN 978-0-8122-4651-3 (hardcover : alk. paper) 1. Representative government and representation—Case studies. 2. Minorities—Political activity—Case studies. 3. Ethnic groups—Political activity—Case studies. 4. Ethnic confl ict—Political aspects—Case studies. 5. Cultural pluralism—Political aspects—Case studies. 6. Bosnia and Hercegovina—Politics and government. 7. Bosnia and Hercegovina—Ethnic relations. 8. Macedonia—Politics and government. 9. Macedonia—Ethnic relations. 10. Northern Ireland—Politics and government. 11. Northern Ireland—Ethnic relations. I. Title. II. Series: National and ethnic confl ict in the 21st century. JF1061.M44 2015 352.23—dc23 2014012660 For Giancarlo and Luca This page intentionally left blank CONTENTS 1. Power Sharing, Institutional Design, and External Actors 1 PART I. NORTHERN IRELAND 2. Th e Sunningdale Executive: Lessons from Failed Power Sharing 39 3. Th e Good Friday Agreement 1998: An Inclusive Co ali tion 61 4. Th e 2007– 11 Executive: A New Era in Northern Ireland Politics? 87 PART II. BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA 5. Power- Sharing Stalemate in Post- Dayton Bosnia 107 6. From Dayton to Brussels? 132 PART III. MACEDONIA 7. Macedonia: From In de pen dence to the Ohrid Framework Agreement 159 8. Toward a Binational Macedonia? 182 Conclusion 204 Notes 227 Index 273 A c k n o w l e d g m e n t s 2 7 9 This page intentionally left blank CHAPTER 1 Power Sharing, Institutional Design, and External Actors In December 2012, Belfast hit the world headlines again, the story far from positive. More than fourteen years aft er the Good Friday Agreement of April 1998, sectarian politics came to the fore amid loyalist riots lasting sev- eral months. Around fi fty police off ers were injured, several politicians re- ceived death threats, and property was damaged across the city. Clashes between loyalists and nationalists took place at sensitive interface areas, and a prison offi cer was murdered by dissident republicans. Th e violence was sparked by a vote by Belfast City Council to limit the fl ying of the Union fl ag at City Hall to designated days rather than every day of the year. In response to the ongoing protests, po liti cal leaders called for calm and sought to bolster the power-sharing executive. First Minister Peter Robinson (Demo cratic Unionist Party) referred to the “historic decisions” his party had made “to build a shared society in Northern Ireland.”1 Deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin) urged the parties to work together against “anti- peace pro cess” elements: “We are not going to kowtow or bow the knee to their activities.”2 Th e issue of equal treatment of groups’ symbols became po liti cally con- tentious in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 2004 following a request from the Chair of the Presidency Sulejman Tihić for the Constitutional Court to review the constitutionality of symbols on the fl ags of the two entities (the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Republika Srpska).3 Tihić claimed that the gold lilies on the Federation’s coat of arms and fl ag repre- sented Bosniaks while the red and white squares represented Croats, thereby discriminating against Serbs.4 He also claimed that Republika Srpska’s fl ag was based on symbols solely from Serb history and that the entity’s anthem, 2 Chapter 1 “Bože Pravde,” discriminated against Bosniaks and Croats as it asked the Lord “to unite the Serb brothers, save the Serb king and the Serb lineage.” In March 2006, the Constitutional Court held that Articles 1 and 2 of the Law on the Coat of Arms and Flag of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Articles 2 and 3 of the Constitutional Law on the Flag, Coat of Arms, and Anthem of the Republika Srpska contravened Article II.4 of the Constitu- tion of Bosnia and Herzegovina in conjunction with the International Con- vention for Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. Th e Court’s ruling upheld the notion that equal rights must be given to the three con- stituent peoples (Bosniaks, Serbs, and Croats) and all other citizens in both entities. Flags and symbols have also been the source of politi cal tension in Mace- donia. Th e Ohrid Framework Agreement of 2001, which ended the six- month confl ict between ethnic Macedonians and ethnic Albanians, stipulated that public authorities should have the right to display emblems representing the majority community in their municipality. Many ethnic Albanians prefer to identify with the Albanian fl ag— a double- headed black ea gle on a red background— while accepting the Macedonian fl ag as the state fl ag. In June 2005, a government bill proposed that a community constituting more than half of a municipality’s population would have the right to raise its preferred fl ag alongside the Macedonian state fl ag. Although some ethnic Albanians protested that they were prevented from fl ying the Albanian fl ag in muni cipali- ties where they made up less than 50 percent, the government’s parlia- mentary majority ensured the bill was passed, and the opposition boycotted the vote in protest. Th ese three episodes demonstrate how symbols can be- come highly controversial when groups have opposing identities and nation- alist aspirations. In cases of ethno- national confl ict, the contending groups’ identities are oft en bound up in symbols representing their respective cul- tures and traditions. Marc Howard Ross explores “cultural contestation” in deeply divided places where there are “issues of identity, recognition, and inclusion and exclusion that quickly come into play when leaders and groups evoke cultural images that stir up deeply held and clashing feelings.” 5 As politics in such contexts is oft en a zero- sum game, each group feels that the public expression of the other side’s symbols is a threat to their own identity. Symbols representing historical events and other controversial issues, such as fl ags and language rights, are among the challenges faced by power- sharing executives whereby representatives of the contending groups form a cross- community co ali tion. In this book, I investigate the successes and Institutional Design and External Actors 3 challenges of power- sharing executives in three contemporary cases: North- ern Ireland, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Macedonia. Ultimately, I seek to add to the debates on what helps power sharing “work.” I proceed from the idea that the institutional rules that govern new po liti cal arrangements are central to the realization of demo cratic stability in post- confl ict states.6 But deciding the most appropriate institutions is no easy task. As trust will almost certainly be lacking among the communities previously in confl ict, institutional designers face a considerable challenge in creating institutions that will encourage stability and help prevent the new system from collaps- ing into further violence. Power sharing is a form of government recommended for deeply divided territories where majoritarianism is not a fair, realistic option to promote peace. It brings together representatives of groups previously in confl ict to govern the country together. Th e country may have been devastated by war or wracked by long- running confl ict. Many people may have lost their lives; many more have lost their loved ones, their home, or their job. Th ey may have been intimidated, bereaved, or discriminated against for their identity and emotionally scarred by the damaging eff ects of confl ict. It is hardly sur- prising, then, that power sharing among communities is not easy. Even in a new po liti cal dispensation, with an end to violence and the setting up of new po liti cal structures, it would be naïve to expect that government by former foes will be plain sailing. By focusing on three power-sharing cases, I want to show what power sharing is really like and to understand what this prac- tice means for power- sharing theory. I demonstrate that power sharing is a diffi cult, challenging form of government. But I also have a normative com- mitment to power sharing. I believe it is a feasible way to govern a post-confl ict territory with two or more ethno- national groups where majoritarianism is inappropriate. I would happily sit within the camp of “cautious optimism” about the “principal viability of power-sharing institutions.”7 And I view power sharing to be potentially “democracy- enabling” and “conducive to peace- building.”8 Th ere are, of course, a number of ways power sharing can be de- signed. It is clearly not a monolith. Neither is it a panacea for resolving confl ict. Aims, Methods, and Contribution My overall aim is to understand power- sharing government in deeply di- vided places. Understanding po liti cal institutions is, of course, “a serious 4 Chapter 1 endeavor” that continues to preoccupy scholarship and has important real- world implications.9 As Elinor Ostrom writes, “Th e opportunities and con- straints individuals face in any par tic u lar situation, the information they obtain, the benefi ts they obtain or are excluded from, and how they reason about the situation are all aff ected by the rules or absence of rules that struc- ture the situation.”10 Having such an impact on the opportunities and chal- lenges faced by po liti cal actors in territories wracked by violent confl ict means that institutional rules are crucial for peace and stability.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Irish Political Studies the Art and Effect of Political Lying in Northern Ireland
    This article was downloaded by: [The Library at Queen's University] On: 06 May 2015, At: 09:02 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Irish Political Studies Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fips20 The Art and Effect of Political Lying in Northern Ireland Arthur Aughey Published online: 08 Sep 2010. To cite this article: Arthur Aughey (2002) The Art and Effect of Political Lying in Northern Ireland, Irish Political Studies, 17:2, 1-16, DOI: 10.1080/714003199 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714003199 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the “Content”) contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinions and views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors, and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sources of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims, proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arising out of the use of the Content.
    [Show full text]
  • Critical Engagement: Irish Republicanism, Memory Politics
    Critical Engagement Critical Engagement Irish republicanism, memory politics and policing Kevin Hearty LIVERPOOL UNIVERSITY PRESS First published 2017 by Liverpool University Press 4 Cambridge Street Liverpool L69 7ZU Copyright © 2017 Kevin Hearty The right of Kevin Hearty to be identified as the author of this book has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication data A British Library CIP record is available print ISBN 978-1-78694-047-6 epdf ISBN 978-1-78694-828-1 Typeset by Carnegie Book Production, Lancaster Contents Acknowledgements vii List of Figures and Tables x List of Abbreviations xi Introduction 1 1 Understanding a Fraught Historical Relationship 25 2 Irish Republican Memory as Counter-Memory 55 3 Ideology and Policing 87 4 The Patriot Dead 121 5 Transition, ‘Never Again’ and ‘Moving On’ 149 6 The PSNI and ‘Community Policing’ 183 7 The PSNI and ‘Political Policing’ 217 Conclusion 249 References 263 Index 303 Acknowledgements Acknowledgements This book has evolved from my PhD thesis that was undertaken at the Transitional Justice Institute, University of Ulster (TJI). When I moved to the University of Warwick in early 2015 as a post-doc, my plans to develop the book came with me too. It represents the culmination of approximately five years of research, reading and (re)writing, during which I often found the mere thought of re-reading some of my work again nauseating; yet, with the encour- agement of many others, I persevered.
    [Show full text]
  • “To the Extent the Law Allows:” Lessons from the Boston College Subpoenas
    J Acad Ethics DOI 10.1007/s10805-012-9172-5 Defending Research Confidentiality “To the Extent the Law Allows:” Lessons From the Boston College Subpoenas Ted Palys & John Lowman # Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2012 Abstract Although in the US there have been dozens of subpoenas seeking information gathered by academic researchers under a pledge of confidentiality, few cases have garnered as much attention as the two sets of subpoenas issued to Boston College seeking interviews conducted with IRA operatives who participated in The Belfast Project, an oral history of The Troubles in Northern Ireland. For the researchers and participants, confidentiality was understood to be unlimited, while Boston College has asserted that it pledged confidentiality only “to the extent American law allows.” This a priori limitation to confidentiality is invoked by many researchers and universities in the United States, Canada and Great Britain, but there has been little discussion of what the phrase means and what ethical obligations accompany it. An examination of the researchers’ and Boston College’s behav- iour in relation to the subpoenas provides the basis for that discussion. We conclude that Boston College has provided an example that will be cited for years to come of how not to protect research participants to the extent American law allows. Keywords Research confidentiality . Boston College . Belfast Project . Legal cases . Limited confidentiality . Ethics-first Although in the United States there have been dozens of subpoenas seeking information gathered by academic researchers under a pledge of confidentiality (e.g., Cecil and Wetherington 1996; Lowman and Palys 2001), few cases have garnered as much attention as the two sets of subpoenas issued to Boston College in 2011 by the US Attorney General acting on a request from the United Kingdom under the UK-US Mutual Legal Assistance Treaty (MLAT) regarding criminal matters.
    [Show full text]
  • “A Peace of Sorts”: a Cultural History of the Belfast Agreement, 1998 to 2007 Eamonn Mcnamara
    “A Peace of Sorts”: A Cultural History of the Belfast Agreement, 1998 to 2007 Eamonn McNamara A thesis submitted for the degree of Master of Philosophy, Australian National University, March 2017 Declaration ii Acknowledgements I would first like to thank Professor Nicholas Brown who agreed to supervise me back in October 2014. Your generosity, insight, patience and hard work have made this thesis what it is. I would also like to thank Dr Ben Mercer, your helpful and perceptive insights not only contributed enormously to my thesis, but helped fund my research by hiring and mentoring me as a tutor. Thank you to Emeritus Professor Elizabeth Malcolm whose knowledge and experience thoroughly enhanced this thesis. I could not have asked for a better panel. I would also like to thank the academic and administrative staff of the ANU’s School of History for their encouragement and support, in Monday afternoon tea, seminars throughout my candidature and especially useful feedback during my Thesis Proposal and Pre-Submission Presentations. I would like to thank the McClay Library at Queen’s University Belfast for allowing me access to their collections and the generous staff of the Linen Hall Library, Belfast City Library and Belfast’s Newspaper Library for all their help. Also thanks to my local libraries, the NLA and the ANU’s Chifley and Menzies libraries. A big thank you to Niamh Baker of the BBC Archives in Belfast for allowing me access to the collection. I would also like to acknowledge Bertie Ahern, Seán Neeson and John Lindsay for their insightful interviews and conversations that added a personal dimension to this thesis.
    [Show full text]
  • Gerry Adams Has Long Denied Being a Member of the I.R.A. but His Former Compatriots Say That He Authorized Murder. in the March
    For Immediate Release: March 9, 2015 Press Contacts: Natalie Raabe, (212) 286-6591 Molly Erman, (212) 286-7936 Adrea Piazza, (212) 286-4255 Gerry Adams Has Long Denied Being a Member of the I.R.A. But His Former Compatriots Say That He Authorized Murder. In the March 16, 2015, issue of The New Yorker, in “Where the Bodies Are Buried” (p. 42), Patrick Radden Keefe reports from Belfast and investigates the alleged involvement of Gerry Adams, the president of Sinn Fein, the political wing of the Irish Republican move- ment, in the Irish Republican Army and in the murders perpetrated by that organization during the conflict known as the Troubles. “Though Adams is the most famous face of the Irish Republican movement, he has long denied having been a member of the I.R.A.,” Keefe writes. “He maintains that he never played any operational role in the violence of the Troubles, and that he confined himself to the leadership of Sinn Fein.” Keefe examines the killing, in 1972, of Jean McConville, a thirty-seven-year-old widow and mother of ten who was kidnapped and executed by members of a secret I.R.A. unit called the Unknowns. According to former members of the Unknowns, including the late I.R.A. terrorist Dolours Price, Adams was their Officer Commanding. In Northern Ireland, where roughly thirty-six hundred people were murdered during the Troubles and some forty thousand wounded, there has been no comprehensive accounting for expansive crimes that took place. Keefe reports that Belfast is a city that remains deeply marred by unresolved conflict.
    [Show full text]
  • Voices from the Grave Ed Moloney Was Born in England. a Former Northern Ireland Editor of the Irish Times and Sunday Tribune, He
    Voices prelims:Layout 1 3/12/09 11:52 Page i Voices from the Grave Ed Moloney was born in England. A former Northern Ireland editor of the Irish Times and Sunday Tribune, he was named Irish Journalist of the Year in 1999. Apart from A Secret History of the IRA, he has written a biography of Ian Paisley. He now lives and works in New York. Professor Thomas E. Hachey and Dr Robert K. O’Neill are the General Editors of the Boston College Center for Irish Programs IRA/UVF project, of which Voices from the Grave is the inaugural publication. Voices prelims:Layout 1 3/12/09 11:52 Page ii by the same author the secret history of the ira paisley: from demagogue to democrat? Voices prelims:Layout 1 3/12/09 11:52 Page iii ed moloney VOICES FROM THE GRAVE Two Men’s War in Ireland The publishers would like to acknowledge that any interview material used in Voices from the Grave has been provided by kind permission from the Boston College Center for Irish Programs IRA/UVF project that is archived at the Burns Library on the Chestnut Hill campus of Boston College. Voices prelims:Layout 1 3/12/09 11:52 Page iv First published in 2010 by Faber and Faber Limited Bloomsbury House 74–77 Great Russell Street London wc1b 3da Typeset by Faber and Faber Limited Printed in England by CPI Mackays, Chatham All rights reserved © Ed Moloney, 2010 Interview material © Trustees of Boston College, 2010 The right of Ed Moloney to be identified as author of this work has been asserted in accordance with Section 77 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 Use of interview material by kind permission of The Boston College Irish Center’s Oral History Archive.
    [Show full text]
  • The Belfast Project: an Overview
    The Belfast Project: An Overview Peace, Justice, and Oral History The Belfast Project: An Overview The Belfast Project: An Overview Peace, Justice, and Oral History July 2014 3 Published by Democratic Progress Institute 11 Guilford Street London WC1N 1DH United Kingdom www.democraticprogress.org [email protected] +44 (0)203 206 9939 First published, 2014 ISBN: 978-1-905592-96-8 © DPI – Democratic Progress Institute, 2014 DPI – Democratic Progress Institute is a charity registered in England and Wales. Registered Charity No. 1037236. Registered Company No. 2922108. This publication is copyright, but may be reproduced by any method without fee or prior permission for teaching purposes, but not for resale. For copying in any other circumstances, prior written permission must be obtained from the publisher, and a fee may be payable.be obtained from the publisher, and a fee may be payable 4 The Belfast Project: An Overview Contents Foreword ....................................................................................6 Introduction ...............................................................................8 Overview of the Conflict in Northern Ireland ............................9 The McConville Case ...............................................................12 The Belfast Project ....................................................................15 Peace vs Justice .........................................................................19 Criticism of the Study ..............................................................21
    [Show full text]
  • 22/10/2018 in the High Court of Justice in Northern Ireland
    Neutral Citation: [2018] NIQB 79 Ref: MOR10766 Judgment: approved by the Court for handing down Delivered: 22/10/2018 (subject to editorial corrections)* IN THE HIGH COURT OF JUSTICE IN NORTHERN IRELAND ______ QUEEN’S BENCH DIVISION (JUDICIAL REVIEW) _______ IN THE MATTER OF AN APPLICATION FOR JUDICIAL REVIEW BY ANTHONY MCINTYRE ________ AND IN THE MATTER OF A DECISION OF THE DIRECTOR OF PUBLIC PROSECUTIONS UNDER SECTION 7(5) OF THE CRIME (INTERNATIONAL CO-OPERATION) ACT 2003 _______ Before: Morgan LCJ, Weatherup LJ and Weir LJ _______ MORGAN LCJ (delivering the judgment of the court) [1] The applicant was convicted of membership of a proscribed organisation, namely the Irish Republican Army, contrary to section 19 of the Northern Ireland (Emergency Provisions) Act 1973 and sentenced on 9 December 1974 to a period of two years imprisonment. He was subsequently arrested on 28 February 1976 and convicted of one count of murder, three counts of attempted murder, one count of hijacking and one count of possession of a weapon with intent to endanger life. He was sentenced to life imprisonment with a recommended minimum term of 25 years. He appealed in respect of the murder charge and in 1979 the recommended minimum term was reduced to 20 years imprisonment. [2] In 2001 he became involved in an academic oral history project known as the “Belfast Project" with the journalist and author Ed Moloney who was the project director. The project was sponsored by Boston College, Massachusetts, USA. The object of the project was to collect and preserve for academic research the recollections of members of republican and loyalist paramilitary organisations.
    [Show full text]
  • Lost in Transition? Republican Women's Struggle After Armed
    Lost In Transition? Republican Women’s Struggle After Armed Struggle. A thesis submitted by Niall Gilmartin B.A., for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Sociology Department, Faculty of Social Science, Maynooth University, Ireland. Date of Submission: March 2015. Head of Department: Prof. Mary Corcoran Research Supervisors: Dr. Theresa O’Keefe. Prof. Honor G. Fagan This research is funded by the Irish Research Council Table of Contents Acknowledgements ................................................................................................................. vi Summary ............................................................................................................................... viii Chapter One-Introduction ...................................................................................................... 1 Introduction ............................................................................................................................ 1 Women & Conflict Transition: Contextualising the Study.................................................... 2 Why Republican Women?: The Purpose, Significance & Limitations of the Study ............. 7 Terms and Definitions.......................................................................................................... 12 Organisation of the Chapters ............................................................................................... 16 Chapter Two -‘Does the Body Rule the Mind or the Mind Rule the Body?’: The Perpetual Dilemmas of Men Doing Feminist
    [Show full text]
  • In Northern Ireland
    Terrorism, Counterterrorism and “The Rule of Law”: State Repression and “Shoot-to-Kill” in Northern Ireland Robert W. White, Professor of Sociology Tijen Demirel-Pegg, Associate Professor of Political Science Vijay Lulla, Assistant Professor of Geography Indiana University-Purdue University, Indianapolis (IUPUI) *Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Conference for Irish Studies, Boston, 2019. We thank Eitan Alimi, Aaron Dusso, Anthony McIntyre, Kenzie Mintus, Ed Moloney, Dieter Reinisch, Cáit Trainor, and Tim White for their helpful comments and Nikki Brown and April Eales for research assistance. Please direct all questions to Robert White ([email protected]). 1 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. Abstract Authors have argued that counterterrorism must be consistent with “the rule of law.” Often associated with this approach is the assumption that plural political structures limit the state’s response to terrorism and that state agents will be held accountable if their response is excessive. Scholars who focus on social movements reject this assumption.. We examine the state’s response to anti-state violence in Northern Ireland between 1969 and 1994. In 1982, Sinn Féin did much better than expected in an election to the Northern Ireland Assembly. Following the election, it is alleged that state agents followed a “shoot-to-kill” policy and shot dead Irish republican paramilitaries instead of arresting them. We find evidence suggesting such a policy and consider the implications. 2 When responding to “terrorism”, democratic states face the dilemma of defending themselves without “destroying the values for which they stand” (Ignatief 2004, p.
    [Show full text]
  • An Artistic Analysis of Memory and Conflict Kittridge Janvrin
    University of South Carolina Scholar Commons Senior Theses Honors College 5-5-2017 The iS lenced: An Artistic Analysis of Memory and Conflict Kittridge Janvrin Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.sc.edu/senior_theses Part of the Playwriting Commons Recommended Citation Janvrin, Kittridge, "The iS lenced: An Artistic Analysis of Memory and Conflict" (2017). Senior Theses. 170. https://scholarcommons.sc.edu/senior_theses/170 This Thesis is brought to you by the Honors College at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Senior Theses by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE SILENCED: AN ARTISTIC ANALYSIS OF MEMORY AND CONFLICT By Kittridge Janvrin Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for Graduation with Honors from the South Carolina Honors College May 2017 Approved: Ed Madden Director of Thesis Ryan Stevens Second Reader Steve Lynn, Dean For South Carolina Honors College 0 Table of Contents: Introduction – 2 The Inspiration – 2 The Return Trip – 4 Reflections – 11 Analysis – 13 The Play – 16 Glossary – 22 Works Cited – 23 Appendix: “The Silenced” Script – 25 1 Introduction The ability to tell stories has always been one I considered most valuable. Histories have been passed down across generations, tales of war and independence, of crimes and justice. Storytelling is not unique to one particular culture or people, instead traversing divides both geographic and societal. This permeation of words, of voices that convey histories both real and imagined is the driving force behind my thesis. The culmination of my research, which is outlined in the following reflection, is an original short play.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter 6 a Time to Think, a Time to Talk Irish Republican Prisoners in the Northern Irish Peace Process John F. Morrison
    Chapter 6 A Time to Think, A Time to Talk Irish Republican Prisoners in the Northern Irish Peace Process John F. Morrison Introduction The mid 1970s and early 1980s in Northern Ireland are rightly remembered as being among the most violent years of the Troubles. Perhaps paradoxically this chapter will argue that this period should also be considered as the beginning of the Republican Movement’s gradual advance towards the acceptance of peaceful politics. At the dawn of the Troubles, in the early 1970s, the Irish Republican Movement, most notably the newly established Provisional IRA, was experiencing an influx of new young recruits. Many of this young membership, as well as those who joined in the late 1960s, would go on to play a significant role in shaping the course of Irish Republicanism. It was under their leadership that the Provisional IRA took part in a sustained and brutal terrorist campaign during the Troubles. However, it is also under this leadership that the majority of the Irish Republican Movement eventually accepted the necessity for peaceful politics in the place of armed force. This politicisation was only made possible by an extended process of internal debate at both leadership and rank and file levels. One of the most prominent forums for this strategic debate was within the Republican prison populations. The purpose of this chapter is to look at the role prison – as a forum - played in the gradual acceptance of peaceful politics by the majority of those within the Irish Republican Movement. It will assess the central role which the debates within the prisons played in the gradual dismantling of the traditional abstentionist policy,1 and the eventual cessation of sustained paramilitary violence.
    [Show full text]