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Chapter 5. Between Gleichschaltung and Revolution
Chapter 5 BETWEEN GLEICHSCHALTUNG AND REVOLUTION In the summer of 1935, as part of the Germany-wide “Reich Athletic Com- petition,” citizens in the state of Schleswig-Holstein witnessed the following spectacle: On the fi rst Sunday of August propaganda performances and maneuvers took place in a number of cities. Th ey are supposed to reawaken the old mood of the “time of struggle.” In Kiel, SA men drove through the streets in trucks bearing … inscriptions against the Jews … and the Reaction. One [truck] carried a straw puppet hanging on a gallows, accompanied by a placard with the motto: “Th e gallows for Jews and the Reaction, wherever you hide we’ll soon fi nd you.”607 Other trucks bore slogans such as “Whether black or red, death to all enemies,” and “We are fi ghting against Jewry and Rome.”608 Bizarre tableau were enacted in the streets of towns around Germany. “In Schmiedeberg (in Silesia),” reported informants of the Social Democratic exile organization, the Sopade, “something completely out of the ordinary was presented on Sunday, 18 August.” A no- tice appeared in the town paper a week earlier with the announcement: “Reich competition of the SA. On Sunday at 11 a.m. in front of the Rathaus, Sturm 4 R 48 Schmiedeberg passes judgment on a criminal against the state.” On the appointed day, a large crowd gathered to watch the spectacle. Th e Sopade agent gave the setup: “A Nazi newspaper seller has been attacked by a Marxist mob. In the ensuing melee, the Marxists set up a barricade. -
Marinus Van Der Lubbe En De Rijksdagbrand
1; Marinus van der Lubbe t' "Met de figuur Van der Lubbe heeft men het begrip van de en de Rijksdagbrand rebel venioemd, dat wil zeggen van de mens die op eigen houtje besluit zelf een daad te stellen die hem het beste lijkt, om in plaats daarvan alleen nog maar de politieke soldaat te ·laten gelden. 20 beschouwd heeft iedere partij de soldaten voor de tegenpartij klaargem22kt " GugK Glaser , ! Uitgeverij de Dolle Hond - Nico Jassies DH18 Marinus van der Lubbe en de Rijksdagbrand Eerder versehenen als artikel in]t14rlxxJeder scx:iale erz«r:rmisrhe wsdMJenis 1Jln Leiden erz antr8un 1999 (pirk van Eek-stiehting, Leiden 2000). Anti<O2002 Uitgeverij-de Dolle I-bnd_ pi a koffieshop Bollox lste Sehinkelstraat 14-16 1075 TX Amsterdam dollehodl!) dds.nl www.dollehon.dds.nl Marinus van der Lubbe en de Rijksdagbrand* NICO JASSIES lnleiding In de jaren derrig werd Marinus van der Lubbe wereldwijd bekend door de brandstiehting in de Rijksdag, het Duitse parlement, in Berlijn. In een geruchtrnakend proces werd hij hiervoor ter dood veroordeeld en in januari 1934 onthoofd, 24 jaar oud. Veel Leidenaars kenden Marinus al van voor de Rijksdagbrand als een bekend straatagitator. Hij vestigde de aandacht op zieh dOOfzijn optreden als werklozenactivist, waarbij hij demonstraties aan• voerde of uit protest de ruiten ingooide bij de Sodale Dienst. Ook speelde hij een belangrijke rol in de communistische jeugdbeweging van Leiden. Marinus van der Lubbe is een legende. Hoe kan het ook anders: hij is jong gestorven, er is ecn bibliotheek over hem volgesehreven van boeken die elkaar veelvuldig tegenspreken, en zijn geschreven werken zijn gering. -
Cr^Ltxj
THE NAZI BLOOD PURGE OF 1934 APPRCWBD": \r H M^jor Professor 7 lOLi Minor Professor •n p-Kairman of the DeparCTieflat. of History / cr^LtxJ~<2^ Dean oiTKe Graduate School IV Burkholder, Vaughn, The Nazi Blood Purge of 1934. Master of Arts, History, August, 1972, 147 pp., appendix, bibliography, 160 titles. This thesis deals with the problem of determining the reasons behind the purge conducted by various high officials in the Nazi regime on June 30-July 2, 1934. Adolf Hitler, Hermann Goring, SS leader Heinrich Himmler, and others used the purge to eliminate a sizable and influential segment of the SA leadership, under the pretext that this group was planning a coup against the Hitler regime. Also eliminated during the purge were sundry political opponents and personal rivals. Therefore, to explain Hitler's actions, one must determine whether or not there was a planned putsch against him at that time. Although party and official government documents relating to the purge were ordered destroyed by Hermann GcTring, certain materials in this category were used. Especially helpful were the Nuremberg trial records; Documents on British Foreign Policy, 1919-1939; Documents on German Foreign Policy, 1918-1945; and Foreign Relations of the United States, Diplomatic Papers, 1934. Also, first-hand accounts, contem- porary reports and essays, and analytical reports of a /1J-14 secondary nature were used in researching this topic. Many memoirs, written by people in a position to observe these events, were used as well as the reports of the American, British, and French ambassadors in the German capital. -
Die Canaris-Tagebücher - Legenden Und Wirklichkeit
Dokumentation Horst Mühleisen Die Canaris-Tagebücher - Legenden und Wirklichkeit Kein Historiker hat sie je gesehen. Forscher, Journalisten und Staatsanwälte suchten sie nach dem Ende der nationalsozialistischen Herrschaft vergebens: die verschol- lenen Tagebücher des Admirals Wilhelm Canaris (1887-1945), für nicht wenige der Fahnder »eine ungeheuere historische Quelle«1, die Auskünfte über die Natur die- ses außergewöhnlichen, von Geheimnissen und Rätseln umgebenen Mannes hätten geben können, der einst als Chef des Amtes Ausland/Abwehr von November 1939 bis Februar 1944 Beschützer des konservativen Widerstandes gewesen war. Das Schicksal der Canaris-Papiere beschäftigt die historische Forschung, seit ein SS-Standgericht im Konzentrationslager Flossenbürg den ehemaligen Abwehr- chef am 8. April 1945 wegen angeblichen Hochverrats zum Tode verurteilte und ihn in den frühen Morgenstunden des folgenden Tages erhängen ließ. Mit dem Ende von Canaris verlor sich auch die Spur seiner geheimen Tagebücher und Reise- berichte, die Walter Huppenkothen, Ankläger von Canaris im Prozess, führender Funktionär der Geheimen Staatspolizei, restlos verbrannt hat, wenn man seine Aussagen glauben will. Einige, meist Canaris' Getreue der einstigen Abwehr, taten es nicht. Sie glaubten hartnäckig daran, dass ihr listiger Chef doch Wege gefunden hatte, eine bis dahin unbekannte Kopie seiner Tagebücher an einem entlegenen Ort in Sicherheit zu bringen; und das rasch aufkommende Gerücht, die Geheime Staatspolizei habe keineswegs alle Canaris-Papiere verbrannt, bestärkte -
Mommsen, Hans, Germans Against Hitler
GERMANS AGAINST HITLER HANS MOMMSEN GERMANSGERMANSGERMANS AGAINSTAGAINST HITLERHITLER THE STAUFFENBERG PLOT AND RESISTANCE UNDER THE THIRD REICH Translated and annotated by Angus McGeoch Introduction by Jeremy Noakes New paperback edition published in 2009 by I.B.Tauris & Co Ltd 6 Salem Road, London W2 4BU 175 Fifth Avenue, New York NY 10010 www.ibtauris.com First published in hardback in 2003 by I.B.Tauris & Co Ltd as Alternatives to Hitler. Originally published in 2000 as Alternative zu Hitler – Studien zur Geschichte des deutschen Widerstandes. Copyright © Verlag C.H. Beck oHG, Munchen, 2000 Translation copyright © I.B.Tauris & Co Ltd, 2003, 2009 The translation of this work has been supported by Inter Nationes, Bonn. The right of Hans Mommsen to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyrights, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations in a review, this book, or any part thereof, may not be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher. ISBN 978 1 84511 852 5 A full CIP record for this book is available from the British Library Project management by Steve Tribe, Andover Printed and bound in India by Thomson Press India Ltd ContentsContentsContents Preface by Hans Mommsen vii Introduction by Jeremy Noakes 1 1. Carl von Ossietzky and the concept of a right to resist in Germany 9 2. German society and resistance to Hitler 23 3. -
An Analysis of the Effect of Civil-Military Relations in the Third Reich on the Conduct of the German Campaign in the West in 1940
University of Nebraska at Omaha DigitalCommons@UNO Student Work 6-1-1964 An analysis of the effect of civil-military relations in the Third Reich on the conduct of the German campaign in the West in 1940 John Ogden Shoemaker University of Nebraska at Omaha Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.unomaha.edu/studentwork Recommended Citation Shoemaker, John Ogden, "An analysis of the effect of civil-military relations in the Third Reich on the conduct of the German campaign in the West in 1940" (1964). Student Work. 374. https://digitalcommons.unomaha.edu/studentwork/374 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@UNO. It has been accepted for inclusion in Student Work by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UNO. For more information, please contact [email protected]. AN ANALYSIS OF THE EFFECT OF CIVIL-MILITARY RELATIONS IN THE THIRD REICH ON THE CONDUCT OF THE GERMAN CAMPAIGN IN THE WEST IN 1940 by John Ogden Shoemaker A Thesis Presented to the Graduate Faculty of the Department of History University of Omaha In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts June 1964 UMI Number: EP73012 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. DissertationPublishing UMI EP73012 Published by ProQuest LLC (2015). Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. -
UCSB Hist 133B Essay
1 Ryan Tambanua UCSB Hist 133B Source Exploration Prof. Marcuse March 19, 2019 Finding the Truth in Two Germanys 1 In Berlin, on February 27, 1933, the Reichstag building was set on fire, leading to Germany’s dictatorshipUCSB and arguably a start to WWII. Concurrently, civil liberties were suspended. Investigative disarray led to the German Chancellor, Adolf Hitler, to plead to President Paul von Hindenburg for the enactment of Article 48. Article 48 gave Hitler and the NationalHist Socialist German Workers’ Party power to eradicate the Communist Party and enact the suspensions of civil liberties that could eliminate threats to the Nazi Party. Historians133B and scholars alike began to study the accuracy and "Firemen Work on the Burning Reichstag Building in February, 1933, after Fire Broke out significance of the trials that arose after the fire. This Simultaneously at 20 Places. National Archives and Records Administration. led to the execution of suspected arsonist Marinus van https://catalog.archives.gov/id/535790/1/public? der Lubbe, a Dutch communist. Van der Lubbe contributionType=tag. claimed to be the sole perpetrator of the fire. While the declarationEssay of guilt was difficult to attest, multiple communist parties were firm that communists were not involved in the Reichstag Fire. The Reichstag Fire was a conspiracy used by the Nazi Party to undermine the Communist Party of Germany. The purpose of the conspiracy was for Nazi control of parliament. Many historians have alternate interpretations of the Reichstag Fire. American historian of German history, Benjamin Carter Hett, views the Reichstag Fire incident through a more modern lens. -
The Reichstag Fire
THE REICHSTAG FIRE By L BERNSTEIN • THE SECOND OP THREE ARTICLES ON A CRITICAL EPISODE IN MODERN TIMES "This is a God-given signal! If this fire, as I believe, turns out to be the handiwork of Communists, then there is nothing that shall stop tis notv crushing out this murder pest with an iron fist. You are witnessing the beginning of a great new epoch in German history. This fire is the beginning." Adolf Hitler. Statement to Sefton Delmer of the London Dally Express on the night of the Reichstag fire: February 27, 1933. Every great moment of change in history has its date, however long may be the story of strife and turmoil that leads up to change. For Ger many, imperialist Germany, that date was February 27, 1933, the night the Reichstag burned to the ground. The Germany which went to bed that night a sick and stricken democratic republic awoke next day to an iron- fisted dictatorship. If one is to put a date to the Nazi dictatorship, then the Reichstag fire is its beginning. Such events are never accidental. The Reichstag fire was planned, as the Boston Tea Party and the November 7th uprising were planned. Nor was it planned to appear as accident. It was planned to proclaim itself deliberate arson. Flames broke out at seven or more places in the build ing simultaneously. Torches and tar were scattered about for all to see. And one of the firebugs remained on the premises to be arrested, leaving his jacket at the scene of the starting of the fire and carrying a member ship card of the Dutch Communist Party in his pocket. -
Anarchist Periodicals in English Published in the United (1833–1955) States (1833–1955): an Annotated Guide, Ernesto A
Anarchist Periodicals REFERENCE • ANARCHIST PERIODICALS Longa in English In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, dozens of anarchist publications appeared throughout the United States despite limited fi nancial resources, a pestering and Published in censorial postal department, and persistent harassment, arrest, and imprisonment. the United States Such works energetically advocated a stateless society built upon individual liberty and voluntary cooperation. In Anarchist Periodicals in English Published in the United (1833–1955) States (1833–1955): An Annotated Guide, Ernesto A. Longa provides a glimpse into the doctrines of these publications, highlighting the articles, reports, manifestos, and creative works of anarchists and left libertarians who were dedicated to An Annotated Guide propagandizing against authoritarianism, sham democracy, wage and sex slavery, Anarchist Periodicals in English Published in the United States and racial prejudice. Nearly 100 periodicals produced throughout North America are surveyed. Entries include title; issues examined; subtitle; editor; publication information, including location and frequency of publication; contributors; features and subjects; preced- ing and succeeding titles; and an OCLC number to facilitate the identifi cation of (1833–1955) owning libraries via a WorldCat search. Excerpts from a selection of articles are provided to convey both the ideological orientation and rhetorical style of each newspaper’s editors and contributors. Finally, special attention is given to the scope of anarchist involvement in combating obscenity and labor laws that abridged the right to freely circulate reform papers through the mail, speak on street corners, and assemble in union halls. ERNESTO A. LONGA is assistant professor of law librarianship at the University of New Mexico School of Law. -
Copyright 2012 Bryan William Nicholson
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Illinois Digital Environment for Access to Learning and Scholarship Repository Copyright 2012 Bryan William Nicholson APPRENTICES TO POWER: THE CULTIVATION OF AMERICAN YOUTH NATIONALISM, 1935-1970 BY BRYAN WILLIAM NICHOLSON DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History in the Graduate College of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2012 Urbana, Illinois Dissertation Committee: Professor James Barrett, Chair Professor Akira Iriye, Harvard University Professor Kristin Hoganson Associate Professor Mark Leff ii Abstract This dissertation investigates how privately-operated youth leadership programs promoted citizenship among millions of adolescents and furnished political apprenticeships for many past and current American leaders. It considers four major programs: the American Legion’s Boys’ State and Boys’ Nation; American Legion Auxiliary’s Girls State/Nation; YMCA Youth and Government; the Junior Statesmen of America; and the Society for Ethical Culture’s Encampment for Citizenship (EFC), as well as smaller, likeminded initiatives. From small pilot projects, the programs grew into quasi-official youth movements for the United States responsible for training millions of adolescents and young people in the arts of government. Welding youth politics to the State through a diffuse network of democracy camps, these programs aimed to resolve fears that the next generation of American citizens would be too disaffected or too ignorant to assume leadership of the country and tend the wheels of government. In their hands-on, youth-centered approach to instruction, the programs incorporated tenets of Progressive education and borrowed from models of international youth work. -
Reichstag Fire Decree and Enabling Act
Reichstag Fire Decree And Enabling Act Radcliffe usually cans point-blank or scandals eastwards when expansible Wang lyophilize conjunctly and phut. Individual and Delphic Hermy never sands perpendicularly when Marcio levigating his brislings. Chatty Alden snuggles still, he vitrify his Dolores very unpardonably. Germany believed democracy would only submit if everyone was perfect same. Berlin fire decree, but sometimes even set in germany and decrees from whom communists as a reichstag and rapidly became a good. Prices for remote learning with this decree became the enabling act which he was. Changes have joined yet to produce a reichstag fire decree and enabling act that decree, fire to house. There was still in any attempt by imposing restrictions may. The one man who had planned to the enabling act did you use the nazis promised party of thing stopping hitler to paris, and the berlin fire station was an authoritarian regimes. Watch for small summary of decrees. History must accept this decree for all comments to work if reichstag fire decree and enabling act when i should be held in? Faced with soldiers did you. We discover also despite how Nazi legal theorists described the constitutional foundations of that Third Reich. We examine critically the different versions of key events. Prisons and instantly get our help of a reichstag and thrown out to. TEN IN adjacent ROW! Thus enabling act? What was called, though this trial. This also shows something about national security assume control over aggressive propaganda suggested, such treaties with you should have been forbidden from accepted as it! Flames leaping from time is currently selected delivery. -
Print Version
Volume 7. Nazi Germany, 1933-1945 Rudolf Diels, Head of the Prussian Political Police, on the Reichstag Fire of February 27, 1933 (Retrospective Account, 1949) In preparation for the Reichstag elections of March 3, 1933 (which were supposed to pave the way for the legal establishment of the Nazi dictatorship), Hitler ordered the near-complete elimination of the political opposition, especially his fiercest ideological opponents, the Communists. He was helped in this by the German population's general anti-Bolshevist sentiments, which he systematically stoked during the election campaign. With the appointment of Hermann Göring as acting Prussian Minister of the Interior, Hitler gained control over the police force of that state, and he used this power to persecute Communists, Social Democrats, and other political opponents. He justified his actions by alleging that these groups were engaged in treasonous activities. For example, the Nazis claimed that their search of the Karl Liebknecht House in Berlin on February 24, 1933, had yielded evidence of plans for an imminent Communist revolution. Given the skeptical stance of the public toward such pronouncements, it was a fortuitous coincidence that the police were able to arrest the mentally unstable Dutch Communist Marinus van der Lubbe (1909-1934) outside the burning Reichstag on February 27, 1933. His subsequent trial produced no evidence of a Communist conspiracy. But the following account by Rudolf Diels (1900-1957), head of the Prussian political police, makes clear that the Nazi leadership was determined to present the Reichstag fire as incontrovertible evidence of a Communist plot and to use it as a pretext for eliminating the political opposition once and for all.